How safe and cheap are Gen IV Advanced Nuclear Reactors?

Preface. Peak conventional oil, which supplies over 95% of our oil, may have peaked in 2008 (IEA 2018) or 2018 (EIA 2020). We are running out of time. And is it really worth building these small modular reactors (SMR) given that peak uranium is coming soon? And until nuclear waste disposal exists, they should be on hold, like in California and 13 other states.

And since trucks can’t run on electricity (When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation 2015, Springer), what’s the point? Nor can manufacturing be run on electricity or blue hydrogen (Friedmann 2019). Once oil declines, the cost to get uranium will skyrocket since oil is likely to be rationed to transportation, especially agriculture.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

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Hyman L et al (2023) Small Modular Reactors Struggle With Scalability. oilprice

https://oilprice.com/Alternative-Energy/Nuclear-Power/Small-Modular-Reactors-Struggle-With-Scalability.html

There may be roughly 70 different permutations of SMRs being considered around the world today. But they all use either water, molten salts, or sodium as a moderator for the nuclear reaction. Too much variety makes it more difficult to achieve scale. Since the waste may be greater than what’s produced from conventional reactors, waste disposal should be part of the cost analysis. As for siting, district heating facilities need to be located near the users. Will local governments in the US permit SMRs near urban areas? That may be the biggest question mark of all.

Gilinsky V (2021) Dangerous Decisions about Advanced Nuclear Reactors Could Lead to New Threats. The National Interest.

Congress should have answers to tough questions before giving the Energy Department’s Advanced Reactor Development Program additional funding.  A good start would be to ask: Can we be sure that we will not end up with plutonium-fueled reactors coupled with reprocessing? 

The Department of Energy’s recently launched Advanced Reactor Demonstration Program (ARDP) is slipping by without any close Congressional oversight. The program was launched with an award of $160 million to TerraPower for its Natrium design and X-energy for its Xe-100. Each is to build a full-scale nuclear reactor within the next seven years, one that could be duplicated and sold commercially. While not a huge sum, it is intended to be the down payment on over $3 billion, a sum that is supposed to be cost-shared by the companies, with more for other projects.

At a March 25 Senate Energy Committee hearing on “advanced” reactors, executives of the two companies described a future with almost unlimited opportunities worldwide. No one asked how the reactors will be fueled. Will they be fueled with nearly highly enriched uranium, or with plutonium? And what will be the security consequences of selling and encouraging reactors fueled with such fuels around the world?

And they aren’t advanced: These reactors are re-engineered versions of old designs, some over fifty years old. “Advanced small modular reactors” trips off the tongues of people who think they are talking about the nuclear future, whereas in fact, they are talking about reviving the past.  

Small is inaccurate too. TerraPower envisions a 300 MW plant and growing it to gigawatt scale.

The Natrium reactor TerraPower has promised to build with DOE funds is not, as many people think, the highly advertised “traveling wave” reactor design that TerraPower pursued when started by Bill Gates. That idea involved the active (fissioning) reactor region slowly “traveling” from the center of the reactor core over the life of the reactor, “breeding” plutonium from uranium and fissioning it in place, therefore with no need for reprocessing. That Bill Gates was assumed to be a shrewd investor boosted the company’s credibility. The traveling wave idea didn’t work, but TerraPower retained the label for a different design, apparently because it aids marketing. 

The Natrium reactor is a scaled-up version of a General Electric design for a small sodium-cooled, plutonium-fueled fast breeder reactor (natrium is German for sodium, and “fast” means it relies on energetic neutrons). This is the reactor the nuclear enthusiasts have wanted to build since Congress canceled the Clinch River Fast Breeder Reactor in 1983. But it makes no sense to create many tons of plutonium when just a few pounds are needed for a bomb.

That’s why Presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter made it U.S. policy to discourage commercializing of plutonium-fueled reactors. Enthusiasts tried but failed to revive fast reactors as part of the second Bush administration’s Global Nuclear Energy Partnership program. It appears they are trying again. 

Cho A( 2020) Critics question whether novel reactor is ‘walk-away safe’. Science 369: 888-889

Engineers at NuScale Power believe they can revive the moribund U.S. nuclear industry by thinking small. Spun out of Oregon State University in 2007, the company is striving to win approval from the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) for the design of a new factory-built, modular fission reactor meant to be smaller, safer, and cheaper than the gigawatt behemoths operating today (Science, 22 February 2019, p. 806). But even as that 4-year process culminates, reviewers have unearthed design problems, including one that critics say undermines NuScale’s claim that in an emergency, its small modular reactor (SMR) would shut itself down without operator intervention.

NuScale’s likely first customer, Utah Associated Municipal Power Systems (UAMPS), has delayed plans to build a NuScale plant, which would include a dozen of the reactors, at the Department of Energy’s (DOE’s) Idaho National Laboratory. The $6.1 billion plant would now be completed by 2030, 3 years later than previously planned, says UAMPS spokesperson LaVarr Webb. The deal depends on DOE contributing $1.4 billion to the cost of the plant, he adds.

In March, however, a panel of independent experts found a potential flaw in that scheme. To help control the chain reaction, the reactor’s cooling water contains boron, which, unlike water, absorbs neutrons. But the steam leaves the boron behind, so the element will be missing from the water condensing in the reactor and containment vessel, NRC’s Advisory Committee on Reactor Safeguards (ACRS) noted. When the boron-poor water re-enters the core, it could conceivably revive the chain reaction and possibly melt the core, ACRS concluded in a report on its 5–6 March meeting.

NuScale modified its design to ensure that more boron would spread to the returning water. The small changes eliminated any potential problem, Reyes says. However, at a 21 July meeting, ACRS concluded that operators could still inadvertently drive deborated water into the core when trying to recover from an accident.

The issue pokes a hole in NuScale’s credibility, says Edwin Lyman, a physicist with the Union of Concerned Scientists. “This is a case of the public relations driving the science instead of the other way around,” he says. Sarah Fields, program director of the environmental group Uranium Watch, says the safety questions argue against NuScale’s request to operate without an emergency planning zone. “That’s a crazy thing to do for a reactor design that’s totally new and with which you have no operating experience.”

NRC plans to publish its safety evaluation report next month, and by year’s end it is expected to issue draft “rules” that would essentially approve the design. But that won’t end the regulatory odyssey. The current design specifies a reactor output of 50 megawatts of electricity, whereas the UAMPS plan calls for 60 megawatts. The change requires a separate NRC approval, Reyes says, during which NuScale will resolve the outstanding technical issues. That additional 2-year review should start in 2022.

References

  • EIA. 2020. International Energy Statistics. Petroleum and other liquids. Data Options. U.S. Energy Information Administration. Select crude oil including lease condensate to see data past 2017.
  • Friedmann J, et al. 2019. Low-carbon heat solutions for heavy industry: sources, options, and costs today. Columbia University.
  • IEA. 2018. International Energy Agency World Energy Outlook 2018, figures 1.19 and 3.13. International Energy Agency.
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Australian Senate hearings on Peak Oil & Transportation 2006

Preface.  This post has a summary of two of the nine senate hearings on Peak Oil in Australia in 2006. Someday historians may want to know which politicians knew about the energy crisis and when they knew it, probably to blame them for doing nothing, even though there’s not much they can do.

There is also a pdf here about peak oil from Feb 7, 2007: Australia’s future oil supply and alternative transport fuels that Australian’s may find of interest, and a summary here as well:

Bakhtiari addresses the Australian Senate Committee

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy”, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

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2006 Summary of two of nine Australian Senate hearings on Peak Oil

11 APRIL 2006   PERTH COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA

Official Committee Hansard, Senate Rural & Regional Affairs & Transport References Committee

Australia’s future oil supply and alternative transport fuels

Australia’s future oil supply and alternative transport fuels, with particular reference to projections of oil production and demand in Australia and globally and the implications for availability and pricing of transport fuels in Australia; potential of new sources of oil and alternative transport fuels to meet a significant share of Australia’s fuel demands, taking into account technological developments and environmental and economic costs; flow-on economic and social impacts in Australia from continuing rises in the price of transport fuel and potential reductions in oil supply; and options for reducing Australia’s transport fuel demands.

BENNETT, Dr David, Founder, Sustainable Transport Coalition BEVERIDGE, Mr Andrew, Project Manager, Commercialisation, Office of Industry and Innovation, University of Western Australia

BOWRAN, Dr David, Grains Industry Development Director, Department of Agriculture and Food, Western Australia

FLEAY, Mr Brian Jesse, Private capacity.

HARRIES, Professor David, Director, Research Institute for Sustainable Energy.

HEAD, Mr Glen Michael, Director, Perth Fuel Cell Bus Trial and Transport Sustainability, Department for Planning and Infrastructure, Western Australia

IRESON, Mr Gary, Director, Gas and Power, Wesfarmers Energy, and President, LPG Australia

RICE, Mr David, Principal Network Planning Office, Department for Planning and Infrastructure

ROBINSON, Mr Bruce, Convenor, ASPO Australia

ROSSER, Mr Matthew, Chair, Sustainable Energy Association, Western Australia

UPTON, Mr Michael Leslie, Manager, Vehicle Policy, Royal Automobile Club, Western Australia

WOOLERSON, Mr Tim, Bus Fleet Manager, Public Transport Authority

WORTH, Dr David John, Convenor, Sustainable Transport Coalition

Mr. Robinson – There are large numbers of solutions as to how we can do things better. The clearly sensible thing to do is to put up the fuel tax, which I hope we come to later. The clearly sensible thing to do as a politician is to avoid mentioning that. The only way we can do that is to engage the community. We had petrol rationing during the war. If people understand the situation then, firstly, they will think of a lot of ways that they can lower their own oil vulnerability. They can do their own risk assessment. There will be a whole growth industry of consultants who can go around and help people go through that—and ASPO Australia is hoping to be part of that, because no-one else is. Also if people understand they can look at things as people have done in wartime and other times to change the situation.

It starts at a sensible, professional level—not just saying that $3 a liter is unacceptable, which we heard a community service organization say. We have to accept the scenario that these things might happen and we have to have a plan B. We might have something like the hurricane that hit New Orleans, and at federal, state and local levels the US was shown worldwide to be completely bloody useless. They had rows of buses sitting in a lake when there was no transport to take people out from nursing homes. We are going down that road but if, from this Senate inquiry, we can engage the community there are all sorts of plan B’s from oil vulnerability assessments. That is crucial. We cannot just go back to talking about whether we do biodiesel or fish and chip shop oil.

Mr Head—I would like to respond to both senators’ questions about market and market failure and then lead into a potential government response to that. One of the concerns is that there is massive investment at the moment in the status quo. We have our transport companies investing in their production plant for 10 to 15 years out and airline companies investing 20 years out. We know that any societal change to a new technology has very long lead times. We have discussed natural gas for vehicles, LNG and CNG, and these lead times are significant and substantial. That means that the companies and the markets that the economists are relying on to take the lead are going to play out their existing hand of cards for as long as they possibly can. I respectfully suggest that they might not want to look at a different set of cards until retail prices have doubled or tripled.

As a taxpayer, I would like someone in the political sphere to stand up and say, ‘This is the future that is coming—whether it is today, whether it is tomorrow, it is coming.’ We can deal with that when it arises, at the point where we will be paying $1 billion per year every single year, or we can perhaps invest a few billion dollars up front and make sure that never happens. You will only get a rational analysis of that from the taxpayers and the voters if they are informed.

This brings it back to the points that have already been raised about oil vulnerability maps and the level of public engagement we need. We need this like we have never needed it before. We have to be innovative. We have to not go to people with information but engage them in an intellectual way and also at an emotional level. People have to understand the consequences. For all those reasons we cannot rely on the markets. The government does need to take a strong lead.

Prof. Harries—I liken our current situation with oil to the situation we were in with electricity going back many decades. We had monopoly providers and there was very little planning. We virtually said: ‘What did we do before? Let us build another coal-fired power station.’ Oil has been a far greater problem because we have relied on very large monopoly oil producers from overseas and we have felt (a) that we had very little capacity to anything and (b) there is very little need. One of the things that have exacerbated that problem is that at the state government policy level there is actually very little in terms of transport policy. No-one owns the transport policy agenda in this state, like they do stationary energy. There is no office for sustainable transport policy.

We are facing massive uncertainty. I am personally very reluctant to look at crystal balls and guess what fuel prices are going to be. I think we have to accept that we have got huge uncertainty. We are behind the eight ball in that we have not had the planning systems in place to help us deal with that. The sensible strategy—and I have heard some of them around the table— is to start putting ourselves in a position where we can start planning. That means not just informing the public and working with groups. It also means—and this is very dear to my heart—understanding what we are going to need to have a very flexible approach to be able to deal with that uncertainty. That is going to go right across the board. How can we help companies develop the liquefied natural gas infrastructure they need? What training are we going to need? What skills are we going to need? What information are we going to need to be able to help us move when we need to move?

My plea is that we are going to have to look at our information needs and how we can address them. As politicians you have a very unenviable task because of that uncertainty and because of the limited planning capability we have. It is going to be very hard for you to engage the public—‘Hey, we have a problem; let’s do something.’ I think we are going to have to take it step by step. We need to look at what we are missing—what are the gaps. We need to do a real SWOT planning analysis of what we need to know.

Mr Rice—We are working on producing oil vulnerability maps for Sydney, Melbourne, and Perth. Are they vulnerable because they do not have access to public transport? In which case, we can start long-term strategic planning.

Mr Fleay—There is some real landmark guidance as to how to go. The first thing I want to deal with is how in all of the discussion here people have come up with problems and things that need to be done. The problem with all of those things is that they impact on all people and all businesses in different ways and on different time scales. There is an inherent complexity in them and all sorts of feedback loops and the like, such that you cannot use a top-down management approach. The very nature of such systems is that no one person can fully understand them. This is some of the modern thinking that arises from the so-called chaos theory. That means that you need a process whereby you can engage all the stakeholders and the public in this process to deal with those things. It was done successfully with the Network City plan, which was quite a significant effort. It has also been done on smaller scales. Basically it involves getting various stakeholders with their different viewpoints to state their case—people giving an overview of things and the like. With the Network City planning, there were 140 tables with eight people each, each with a computer. This enabled good, close dialogue between the people on a table which could then be fed into the whole group. All sorts of solutions emerge from that.

I was also involved in a similar thing on a smaller scale at Geraldton when there was a conflict between road trains and residents. At the end of that meeting, even though there were strong differences, we looked at what it would be like if we continued the way we were and what it would be like if we went down a different pathway. At various stages in the process each side had to argue the other’s case. It reached a point at the end where everybody, all of the 70 people involved, agreed that we could not carry on as we were and that we had to change, and there was a perspective on doing so. This is the way forward. What governments have to do is not manage and come up with solutions but give leadership of this kind in order to get an informed population and to unleash the creativity of people to find solutions. We cannot do it any other way. This is the way forward.

It has to be a continuing process. The essence of it is, I think, that it combines in one process people cooperating and competing at the same time. The two are not mutually exclusive; they are complementary. It is finding that mix that is absolutely essential to seeing the way forward here. We cannot move forward before that, particularly if we start bringing the peak oil into it. If we start to say, ‘It looks as though we’ve got to reduce our use of oil by this amount,’ it puts a perspective on it that enables us to make the change. You have the potential in that for everybody to see that everybody is making adjustments and to see it as just and equitable. That is critical.

In connection with the question of trade, coming back to the theories of economists and economics the so-called law of competitive advantage, which dates back to the early 19th century, is based on the premise that rather than being self-sufficient countries should specialize on what they can do best and trade, which of course means increased transport. That is the basis of all free trade and even interstate trade—if you think of each state in this country as being a bit like a country. Ever since the early 19th century, the cost of transport has been diminishing. Initially it was coal fired, then oil came in in the early 20th century. Oil was significantly superior as a transport fuel, especially with the very cheap oil from the giant oil fields which dominated in that period. My view is that that period has come to an end, and therefore we have to start thinking of a focus on being more self-sufficient as a strategy into the 21st century. The old view is losing its validity. However, that is a very complex question because of the great deal of interdependence that occurs around the world. Just to give you an indication, Japan was nearly self-sufficient in grain in 1950, but as a consequence of its industrial development it now imports about 70 per cent of its grain. A similar thing applies to South Korea and so on.

So a huge period of readjustment has to take place, but nobody is giving much thought to that at the moment. I mention in my submission that it is something we need to start thinking about, and we need to start a dialogue with the economists about the deficiencies in their theories regarding the way they handle energy. That must be a part of this. I also mention that it raises the question of the current dependence of food production and the whole food chain to households on fossil fuel energy—mainly petroleum. I also throw in that modern industrial agriculture has been described as a way of using land to convert petroleum into food. I deal with that in my submission. We need to know important information about where all the embodied energy in all these steps is so that we can have a clear picture of which things are the critical ones to tackle first and so we can create a long-term strategy. My view is that the most important use for the remaining oil—the first priority—is that food supply and food chain, for obvious reasons.

Dr. Bennett – I want to move on to alternative fuels. I take a particular interest in biofuels. We recently had a conference, at which Senator Milne spoke, on bioenergy and biofuels. At that conference, the speaker from BP Australia stated that BP would not touch palm oil. This is one of the moral hazards of biofuels. The fact is that the increasing demand for biofuels is now a significant hazard in the preservation of biodiversity and tropical rainforests around the world. Similar activities are taking place in relation to tropical rainforests and sugar cane plantations. It amounts to the fact that the more we make demands on the plant kingdom of this earth in terms of both food and fuel, the more we are going to do damage to it. The situation is that one rates human food first, animal food second and fuel third. It is disturbing to see the diversion of human and animal food into fuel. It seems to me that one of the actions that government can take is to make no more concessions and no more subsidies for the production of biofuels.

CHAIR—Stunned silence.

Mr Rice—We have a problem with obesity—why not turn that into transport, particularly walking and cycling. Again, do not overlook those for personal transport. About half of our trips in Perth—and Perth is a very spread out city—are less than five kilometers long. We could save a huge amount of fuel, we could have big health benefits and we could have social benefits with more eyes on the streets for a relatively little cost. We are talking about the ‘no regrets’ option. We are talking about how you as politicians are going to get some of these things in place. It is not going to be by just saying nasty things like, ‘You’ll have to cope with a high increase in fuel.’ It is going to be by saying some useful things as well, like how this is going to benefit people.

If we look at social changes, it is now commonplace to wear seatbelts and it is not commonplace anymore for thinking people to smoke. It may be not commonplace in the future for thinking people to drive V8s unless they absolutely have to. There is an encouragement thing. There is a health thing. There are a lot of pluses in this, particularly if you adopt that broader overall sustainability view of what government is all about. If you do not govern for sustainability, why are you governing at all?

Senator MILNE—I wanted to follow up on the issue of China, because it is very difficult to even contemplate the scale of the global impacts of China and India combined but China primarily. Lester Brown in his book Plan B basically says that at its rate of growth China will absorb virtually all the cereal and grain crops of the whole planet. What else is anyone else going to eat? Plus, they are in the black—America is in the red—and they can afford to buy up as much food-producing land as is necessary… His conclusion is that the current economic model does not work for China and that, as it does not work for China, it does not work for the rest of the world. It is pretty profound to try and take in the scale of the impact. On this question of liquid natural gas, I have seen all the stuff in recent times about Australia touting its liquid natural gas to the US, to China and to anyone who will buy it. I am interested in the collective view here on whether it is appropriate for Australia to be selling—and I understand the WTO rules; let us just put those aside—liquid natural gas?

Mr Ireson—In response to whether it is appropriate to be exporting the LNG that we have: I think the reality is that, without the export income, these kinds of investments would not be undertaken in the first place. The scale of investment that is required to develop these resources is very hard to get your head around. For a country like Australia, without the interest from the oil majors and their seeing this is a country that they want to develop because it has free trade and certainty in terms of taxation treatment and the like, we would not have the developments. Without the developments, we would not have the domestic access to the natural gas that I was talking about earlier that in fact now gives us a competitive advantage against imported diesel. So I think we have to be very careful that we do not isolate ourselves. At the end of the day, it is business on a global scale that we are talking about and it is very hard to be isolated from that.

Mr Head—I am going to be a bit controversial, and Gary may wish to come back on this one. According to data from our Department of Industry and Resources—don’t get hung up on the figures; it is the magnitudes we are looking at here—we have 80 to 130 years worth of natural gas supplies. That is at current levels of use, which we know is not going to happen: demand is going to increase. If we were to translate a significant proportion of our transport task to natural gas, that duration, that window of opportunity, would reduce right back down to between 20 and 50 years, notwithstanding that the peak is going to occur somewhere halfway along that period. With the time lags for introducing new technologies and getting societies to make that transition, it will take us 20 years to get to the point where we are all using natural gas. And then what do we do? We say: ‘Shit, natural gas is running out; we’ll have to do something. We’ll have to introduce the new technology now so it’ll be ready in 20 years time.’ So it kind of makes you think that it might be worthwhile leapfrogging some technologies which we have a pretty good idea are problematic from the point of view of a long-term solution to supply and which also have the greenhouse gas and climate implications. Gary’s point about developing export markets and local markets for it—I cannot see a justification for that.

Mr Fleay—I dealt with this question of alternative fuel in one part of my submission. I finished up with a chart showing the energy-profit ratio on a vertical axis and increasing economic effectiveness on a horizontal axis. The energy-profit ratio is the energy content of the fuel divided by the energy used to get it. The higher that figure, the more useful the fuel. There is a difference in effectiveness. We are never going to see a coal-fired airplane, for example. It is that sort of picture. This chart gives a picture on the basis of the information I have available.

What comes out in that picture is that the petroleum products that have been taken from giant oil fields stand out above everything else. Nothing else can match them. It would be useful to look at that. But we do need a lot more information in this country. A lot of work needs to be done to find out what the energy-profit ratios of our various fuels are to update that figure. This is an important task so that we are able to sort the wheat from the chaff, know what you can and cannot do and know what can be used for a transition to help us to get to one point. In this sense, everything that everybody says has some role somewhere in it, including using natural gas as a bridging fuel for transport while we make a lot of other changes. This is the essential point.

Hydrogen is not an energy source—it is an energy carrier. You have to manufacture it. When you look at that aspect of it—and you obviously cannot in the long term think of using a fossil fuel to manufacture it—you find that, with the problems of storing it and the energy needed to compress it and so forth, the prospect of hydrogen being a successful transport fuel is quite remote. You have to have the right approach to make the right sort of analysis. This is important to develop.

Mr. Robinson — There is a book called The Hype About Hydrogen which echoes Brian’s point that we need a source for hydrogen, whether we make it from coal or gas or nuclear power. There is no foreseeable source of hydrogen. So we cannot talk about the transition to a hydrogen economy. The hardest thing is not storing the hydrogen but finding it or getting it or making it first. As to the biofuel thing that we were talking about, for instance, if we took all of Australia’s wheat crop, which is on average 20 million tonnes per annum, and turned all of that into ethanol, we would get some nine per cent or 10 per cent of Australia’s oil usage. There would be no bickies in the parliamentary tea rooms and no bread in Woolies. We would not be exporting any wheat around the world. So biofuels have very serious scale limitations. In terms of alternative fuels, I think it is quite clear that conservation is the best alternative fuel—that is, not using it rather than replacing it.

Dr Bennett—In my personal submission I make the point that, for defense reasons, Australia has to do something about its long-term oil resources. I am not quite sure that natural gas is the thing but, if you think back through the wars of the 20th century, they were all essentially about oil. Hitler was stopped on his way to the Caspian Sea in Stalingrad and on his way to the Middle East at El Alamein. China is already pumping oil into the ground as a strategic resource. As far as we could gather from the appropriate government committee, Australia is bound by some international regulation that we have to have 90 days of supply, and most of that has been in the Bass Strait oil pipelines rather than in a standard resource. It seems to me that we have to start thinking very quickly about having a resource. Whether we have that resource as an untapped oilfield, or as an oilfield that has been refilled with oil which has been purchased on the world market, is not up to me to say.

Mr Rosser—I just want to pick up a couple of points on the previous topic. I was at the Farmers Federation conference two weeks ago. The conference was entitled ‘Fueling the future’. The farmers were very keen to stand up and say that they had no moral obligation to supply foods, that they would sell to the highest bidder and if the highest bidder was going to be fuel then so be it, because, when grain hits low record levels, no-one feels a moral obligation to pay them a fair price for their product. They were as one; there was unanimous consensus in that room. I suppose it is something you could only understand by being a primary producer.

Mr Upton—I would like to issue a word of caution about imposing extra taxes and so on. They are obviously a way of changing responses but, no matter how much tax you put on something, you cannot make it happen if the research, the knowledge or the will is not there. I am thinking about what happened in California towards the end of the nineties. They tried to push the introduction of battery electric cars by a whole range of incentives, but the technology was not ready. While manufacturers made electric cars and some people used electric cars, it did not go any further than that because the technology was not at a point where it was usable. I am cautioning that, before taxation is used to change things, you have to do the research to make sure that what you are trying to make happen can happen.

Mr Fleay—To reinforce again what I said about the failure of top-down management processes in these circumstances: imposing taxes and a lot of things of that kind have that character about them because they impact on all sorts of people in different ways. In fact, I agree with Mike Upton. That is why this approach is the key to going forward: to learn something from the lessons that the Department of Planning and Infrastructure have applied here, not because they are perfect but because of their potential if we go down that path. I noticed Senator Sterle said he has a background with the Transport Workers Union. I cannot think of one area of workers who are going to be more seriously impacted in this area. The whole business about mass distance charging for trucks is a classic example of this. That is why you have to have this bottom-up approach where all the stakeholders are involved and you reach just outputs so that they see all the changes that everybody has to make and all the things they have to give up in order to gain something fair and equitable. With all the sorts of issues that we have here, that can only happen by bottom-up participation. Everything that everybody has said has a role to play in this. There is not anything that is totally wrong or totally right. Because of this complexity, you can only handle it in this way.

Mr. Head — [In answer to what the barriers were to more fuel-efficient cars]/ It is our role to support local Australian industries and we have local car makers who have committed to a six-cylinder vehicle platform for the foreseeable future—in other words, eight to 20 years. They are committed to rolling out models based on that power plant and that drive train. That leaves us at a point where we politically have to stick our hands up and say: ‘We’re not going to support local manufacturers. We’re going to import what we think are the right vehicles. Tough for you guys.’ So that is one of the barriers.

Mr Fleay—I assume that demand management in transport is part of the agenda for the topic we are discussing. I would like to say something here about the TravelSmart program and its potential. As a preface, I spent my life working in the water industry here, where we have been battling for 30 years to deal with the question of resource limitations. It is my view, in the context of what we are talking about, that the Water Corporation here now sets an example for all corporations insofar as its commercial advertising pleads with its customers to buy less of its product. For those senators who are not familiar with the TravelSmart program, which has an international reputation and has been copied around Australia, it uses a direct-marketing approach. People are approached individually in their houses to review the way they use their cars as opposed to the alternatives of public transport, walking and cycling. It is a dialogue to change their pattern. It is, at a modest level, a very positive result for the people who have participated in terms of reduced car use and increased use of public transport, walking and cycling. Not only that but the increased revenue from public transport alone has paid for the cost of the program in about 18 months or two years. It also has a very high cost-benefit ratio, which includes the health benefits of increased exercise.

This is the small beginning of transport management in the transport business which needs to reach the stage that the water industry has reached. However, if the question of future oil supplies were introduced into this, insofar as people go out, talk to others about what can and cannot be done and say, ‘Here is what you can do,’ there is enormous potential for empowering people as a part of this general process of getting understanding and creating the climate for the right sort of change. I do not think we should underestimate this. It is an area where the transport industry is way backward but where the water industry in this country, and particularly here, has created a change of culture due to the drastic impact of climate change.

Mr. Robinson — Andrew mentioned location specific fuel taxes. This was done in South Australia when the South Australian government had legislative control of what we call the fuel franchise levy. ASPO Australia is suggesting a smart card—a flexible, tradable, allocation pricing system which can handle emergencies and the location specific things. People who live near a train station and an urban city should get less of the low tax petrol. We are taking a model from the water industry in Perth. Domestic water, the amount for basic household necessities, is quite cheap. As you use more and more in a household, you pay more and more incrementally for the units. Those sorts of things can be done. A lot of those things can be done, rather than just going on with business as usual with the fringe benefits tax whereby everyone in Canberra is driving up and done freeways and lending their cars out so they get over the March rush, or whatever it is called, to get over 40,000 kilometers. Those things are just stupid and perverse and they are no more market distorting than putting the price of petrol up, particularly in an incremental way whereby people can see where it is going. It is going into the health system, it is going into defence, it is going into all these sorts of things that we need. We need to be following Dr Samsam Bakhtiari’s thing. We need to be building Noah’s ark, where people said, ‘There is probably something coming; we need to have the ark well planned and under construction.’ It is bloody hard to build an ark under water. If we wait until peak oil hits us, then we are not going to have the time or the resources to do this.

Mr Rice—Yes. Leach Highway is an issue to us—a huge one. First of all, within the time scale that we have been talking about, and in the time scale of political governments, 100 years or so is what we are really dealing in, so any guidance or direction we can get is really useful. For instance, if we are talking about a mixture of personal transport and freight transport, my logic says the trucks are going to get bigger because they will be more fuel efficient; the cars are going to get smaller because they will be more fuel efficient. There is a safety issue—does that impact on the way we design our roads, for instance? That is a fairly simple one. A more complex one is how we can save fuel in urban freight transport. The answer is not to put more on rail. That is a part of the answer and our government is trying to do that. We have a target of getting from about three per cent to 30 per cent of our containers coming from the Fremantle inner harbour from rail in the past to rail in the future. But that is going to make a small difference.

What they are also doing is looking at using our roads more sensibly and, implicitly, using our fuel more sensibly by booking the trucks that come in and out of the Fremantle terminal relative to the containers, because surveys have found that a lot of trucks are going in empty to pick up a container and bring it out and they are passing trucks that are doing exactly the opposite. Obviously, there are some improvements that can be made. How do you make those improvements? You need data and you need some level of control. The problems that we are getting with data relate to some extent to the free market forces where competition is good and then the data becomes commercial-in-confidence and we cannot get it. So there is a bigger issue there.

I believe that in an intelligent future the government as a whole—call it Big Brother if you like—is going to need to have some influence on the availability of data, whether it is for personal trips so that we can group more trips together or whether it is for the clumping of bits of freight so that we move away from lots of small, just-in-time deliveries to some efficient, medium sized deliveries. This is going to have an impact on warehousing because the central distribution systems that are the current rage, and are logistically reasonably efficient because we have got very cheap fuel, are going to have to change. I believe people are going to have to do more warehousing in their businesses again, like they used to. There are a lot of things that we can do but we have got to get the intelligence about it in order to be able to, and we have got to get some leadership.

There was a very interesting survey that I read some years ago about politicians and leadership and how far in front of the community they were. The thesis was that the politicians were in front of the community, therefore they modified their expectations in parliament and cut them back quite a lot. The survey found that, yes, that was true—but the bite was that the politicians were only a tiny little bit in front of the community and they thought they were a long way in front of the community. So I am saying: have courage, but also be realistic. We can all talk about these things and the greenhouse effect and so on, but if this inquiry is going to have any impact whatsoever you need to build upon some synergies to get through.

One of the synergies that you can build upon is COAG’s interest at the moment in urban congestion and congestion management. If we can better manage congestion we can better manage fuel. We did a survey in Perth recently—it was a statistically valid survey—in which we asked people: what kind of problems do you see coming from traffic in your area? To our surprise the answer was, clearly, congestion. You say if you come from Sydney or Melbourne that we do not have any congestion, but that was the current perception of the voters. So there is something in congestion management that can be combined with environmental improvement, better use of our roads, something that the community wants and fuel saving, all together. So look for those synergies and pick the low-hanging fruit first.

Dr Worth—I want to come back to my hobbyhorse about government involvement. A lot of what we have heard in the last period on this topic has been about what things government can do and the need for that. A lot of it comes back to market failure, that there is just not enough information for markets to operate efficiently. The point I want to make about why governments need to get involved is around the speed of change. Markets take a long time to move. It took us 17 years to move the car fleet in Australia from leaded fuel to unleaded. The price of oil has tripled in three or four years. I get a sense that people think that it will stop, but it could double in the next year or 18 months. That is a real reason for governments to get involved, to look at demand management as the simplest and cheapest way of cutting fuel use.

CHAIR—We will go around the room now with concluding statements. What is the key thing you would like us to go away from this hearing with today?

Prof. Harries—Underlying everything I have said is the need for us to get information to do research to be able to manage the uncertainty and, as David Worth has said, the problems. Markets do not happen overnight. You have got to actually help the system happen. What we are on about here is trying to make a smooth transition to alternative markets and alternative ways of doing things—and to do that we need information.

Mr Rice—Grab some inspiration. Govern for sustainability. Why else would you govern?

Mr Robinson—It is highly probable, as people have discussed, that there are lots of things we can do to adapt, particularly if we start thinking in advance. A lot of them are very positive for health and the economy. I would like to congratulate the Senate for starting the process. It is an enormous quantum leap in Australia. We should all be trying, particularly in the opportunity with the Senate, to engage the community and decision makers about peak oil.

Dr Bowran—I would like to see appropriate sectoral strategies so that you have actually got a framework to know which parts are going to go forward with particular types of innovations.

Mr Beveridge—First of all we need a national strategy—and that is where the government can play a really crucial part—but one that can be implemented locally, which is key. I see the government as a catalyst for change. It is clear today that we have got a lot of passion from the stakeholders, which is fantastic. We all ought to be congratulated for providing that passion, which is really good. That should be harnessed. We really need to take decisive action because the clock is ticking.

Mr Fleay—The central theme of your report should be issues I have been hammering about engagement of people, providing leadership and participation and avoiding top-down management approaches. That approach, which has shown some benefit here locally—but it is more a question of what it can potentially become than what it has been so far—is the key to pulling together all the points that people have made and being able to engage with people and to get change. If you can get it to a certain point, positive feedback will take place and it will gain its momentum.

Mr Upton—I would say, like others, that it is important to do get the information and do the research, to determine what is practical—you have to be pragmatic about these things—and to convince the public. Work with the credible stakeholders that can help you to convince the public what the real issues are and how we can all work together to solve those.

Dr Bennett—I would like to go back to a point that Brian Fleay made: agriculture these days is a process of converting oil to food. Some of the modelling activity by the department of agriculture indicates that in the eastern wheat belt, where there is a significant energy input, it is very likely that, as oil prices rise and climate change proceeds, there will be a process of overshoot and collapse, and that might be the case with a number of other parts of the economy. If you think that, on a world basis, the fact that the use of oil in agriculture has probably allowed the increase of the world population to go from two billion to six billion, then the prospect for the world human population as a consequence of what we are facing is dire.

12 APRIL 2006   PERTH COMMONWEALTH OF AUSTRALIA

Official Committee Hansard

Senate Rural & Regional Affairs & Transport References Committee

Australia’s future oil supply and alternative transport fuels

Australia’s future oil supply and alternative transport fuels, with particular reference to:

  1. projections of oil production and demand in Australia and globally and the implications for availability and pricing of transport fuels in Australia;
  2. potential of new sources of oil and alternative transport fuels to meet a significant share of Australia’s fuel demands, taking into account technological developments and environmental and economic costs;
  3. flow-on economic and social impacts in Australia from continuing rises in the price of transport fuel and potential reductions in oil supply; and
  4. options for reducing Australia’s transport fuel demands.

WITNESSES

BENNETT, Dr David, Founder, Sustainable Transport Coalition

BEVERIDGE, Mr Andrew, Project Manager, Commercialisation, Office of Industry and Innovation, University of Western Australia

CREEMERS, Mr Alexander Henricus Maria, Private capacity

DeLANDGRAFFT, Mr Trevor Frederick, President, Western Australian Farmers Federation

FLEAY, Mr Brian Jesse, Private capacity

GRIFFITHS, Dr Cedric Mills, Theme Leader, Maintaining Australian Oil Self Sufficiency,

CSIRO Petroleum, Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation

HARDWICK, Mr Ross, Executive Officer, Western Australian Farmers Federation

HARRIES, Professor David, Director, Research Institute for Sustainable Energy, Murdoch University.

HEAD, Mr Glen Michael, Director, Perth Fuel Cell Bus Trial and Transport Sustainability, Department for Planning and Infrastructure, Western Australia

NEWMAN, Professor Peter William Geoffrey, Director, Institute for Sustainability and Technology Policy, Murdoch University

PYTTE, Mr Anthony Mark, Australia Country Manager, Sasol Chevron Consulting Ltd

RICE, Mr David, Principal Network Planning Officer, Department for Planning and Infrastructure, Western Australia

ROBINSON, Mr Bruce, Convenor, Australian Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas

RONALDS, Dr Beverley Frances, Chief, CSIRO Petroleum, Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization

SAMNAKAY, Mr Iqbal, Policy Officer, Transport, Department for Planning and Infrastructure, Western Australia

SCHLAPFER, Dr August, Lecturer, Energy Studies, School of Science and Engineering, Murdoch University

SELWOOD, Mr Richard Neil, Chief Executive Officer, Natural Fuels Australia Ltd

WORTH, Dr David John, Convenor, Sustainable Transport Coalition

Robinson – We will not be in the majority in saying this, but we feel that the fuel price should go up, that there should be a fuel tax escalator along the lines of Margaret Thatcher’s, and that a smartcard, a tradeable fuel allocation system, should be ready in the event of sudden oil shortages. Also, there should be a sensible, rational allocation. I got here today by catching the train. I walked 200 or 300 metres across one road, caught a train here and walked across one or two more roads. Not everyone in the Australian community can do this. People in the farming community cannot do this. So the requirement for fuel varies. I refer to people working on nightshifts in hospitals, and people running farms and businesses. Not everyone can have all the fuel that they will need in the future, if there are fuel shortages—and, certainly, that is what we predict.

Fleay – I want to make one comment about biofuels. I am very concerned about some of the propositions that came up about using some microbiological product to take all the waste—to virtually strip the land bare of all so-called wastes—and convert it to ethanol as a way of getting resource. This has a disastrous impact on soil, because the organic content of the soil is extremely important in providing the environment for the great mass of invertebrate organisms and other things that are critical to soil fertility. This process is, in effect, mining the soil. I have put in a recommendation about having a rigorous approach to assessing these alternative fuels. This includes finding the energy input and energy output and, where you are doing it from crops, including the impact of the process on the soils. We cannot afford to diminish the property of our soils.

One of the problems that wasn’t dealt with yesterday is the process of funding of transport, federal-state relationships and the whole tax system. The fact that roads are funded from taxes is, in effect, a sort of subsidy, whereas funding for rail is through borrowed funds on which there is interest. This is a very lopsided thing; it is very unbalanced.

Studies done throughout history have found that over the last 2,000 years cities in general are about an hour wide—that is to say, people are prepared to spend about an hour each day traveling to and from work. If people were walking, that determined the size of the city and so forth.

Mr Robinson—I am concerned that the climate change people do not mention oil depletion and they have scenarios that are unrealistic for the amount of oil. I think it would be really useful if climate change and oil depletion matters for Australia and internationally were looked at together, because a lot of the mitigation and annotation are the same. There certainly should be energy taxes, but we should not tax just carbon, because carbon from oil and natural gas is more valuable than carbon from coal. It should not just be on an atom basis. In a climate change sense they are valuable but, in a resource depletion sense, carbon atoms in oil are much more valuable than carbon atoms in coal.

Mr Kilsby— My own background is in transport engineering and urban planning. I would like to highlight some submissions that the urban planning and transport group made to you. There are a couple of points on transport and a couple of points on urban planning that I would particularly like to draw to your attention. On transport the key points that we wanted to make are that while the oil position is a national issue it is in the cities where there are more possibilities of limiting or moderating the demand for oil than in rural and regional areas. Urban transport planning is an issue that the Commonwealth government ought to take rather more interest in it than it has to date, if only to make sure that as much oil as possible is available in rural and regional areas.

Another key point on transport, as you have just heard, is that the most vulnerable transport mode will be aviation because what alternatives to oil are there for fuel in planes? There is nothing on the horizon there and, by extension, the parts of the economy that rely on a thriving aviation sector—particularly the tourism industry—are also very vulnerable.

Road transport is quite vulnerable, although perhaps not to the same extent as aviation, because road vehicles require a portable, energy dense fuel. That is why petrol and diesel are the fuels of choice. It would take decades to establish the infrastructure and the vehicle fleet to take advantage of any

alternatives. And that is decades, as you have heard, that we have not got and alternatives that we have not really got either.

The other two main modes are rail transport and sea transport. They are possibly the least vulnerable because a railway locomotive is essentially a rolling power station on rails and a ship is a floating power station. In both cases there is a wider choice of energy sources available, mainly because the power plants are larger than for road vehicles or for aircraft.

On urban planning there are two points we want to highlight. One is that there are many people who have no option but to use their cars to get around. These people tend to live in the outer areas of our cities. The two gentlemen from Griffith University, who will follow me, I think, will make this abundantly clear. It seems to me that the provision of alternatives in such areas should be a priority for government. By that I mean the development of adequate public transport networks, of bicycle networks and of pedestrian networks. The second point on urban planning is that if we are faced with a physical decline of oil in the future—not just higher prices—then it is going to be necessary to establish clear priorities for the use of a more limited amount of oil. Put crudely, as you heard, this could involve a choice between feeding people and letting them drive to work. We will not have the energy resources to make drastic changes when it becomes evident that we have a problem. The sooner planning for a decline starts, the better.

We do not have time on our side, as I think Dr Bakhtiari amply showed.

On the committee’s specific terms of reference, going to oil availability, I would say that there will be less oil available in future and it will cost more. ASPO does not claim to have a crystal ball or that the future will unfold the way we expect it to, but we do say that this is a significant risk to urban transport and, hence, to the national economy. There are well-established risk management techniques which we think should be used. The risk of there being less oil is at least as significant as the risk of terrorist attack, for instance. There are no alternative fuels in sight that will completely replace oil for transport. There will be many flow-on economic and social impacts. I think the greatest community anger will arise from those places where alternatives to cars could have been provided but were not. Those are basically the outer areas of our cities.

Options for reducing fuel demand are mainly urban, possibly from technological development, but all the others—that is, the development of public transport and other policies that I would call business as usual, such as demand management techniques and economic measures—even though we would probably have to apply them in a different way to business as usual outcomes, would have effects in the cities rather than in the rural and regional areas. But, given that there is only a finite amount of oil to go around, applying them in the cities would ensure that there is in the areas where alternatives cannot be provided more oil to go around than there would otherwise be. I think that is as much as I wanted to say.

Mr Kilsby—I was living in the Netherlands when the first oil shock happened in 1973…the Netherlands scarcely missed a beat because they had an alternative in place. The alternative was mainly bicycle networks, which are very good in Holland. The Dutch enjoyed it so much that when the oil started flowing again they considered adopting the ‘carless Sunday’ as a feature of national life rather than an emergency measure, which was why it was introduced. That taught me that the more prepared you are and the more alternatives there are in place the better off you are likely to be when such a catastrophe occurs.

Senator MILNE—Thank you for your submission. It certainly flows on from a lot of other submissions we have had from various local governments on the whole issue of a rapid transition to public transport. One of the big issues for Australian cities is that the most vulnerable live the greater distance from the centre of the city and that there has been a lack of planning for that.   My next question relates particularly to the tourism industry and the agricultural sector, both of which are going to be severely adversely impacted upon by rising prices and oil depletion. What about the aviation sector? At the moment air fares do not reflect the real cost of flying anyone anywhere. Have you done any predictive modeling on the point at which that cannot continue?

Mr Kilsby—No, I have not.

Senator MILNE—Do you have any thoughts about impacts on tourism generally? Have you modeled that or looked at that around the country?

Mr Kilsby—I am currently doing some work in Cairns, for instance, in Far North Queensland. I think it would be hard to find an Australian town that is more dependent on the tourism economy and on people arriving by plane.

Senator MILNE—Can you spell that out a bit more? What we heard this morning was that the new generation of huge global aircraft, the A380s, is unlikely to ever be economic because of the fuel costs. When you say that people will not arrive in Australia by air, do you want to expand on your thinking about that?

Mr Kilsby—My thinking is very much governed by what I am currently doing in Cairns. Most fuel in Cairns—because it is a long way from the refinery, which is in Brisbane—has to be imported by ship, and they currently import more oil for the airport than they import petrol and diesel product for the whole of Far North Queensland. It struck me that the airport is really much like a coaling station, in the days when ships used to run on coal. There are no local fuel resources at all. It all has to be refined in Brisbane and brought up to Cairns by ship. If that becomes less possible in future, then a large part of the economy of that city is going to collapse, because it is geared around servicing tourists. The tourists either drive—and it is a long, long way from anywhere else to get up there—or they come in by plane from Asia, because that is one of the first stops that they make.

Senator MILNE—Do you know of any other work, apart from that which you are doing, where tourism hubs that are more remote and dependent on air travel for their viability are looking at these projections? It would be good to have some specific examples of regional economies that are going to be significantly affected in the short term because of aviation fuel prices and availability.

Mr Kilsby—I am not aware that the aviation industry is even contemplating a shortage of fuel at the moment.

Mr Kilsby—The growth of corn and so on that you need to produce the ethanol and biodiesel requires energy of its own, and it requires land as well. I suspect that the conflict between the land and the energy that you need to supply the additives to petrol and the need for alternative uses of those lands [i.e. food] and energy will be something that you have to consider.

Senator WEBBER—I want to pursue what Senator Joyce was talking about. All of our state economies are very different. I am from Western Australia, and we have the same issue of getting fuel from Perth into the north-west, only then the fuel is used to exploit our resource sector. I am not sure that biodiesels or anything else is an alternative for large haul packs in iron ore mines and what have you. And we do not have a large tourism sector there; it is purely a resource sector. I do not know of many tourists who go to Port Hedland. So that is an issue: all state economies are different, as is what confronts them.

You said in your opening remarks that you felt the need for more Commonwealth government interest in the development of urban transport. Has your organization given any thought to how you think that can be developed? I know that every time we talk about the Commonwealth government spending more money on any particular part of our state economies, there is usually a fight afterwards and then an ad hoc arrangement over the shared responsibilities of state and federal governments. Obviously we need an overall plan, so do you have any other views about how we can organize that?

Mr Kilsby—It seems to me that climate change presents quite a good model for that. The Australian Greenhouse Office is a national office that tried to collect expertise in one place, and the fuel crisis that we are heading for is probably of similar magnitude. So something like an Australian fuel office in central government would probably be the way to go as far as we can see.

Senator WEBBER-There is another issue that I want to pursue. We have had a discussion today about the fact that one of the issues we need to look at is increased use of public transport and the incentives we need to ensure people do that. There has been discussion about the free public transport network that we have in the CBD of Perth. There are other discussions about subsidising public transport. What do you think we need to do to make it more attractive? We have discussed this at previous hearings, overdevelopment and maintaining modern infrastructure to make sure it is reliable and that sort of stuff. What do you think? And if it is about subsidising the use of public transport, then who should pay, as it is seen as a state government responsibility?

Mr Kilsby—In terms of making it more attractive, there are probably three transport sectors. There are private and public sectors, but they both require motors, and there is also the unmotorized sector, which, at the moment, would not make much of a dent in the oil requirement because it only affects the shorter spectrum of trip making. It seems to me that with good urban planning we could perhaps do things to shorten the trip length, and then the third element would become more attractive as well. It is in those outer areas that transport is most difficult to provide. Sydney is clearly the largest Australian city and it is a long way to the CBD from where we are putting people in new houses now. There are probably two million people living out in Western Sydney at the moment, and the only public transport that is being provided of any significance is trains to bring them into the CBD. I think that the Department of Planning in the New South Wales government has an excellent idea in the metropolitan strategy where they are trying to introduce regional cities within Sydney to reduce the amount of trip making that goes on in terms of person kilometers.

Senator STERLE—I refer to page 4 of your submission and the recommendation that states: ‘7. That taxation and fiscal policy instruments should encourage sustainable transport.’ Could you explain that?

Mr Kilsby—At the moment, I think the taxation instruments actually encourage the opposite to sustainable transport with the FBT arrangements and so on. I know that in Canada they have recently introduced a system whereby travel to work by public transport is allowable as a tax expense. It is really that sort of thing that we had in mind.

Senator STERLE—I have had a lot of conversation with the pro-rail lobby. I do not want to talk about freight on trains because I do not think we will ever get common ground on that; I want to talk about public transport on trains. I cannot speak for Sydney, but I can speak for where I come from. We are just putting in a brand new railway 70 kilometers down to Mandurah. It is going to be wonderful—it really will be—but we have had a wonderful train system in Western Australia for a number of years to the northern suburbs and out to the east and to the west. But I still cannot find anything that says we have it right. How can we attract patronage onto public transport? I hear the pro-rail lobby say, ‘Throw a heap of money at us and give us the infrastructure,’ and I have seen some great planning for future suburbs. But we have rail and people are not using it. Why do you think that is? I know you have mentioned costings and all that. Are you suggesting that if we offer free transport people would get on the trains?

Mr Kilsby—No, I am not suggesting that. What I am suggesting is that we concentrate more on local transport, especially in the outer areas because at the moment we are offering people the alternative of traveling quite long distances to central areas, which is where activity tends to be concentrated in our cities, and I think, certainly in Sydney, that we have grown beyond that point. The rail network that Sydney has is probably the most extensive in Australia, but it is very old and you cannot fight your way onto a train at peak times; they are completely crowded, and they are going quite a long way into the CBD. It strikes me that we have to think a little beyond the niche market of getting people traveling to the CBD and start thinking about the more dispersed travel that happens in outer areas of our cities.

Senator STERLE—This is where I get confused. Do you mean putting in extra railway lines to service other suburbs?

Mr Kilsby—That would certainly help, but it probably takes 10 years to get a new railway line implemented and I suspect that is time we do not have. There are alternatives in producing alternatives to cars, and we already have some of these in Sydney. We have a busway that is about to open from the north-west growth area, which is about 40 kilometres from the CBD, to take people down to Parramatta, which is a lot closer than the CBD. We propose to build a railway line from there, starting in 2017, which is a long way away at the moment.

Senator STERLE—I am a bit confused: are you talking about integrating both forms of public transport—rail and bus?

Mr Kilsby—Yes.

Senator STERLE—I just had this vision that we were talking about railway lines and spurs and branching into the suburbs where the housing is already—that sort of stuff.

Mr Kilsby—No, I do not see that that would help very much.

Senator STERLE—But is it realistic?

Mr Kilsby—No.

Senator JOYCE—You talked about the development of railway lines. Do you have any comments on the fact that in some places in New South Wales they are actually ripping up railway lines and sealing the roads so that they can put all the heavy transport back on the road? Surely that is completely counterintuitive to where it is all heading at the moment—for instance, with the branch lines out in the regional areas that move such things as the wheat crop. I can quote you one example: the Baradine to Gwabegar line. They are closing that line down and transport of all the grain produce will go back on the roads. Surely this is completely against the whole inclination. Do you feel that the government—especially the state government—is lacking in capacity to effectively organize itself to make the moving of heavy goods on rail possible? Are people giving up on it? Do you have any views on that?

Mr Kilsby—That is mainly a freight problem. Australia’s rail infrastructure for freight probably falls into two classes. On the one hand, there are some world-class facilities for the bulk export lines and for interstate containerized traffic. On the other hand, things like the grain lines that you mentioned are in a pretty woeful state. I would like to see these developed further.

Senator JOYCE—Once people get something on a truck, they keep it on a truck, and that exacerbates the problem. It is the ability for rail to organize the collection of produce and things like that that are at the crux of the issue. Do you have any views on how rail could better organize itself to be an effective competitor in the transport industry rather than just being there?

Mr Kilsby—I think that would boil down to the economics of particular cases.

Senator JOYCE—Why is rail so ineffective in the transport market in New South Wales and Queensland?

Mr Kilsby—Because they concentrate on particular markets where they do have a competitive advantage. One of those is the long-distance containerized market. Certainly in urban areas there is virtually no freight that moves by rail. It goes from Melbourne to Sydney by rail, but there is very little that moves around within Sydney by rail.

Senator MILNE—We have a national obesity crisis and a national diabetes crisis and we have people paying huge amounts of money to go to gyms. We have the potential to move people by bicycle, but we have very little in the way of safe bicycle facilities. Everywhere we have been, people have said to us that safety is a big disincentive to their riding. The other thing is a bit like gas: you need a transitional fuel from cars to bikes. One of those is electricity. We have seen huge bureaucratic resistance to electric bikes and small electric cars, like the Riva and so on. Can you give any insight into why you think the bureaucracies are so reluctant to license electric bikes and small electric cars in Australia?

Mr Kilsby—I would support the introduction of a low-energy sector. I think that it is one thing that we in Australia are lacking. There is nothing between a bicycle and a car, effectively, whereas if you go overseas—certainly to Europe or developing countries—you see that most people move around on some sort of moped or light motorbike, which we do not have. I cannot really comment on why the bureaucracy are so hostile to that, other than to say that they are probably following their charters or their terms of reference, which say that they have to manage the road system in the interests of the people who are on it at the moment.

Senator MILNE—That is true to some extent, although there is an attempt to have the Riva car registered in Australia and that is being resisted furiously by the bureaucracy on safety grounds. Yet these vehicles are in the EU, in London and all over the place. Apparently they do not meet our safety standards, even though we have an MOU with the EU. As far as I can tell, what we are seeing everywhere is a huge bureaucratic resistance. Some would argue it is political; maybe it is. It is something I want to pursue. We have a chicken and egg situation. We do need safe bicycle lanes, but we also need to have some form of transition in terms of electric bikes. Anyway, I will leave it there.

DODSON, Dr Jago, Research Fellow, Urban Research Program, Griffith University

SIPE, Dr Neil Gavin, Head of School, School of Environmental Planning, Griffith University

Dr Dodson—We have made a written submission to the inquiry, which was effectively a covering letter describing some research that we at the Urban Research Program at Griffith University in Brisbane have been undertaking regarding the potential distribution of adverse impacts arising from the socioeconomic costs of rising fuel prices. This report was sent to the committee. I do not know whether you have all seen it; perhaps you have.

CHAIR—Yes, we have. I must say that a number of people also have been quoting your research to us. Dr Dodson—Since that came out in December 2005, we have received quite a lot of media coverage of it, so we suspect that a few people have read it. We will run very quickly through that. Since you have all read it, we will not dwell too extensively on it. We have just recently completed another research paper which examines specifically the impact of rising fuel prices on households with mortgages, and we will also report to you today briefly some outcomes of that.

We believe our original paper Oil vulnerability in the Australian city was the first attempt in Australia to really comprehend on a very close spatial neighborhood scale the likely distribution of urban impacts of rising fuel prices. This research builds to some extent on research interests that both Dr Sipe and I have had over many years in terms of the distribution of socioeconomic opportunity in Australian cities and the connections between socioeconomic status and access to transport services. This is a continuation of research we have had a longstanding interest in.

The first study we undertook was an attempt to understand the distribution of the socioeconomic impacts of rising fuel costs. We became aware that there were very few data sets that were able to illuminate the issue at a very fine level of spatial detail. Therefore we decided to create an oil vulnerability index, as we term it, based on ABS census data. That is not ideal data to use for this kind of research; however, we feel that as a first cut piece of investigation by academics in Australia, it is worthy of some attention by the committee. Subsequently we have also submitted it to a refereed international urban research journal. The referees were unanimous in agreeing that it should be published and reported to the scholarly community, so we feel confident that our approach has some validity.

In our index, effectively we combined what we describe as an indexed indicator of car dependence, which is the variable within the census of the mode of travel used for the journey to work, with the proportion of households within a given locality that have two cars or more. We decided that together those two variables were a good indicator of the level of car dependence experienced by households. We then combined that with the ABS socioeconomic index for areas, which is the measure the ABS uses to describe socioeconomic status. So together we felt that car dependence and socioeconomic status were useful markers of the likely vulnerability experienced by localities to rising fuel costs on the basis that, if you have high levels of car dependence, your fuel costs are going up and you are of modest or low socioeconomic status, then your capacity to absorb that rising price relative to your income is probably far reduced.

Moving to the results, our initial study investigated Brisbane, Sydney and Melbourne. The choice of cities was largely due to time constraints in our own research schedules. We have focused solely on the major cities in Australia, using the definition of the urban areas for these cities provided by the ABS. I have just outlined the way the ratings are done. On these diagrams, the areas in red and yellow are the most vulnerable; those in green and dark green are the least vulnerable. On the image that you see before you, the inner city areas tend to be less vulnerable in our measure to rising fuel prices and it is the outer suburban areas, particularly those in the growth corridors of Brisbane, which are most vulnerable. If we look at Sydney next, a comparable effect is seen in Sydney, although there is some centralization within the western suburbs. But you can see high vulnerability areas extending along the north-west and south-west growth corridors with lower oil vulnerability concentrated within the CBD and, to some extent, the areas immediately around the CBD and on the North Shore.

In Melbourne there is a comparable effect, particularly with the growth corridors in former industrial areas or areas that have had a high concentration of industrial employment which has since been heavily restructured over recent decades. They have structural unemployment in some of those localities to the west, north and south-east of Melbourne but also with relatively poor provision of public transport in those localities. So combined, you have high car dependence and relatively low socioeconomic status, which contributes to the patterns of oil vulnerability we have presented. As with the other cities, the inner city and middle suburban areas appear to be exhibiting the lower levels of vulnerability to rising fuel costs.

In our first study, we attempted to chart the population numbers within these different categories by oil vulnerability rating: the higher on the scale, the more vulnerable they are. This slide shows Brisbane. If we go to Sydney, there is a similar distribution, and in Melbourne too. You can see there is some variation in the distribution of oil vulnerabilities between these cities.

We have just counted those in the highest vulnerability categories in numbers of population. These people are likely to be experiencing the worst socioeconomic impacts of rising fuel costs. There are, however, a large number in the moderate vulnerability areas who may also be highly impacted.

In our next study, which came out about a week ago, on mortgage and oil vulnerability in the Australian city, we used a similar method of indexing. But, in this study, we have combined ABS census data on car dependence with data on the proportion of households with mortgages and on income this time around. We decided that, for assessing the impact of rising fuel prices on these households, income was a better measure than socioeconomic status—largely because those at the very lowest end of the socioeconomic spectrum were less likely to be homeowners.

The reason we chose to specifically investigate mortgage vulnerability is that it is apparent that the Reserve Bank of Australia is now conceiving of the inflationary impacts of rising fuel costs as a key issue that it needs to address through its control of the interest rate settings. The recent rate rise that came through, I think, in early June was indicative of this perceived relationship that the Reserve Bank sees and is now seeking to address. We felt that there is potential for not only rising fuel costs to impact on households but also rising mortgage costs as interest rates go up. We see this as a twin vulnerability, particularly given that there may be some inflexibility in the labor market in terms of the ability of incomes to rise commensurate to the increases in transport and interest rate costs.

This is our index, called a VAMPIRE—vulnerability assessment for mortgages, petrol, interest rate expenditure. Again, similar to the patterns of vulnerability shown in the socioeconomic oil vulnerability in the size that we showed previously, this study shows a much more widespread distribution of vulnerability in many more areas that have higher vulnerability status. We have done five cities this time. It is primarily those in the outer growth corridors of Brisbane. It is the western suburbs of the Gold Coast, away from the coastline. In Sydney, again, it is in the outer western suburbs along the growth corridors. By comparison, the inner city, the North Shore and inner south-east are relatively less vulnerable. In Melbourne, it is far more distributed in a broad arc right around the outside of Melbourne, compared to the previous assessment of socioeconomic vulnerability, which was fairly tightly concentrated. This is far more general. In Perth, again, you see that phenomenon of a lower vulnerability in a city with a much higher vulnerability arc around the outer and middle suburbs.

The reasons we see these patterns in Australian cities, we feel, are primarily related to the operation of housing markets which tend to provide the cheaper and newer housing in outer suburban and fringe localities. Households seeking to purchase a home for the first time are more likely to locate in those areas, and those on modest and lower incomes who are seeking home ownership are also more likely to locate in those areas because of the way that the housing market is structured.

However, this means that they run into the problem of the relatively poor provision of public transport services in fringe and outer suburban areas compared to the inner-city localities. This is a problem of historic government underinvestment in public transport infrastructure and services in the outer suburbs. This dates back to the shift in Australian transport planning practice that occurred after the Second World War, when planners began to move away from the previous Australian model of largely transit oriented development based around the existing rail and tramway lines to modes of urban development based on the private motor car and the provision of roads and major freeways.

The result is that public transport services have not kept up with growth. The highest quality public transport services are situated within the inner cities. Those on the fringe experience a far lower quality of service in terms of the frequency of services, the hours of operation, the days of operation and, importantly, the connectivity between not only individual modes but also between modes.

In the best public transport services in the world you find a high level of integration between modes, with central planning to ensure that, for example, buses connect to rail stations that give passengers time enough to transfer. The heavy rail system will convey them at high speed to another connection point and then transfer them to another local bus service to take them to where they want to go. In large part that type of public transport service does not exist in Australian cities. It does exist in some localities, but to a large extent the outer and fringe suburbs are poorly served by public transport. We see that as the key point of vulnerability in the context of the rising fuel prices in Australian cities.

In terms of our suggestions or recommendations regarding improvements to public transport, we think there needs to be dedicated public transport statutory type authorities within each state government that stand alone and are independent from the immediate departmental control of state bureaucracies. We also feel there should be strong federal government interest and involvement in public transport planning, coordination and funding. There is some opportunity for partnership arrangements between the federal government and the states. I will leave that to you to contemplate.

In particular, suburban public transport and circumferential public transport routes is required. The majority of public transport heavy rail and bus services in Australian cities are radially focused—that is, they travel from the outer suburbs into the CBD. There is a paucity of public transport services that travel around the outer suburbs that provide the quality of service found within inner and radial areas. We see some scope for expansion of rail services to new fringe estates, particularly in the growth corridor areas of Brisbane, Sydney and Melbourne. For example, Rowville in Melbourne’s outer south-east was promised a train line in 1969. They have been waiting almost 40 years for that to materialize. They are still waiting. Now they are facing rising fuel prices. We see some scope for those rail lines that have been planned for many decades in a lot of instances but have not materialized to be introduced and completed.

There was some discussion in the earlier presentation about how one might finance public transport. If you look at the total transport budget that state governments currently expend, there is actually multiple billions of dollars available for transport. The trouble is that most of it is currently dedicated to providing major road infrastructure such as freeways and tunnels. If you add in tollways, the sums are in the multiple billions. If those projects were postponed—they do not need to be cancelled; they can just be postponed in the budgetary process—that money could be transferred to the funding of specifically local scale public transport services to make sure that the outer suburbs have as high a quality of service as those in the inner city.

We feel that there would then be a high level of amelioration of the oil vulnerability and the mortgage vulnerability that we have described. Should oil prices decline in the future then it would be possible to still revisit further road construction and road projects. However, if it did turn out that a peak oil scenario did happen then Australian cities would be protected, at least partly, in terms of the personal-private cost of transport by provision of improved public transport services.

Finally, we perceive a need to improve local-scale amenity in terms of walking and cycling and access to local shopping trips so that households, in responding to rising fuel prices, are able, even if they do not make all their trips by public transport, to start to cut out a few of those minor local trips that might save them money over time. Those primarily involve walking to the local shops and to employment and other services.

Senator WEBBER—That raises a lot of questions actually. Dr Dodson, you spoke about road expenditure versus provision of local public transport. I am from Perth, so I was very pleased to see that there was something about that.

Dr Dodson—Perth is somewhat of an exception to this general rule.

Senator WEBBER—Absolutely, and we will get to our train line in a minute. In fact, that is what I wanted to say. In Perth, we have got fast-developing suburban corridors. It is relatively cheap to build roads because of our sand base, as opposed to a lot of the other challenges around on this side of the country. What do you mean by the provision of local public transport in terms of that swap from developing roads to developing local public transport? It is much cheaper for me to build a major road or extend the freeway to allow people to get into the city to work than it is to build the train line. It is quicker. Surely, it is not necessarily an either/or, if I am going to allow the city to keep developing. It has to be both. I cannot leave them out there not being able to get anywhere.

Dr Dodson—That is certainly the case. However, given the concern that has been expressed to this committee about rising fuel prices, there is strong potential that there will be less demand for those radial roads that provide access to the CBD. In the future, people will be making fewer trips; therefore, the existing road space potentially would have less traffic on it and there would be greater demand for public transport if fuel prices continue to rise. The problem at the moment is that Australian cities do not have particularly good public transport services in those outer suburban areas, so there is a lack of good examples or models with which to expand upon.

However, there is enormous scope, we believe, for provision of local bus services within local suburban areas that would connect to higher frequency arterial bus services and to rail services, where they exist, with timed connections. They would be timed to arrive a few minutes before the train departs so passengers have time to transfer and get ready for the train and then passengers offloading from the train have time to get onto the bus that ferries them to their local area. We feel those kinds of services would be critical in a scenario where fuel prices were markedly higher than they currently are in order to provide metropolitan access to households, particularly in the outer suburbs.

Dr Sipe—I would just add that we are not really talking about not spending money on roads; we are talking about having more of a balance. In south-east Queensland with the latest regional plan, basically about 20 per cent of the transport funds are spent for public transport and 80 per cent is for roads. Some of those roads are not necessarily to service newly developing areas.

They are trying to move traffic faster through the city by spending $3 billion on a tunnel. We would really question whether, in 10 years, there is going to be anybody who can afford to pay the toll and the fuel to use the tunnel. It is really that issue of bringing things a little bit more into balance, because clearly at this point in time the roads lobby is in charge.

Dr Dodson—It is worth noting that, in Australian cities where public transport is provided at a high level of service quality and interconnectivity, people will use it. In our research report we mention the member for Wentworth, Malcolm Turnbull, who has recently achieved the ability to use his parliamentary vehicle allowance to purchase a yearly public transport ticket. We found it curious that, while Mr Turnbull is one of Australia’s richest citizens, he would deliberately choose to use public transport. The reason he is able to make that choice is that the high-quality services are there. He can get around inner city Sydney easily and efficiently. The newspaper quoted him saying that it is more efficient to use public transport in Sydney. He has that choice because he lives in an electorate where those services exist. Households in the outer areas of Sydney, where that level of quality does not exist, do not have that choice.

Senator WEBBER—That brings me to another point, which is the socioeconomic argument around that. We were having a discussion before about the incentives we need to give people to use public transport. Some people in Victoria and other places have talked about perhaps making it free. It seems to me that, if you accept what you say about the current infrastructure—and it is absolutely right—you are therefore subsidizing the rich.

If you are going to make it free—and most of the infrastructure is in the inner city, where people are fairly affluent—you are not really helping those in the northern suburbs in my home town or in the western suburbs here.

Dr Dodson—I might respond to that by suggesting that there is a subtlety to that observation in the sense that the processes of housing market restructuring in Australian cities over the last two or three decades have resulted in the gentrification of the inner city. Wealthier households have returned to the inner city, after a couple of decades in the 1950s, the 1960s and the early 1970s when they began to depart the inner city. If you look at it in the sense of a subsidy, it is based on a combination of existing infrastructure, housing market change and labor market change. As we point out in our paper, there is a serious inequity when you have your lowest and most modest income households in localities on the fringe, where now they are facing high transport costs. That is a serious social equity issue that we feel that governments should address through their transport policies.

Senator WEBBER—I notice one of your recommendations was to encourage more local access to employment services. Given the urban and suburban sprawl that we have, how do we do that? I do not know of many outer metropolitan areas that want an industrial estate next to them. To make this work, you need large-scale employment. The corner shop cannot employ that many people.

Dr Dodson—You can provide access to industrial areas through the provision of high-quality public transport. That is how industrial areas serviced their labor needs historically until the development of the private motor car. In terms of local services, the postwar period in Australian cities saw a shift away from high streets and local shopping strips towards regional, car based shopping malls. In conditions of rising fuel prices, we would suggest that there may be greater opportunities for providers of services and retailers on the local scale, where they previously would not have been particularly competitive relative to the regional shopping malls. Now that the costs of travel to those regional services are increasing, as fuel prices rise, the relative competitiveness of those local services may increase.

We see that there is an opportunity to support that kind of travel behavior through making local trips by walking and cycling far more pleasant than they typically are for those living in outer suburban estates—where there may not be cycle facilities, where the footpaths may be poorly developed or where there may be limited shading. All of those local amenities that encourage people or support walking and cycling need to be considered and provided in areas where they are insufficient.

Dr Sipe—With development over the past couple of decades, developers in new housing estates have not been providing local retail. There may be a shopping mall but local retail is missing. In Western Sydney in a lot of these areas governments have allowed people to set up shops out of their homes because this need is basically not being provided. In the US it has gone to the extreme where developers are now subsidizing corner shops and local retail rather than putting in a golf course, because they view it as something that is lacking. They support it even though the money is not there in the initial years of a new development to make it financially viable.

Senator WEBBER—I accept a great deal of what you have to say, but where does that leave people in regional Australia? There are lots of towns in my home state where there is not a lot of local employment and people basically live on some form of social security. There is no public transport and they are paying $1.75 a liter for petrol. What do we do to address those kinds of social problems?

Dr Dodson—That is a question we have not undertaken an enormous amount of research into. However, we have recently submitted a grant application to a federal government agency to examine that issue. I think that issue needs to be contemplated within the much larger issue of the impact of rising fuel prices on productive and socioeconomic structures within rural and regional Australia. I see the transition from relatively cheap motor fuel that can drive truck based freight haulage to a greater emphasis on rail as a likely outcome. Although we have not done the research to demonstrate it, we see that as a likely scenario where fuel prices continue to rise or stay at high levels. Therefore the socioeconomic impact on individuals and households needs to be understood within that broader context. There is a possibility that transport systems and settlement patterns in regional and rural areas may undergo significant restructuring in order to better align settlement patterns with the rail infrastructure. That is a potentially stark or extreme depiction, but I think in a forum like this there needs to be debate about what is going to happen with rising fuel prices. I cannot offer any specific solution in that regard, however.

Senator MILNE—Congratulations on this work. It is long overdue. It is great to have something of this kind in the public arena. It is terrific. I have a couple of issues. The first one is the spatial expansion of cities. The frustration I have in this argument is that we can talk about the need to provide public transport, we can talk about the need for transport around the circumference of suburbs but, the minute you put that in, developers and local government see the opportunity to expand another 10 kilometers or 15 kilometers beyond that. That is our problem. Every time we try and anticipate need, people then see it as potential to develop further. Where is there any emphasis in the country on containment of the physical size of cities so that we can start providing adequate transport and adequate services into the future, given the carbon constraints and the oil price and depletion issues we are facing?

Dr Dodson—The issue of urban expansion in terms of infrastructure has been of great concern to governments for the last 30 years—since the original oil shocks in the 1970s. Many state governments have put in place urban consolidation policies to encourage higher density development within existing urban areas, although those have been fairly uneven and partially applied. There has been extensive urbanization in greenfield sites since that period.

Dr Sipe—I guess the most recent example is in south-east Queensland, where, with the regional planning effort over the past couple of years, they have established an urban footprint. I guess we will have to see to what extent—

Senator MILNE—They adhere to it.

Dr Sipe—Right. There were a few areas that had not been decided on and some of those have flipped from nondevelopment into the development realm. We are hoping that this provides some containment on that issue of expansion.

Senator MILNE—The other big issue, and you mention it in your submission, is this. If we were to persuade the federal government to work in a cooperative way with the states and to start seriously investing in public transport provision as a way of dealing with this issue, with the productivity of cities, with congestion, with health issues, with climate change et cetera, financing would become the major issue. If people pick up the argument they are then going to ask, ‘How do you propose we pay for this?’ Have you looked at any financing models that would fit with the fact that we are a federation of states and that local government has the planning provisions and opportunities as well? How far advanced are you on that? That is the key question. If we can get to the persuasion, which I think we are going to have to get to because the circumstances are upon us, how do we pay for it?

Dr Dodson—Our suggestion, as we have outlined today, would be to shift the balance in existing states funding from roads towards public transport, walking and cycling. There is probably some scope for that to occur at the federal level as well. Around $7 billion to $8 billion is spent in federal road funding. A lot of that goes to rural and regional areas, so it would probably not be appropriate to transfer that to public transport provision—although perhaps some sort of regional public transport coach or train network assistance might be worth contemplating. However, I think there would be some significant scope for the use of some of those federal road funds in partnering arrangements or co-financing arrangements with states to identify areas of high public transport need within Australian cities and to plan and coordinate the rollout of new, high-quality services to those localities. As we suggested, it would probably require a dedicated federal government agency to undertake the research, analysis and planning to determine what measures would be the most appropriate in any given locality or circumstance.

Dr Sipe—The only thing I would add is this. As you can tell, I am not from these parts. I come from America. There seems to be a reluctance on the part of both the Commonwealth and the state and local governments to incur any debt in providing public facilities. I see that this is an untapped resource. A lot of these facilities should not be paid for by existing taxpayers. There is an intergenerational issue. They should be paid for over the 20 or 30 years of the life of the project. It seems that governments want to be debt free, and I am not sure that that is necessarily a good thing. Maybe the US is not the best example, having gone to the other extreme, but I think there is some middle ground there in financing projects over a period of time using revenues from public transport or toll roads. I think that is a much better way of doing things than these public-private partnerships that we have seen around Australia.

Senator JOYCE—I want to follow up on one question that Senator Milne put to you. Do you have any idea of the ideal size for a city? As an outsider, as someone who does not live in a city, I came down here the other day and I saw a bus driving around with nobody in it. I thought, ‘Well, that just goes to show that you can have cheap transport that nobody uses.’ What we see as investment in transport infrastructure might just exacerbate the problems that are already there. In your study, do you talk about an ideal size for a city or can cities just get as big as they like?

Dr Dodson—The question of an ideal size of a city is one that exercised the minds of a number of urban researchers in Australia in the 1960s and 1970s; I am not sure that it was ever resolved. The result was the decentralization program under the Whitlam government, which sought to shift population to regional areas such as, I believe, Bathurst-Orange in New South Wales, Albury-Wodonga and parts of Victoria. I am not sure whether they had a program in Queensland or other states. I would not wish to comment too much on the success of those programs. I do not think they are perceived as having had a dramatic impact on changing the rate of growth of Australian capital cities. There may be some scope in the future to revisit questions of decentralization of urban populations to rural and regional centers. We certainly have not done

any analysis or investigation of that type of policy. The problems would be in providing employment and other services in such localities to make it feasible.

Senator JOYCE—I will put the question on its head, then. Do you feel that, with unplanned transport infrastructure in place, there is the potential to exacerbate transport problems for an area and create more red areas? I am thinking about the south-east corner of Queensland, obviously. Wouldn’t an ad hoc growth to an area basically exacerbate problems that are going to be almost impossible to fix because there would be houses where you wanted to put transport infrastructure?

Dr Dodson—That comes down to a question of good planning. Until the postwar period, housing development occurred effectively in unison with rail and tramways. It was after the postwar period that the private motor car gave households and individuals the capacity to travel almost anywhere at will within the city, and that enabled the extensive, often low-density, development you see in, for example, the North Beaudesert shire area of south-east Queensland. Our view would be that well-coordinated and well-planned development with a strong public transport component to it can ameliorate those problems, but it will not necessarily solve them universally and provide some utopian type of urbanization.

Senator JOYCE—What is the cost of fixing the problem that is already there? The houses are already there; the roads are already there. If you want to put in a rail infrastructure, you are going to have to start moving houses and roads and changing everything around. Have you done any costing of your potential loss because the planning process was not proper and in place at the start? A lot of this is a nirvana; it is never going to happen because the cost of putting in new rail networks will be prohibitive.

Dr Dodson—Perhaps yes and perhaps no. I note that the Queensland government is currently expending large sums of money in putting road tunnels through the centre of Brisbane. It is building a number of bus lanes that go through existing inner city localities, many of which have far higher real estate values than those out on the fringe. In terms of the cost of providing new fixed route infrastructure for public or even road transport, I am not sure that the cost of purchasing the corridors and lines for that is necessarily prohibitive. It does not seem to be at the moment.

CHAIR—There are also other forms of public transport, too, like light rail. I understand that that is much less disruptive and you can move a lot of people. Have those things been factored into your equation?

Dr Dodson—In some areas there are opportunities for upgrading underutilized rail infrastructures. There are a couple of train lines in south-east Queensland that are underutilized that could potentially be upgraded. But also simply providing bus services that operate in a coordinated way across outer suburban areas would, in many cases, provide a sufficient level of service that would match or be comparable to a rail service if it were planned, well coordinated and operated efficiently.

Senator JOYCE—What are you going to use as motivation? Once someone jumps in their car to drive to the train station, how are you going to encourage them to get out? It is the same issue that people have in regional areas where, once they put stuff on a truck to get it to a railhead, they say, ‘Don’t bother stopping; keep going.’ It is the same idea with the car: once they jump in the car to drive to the train station and they have the radio going, how are you going to encourage them to get out?

Dr Dodson—The way to do it is to provide the highest possible quality of service that you can so it makes it easy and efficient for them to do it. That level of service exists in many instances in the inner areas of Australian cities, and a high proportion of households and individuals use it. It is the lack of service and the poor quality of service in the outer-suburban areas that prevent people from using public transport, in my opinion. The rising price of motor vehicle travel will be a strong motivational element in encouraging people to use public transport. But the trouble is that it needs to be there and it needs to be of high quality so that they can use it.

Senator JOYCE—I was interested that you were looking at Brisbane. Brisbane is a unique town in that it is hilly and therefore you will need tunnels or bridges in order to get around the place. Because houses are parked on the sides of hills in places like Waterworks Road, there will be an immense capital cost in trying to set up the infrastructure—unless you move the roads, because the roads follow the accessible paths in the lower areas of the topography. Is there a sense that the cost of this is going to be astronomical, as opposed to better planning and getting people to live in areas where the cost of this infrastructure would not be so great?

Dr Sipe—That is what they are trying to do with the regional plan.

Senator JOYCE—Yes, they are moving them but they are just moving them down the street. They are moving them to Ipswich when they should be moving them over the hill and far away.

Dr Dodson—There does not seem to be an immense topographical constraint to the provision of existing public transport services. Buses could easily run along the large arterial roads and the major roads that already exist throughout south-east Queensland. The trouble is that existing government planning is focused on not impeding motor vehicle traffic. In the case of the eastern suburbs of Brisbane, we have Old Cleveland Road, which is a major arterial road, yet the government is now planning to tunnel a busway to provide public transport under that road for approximately 25 kilometers out to the eastern suburb of Capalaba. From my perspective, you can always use existing road space for buses. So there is a question about the opportunity cost of using tunneling, which is going to cost billions of dollars, to provide that service when you could use the existing road service and coordinate services with the regional rail network, and then have plenty of money left over to provide very high-quality local suburban bus services for those in the outer suburbs who are going to be most affected by rising fuel prices. I am not particularly concerned about topography being an impediment to improving public transport.

Dr Sipe—There have been a number of questions about getting people to use public transport. The evidence we have been able to put together over the last six to nine months suggests that that is not going to be a problem, that the price of fuel will take care of that. The real question is: are the public transport companies and authorities planning for this? For example, in Brisbane they basically now publish how many buses go past the bus stop because they are full. The problem is not getting people on; it is providing the capacity. That is what we see as the real problem. Who is building buses? What happens if every city in the world decides it needs 100 more buses?

CHAIR—We are not going to have enough carriages on the Perth trains. Come peak hour now, we are packed in like sardines because we do not have enough carriages on our trains.

Dr Sipe—So who is looking out for this? Somebody should be thinking, ‘If all the cities in Australia are facing this problem, what about all the cities in other parts of the world?’ I have not read that General Motors is going to give up building Hummers and begin to build train carriages and buses.

 

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Australian government was Peak Oil Aware in 2006

Preface. This post is excerpts from Bakhtiari’s testimony about Peak Oil before the Australian Senate Committee in 2006. I’ve excerpted what I found of interest, so if it seems disjointed, that’s my fault. And it isn’t just the Australian Senate that’s “peak oil aware”. Perth’s government assembled 1200 people to brainstorm coping solutions for peak oil as Bakhtiari mentions below.

Some of Bakhtiari’s predictions are wrong — although he knew about fracked oil, he didn’t realize it would be enough to delay peak diesel oil until 2018 to 2035 (the current range of expert predictions). He also may have overestimated how high the price of oil could go if Gail Tverberg is right that low prices rather than high ones will signal peak oil. This is because high prices crash the economy since people can’t afford expensive oil, and oil companies can’t afford to explore or start new petroleum producing projects if the price is low.

It’s also possible the Middle East has higher reserves than Bakhtiari thought, since Saudi Arabia had to invite in outside experts to estimate their reserves when they went public. It is widely estimated that the Middle East has over two-thirds of the conventional, easy, cheap oil reserves in the world.  America has 2% of remaining reserves

Australia has done a great deal to educate their public and leaders about the issue of Peak Oil, far more than the United States where I found 2040 hits on peak oil in their parliamentary system.

I published this back in 2006, and I’m republishing it today because it is just as relevant now.  Also, I’m interested in the topic of why leaders in government, economics, and even science deny peak oil and the repercussions.  If we’d just faced the problem squarely, and while kicking and screaming all the way prepared for the inevitable end of oil, we’d be in much better shape.  More farms would have been converted to organic already, more research on pest control without pesticides, Roman stone roads and aqueducts to last for millennia instead of the 20 years today due to rusting rebar that expands up to 7 fold and destroys roads, dams, and other infrastructure today.

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com  Author of Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy; When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, & “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”.  Women in ecology  Podcasts: WGBH, Financial Sense, Jore, Planet: Critical, Crazy Town, Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, Kunstler 253 &278, Peak Prosperity,  Index of best energyskeptic posts

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July 26, 2006. Bakhtiari on Australia’s future oil supply and alternative transport fuels. Parliament of Australia.

Dr Bakhtiari has recently retired as a senior advisor for the National Iranian Oil Company in Tehran and has written several books and more than 65 papers on the Iranian and international oil and gas industry.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—I will begin with a short opening statement for you to consider. Crude oil is a commodity unlike any other. It is simultaneously a strategic raw material, a unique industrial feedstock and the most essential of fuels. It is also the most conveniently and widely traded form of energy and therefore the swing element in the world’s energy mix. It is no wonder that the price of crude oil is the most important figure quoted daily worldwide. Its relevance could well rise significantly in the near future as the impact of peak oil or, in other words, the peaking of global crude oil production, becomes evident to all and sundry.

At present, worldwide crude oil output is stagnant at around 81 million barrels a day, give or take one million barrels. OPEC’s 11 member countries are now limited to a maximum of 31 million barrels per day, having produced only 29.35 million barrels in May 2006, and the so-called non-OPEC countries, which represent the rest of the world, are capped at 50 million barrels per day. Thus the world now produces and consumes some 30 billion barrels in each single year.

Most of the world’s major producers are struggling to keep oil production on an even keel, especially both the OPEC and non-OPEC champions—that is, Saudi Arabia and Russia—which are both producing some nine million barrels a day at present while facing almost insurmountable problems to avoid declines in the near future. Moreover, most of the world’s super giant oilfields are now getting old and some of them have entered terminal decline. Suffice it to mention the three largest ones: Saudi Arabia’s Ghawar, Mexico’s Cantarell and Kuwait’s Greater Burgan oilfields, which are surely but steadily going downhill. The last super giant to be discovered was the Kashagan oilfield in the north Caspian Sea offshore from Kazakhstan back in 1999, and it is now scheduled to begin initial production in 2008-09.

Not only have discoveries of super giants dwindled to nil in the 21st century but yearly oil finds have plummeted to between four and six billion barrels a year. There is little hope that this trend will be reversed in the near future because most of the planet’s petroleum provinces have now been explored for petroleum and there is only one last frontier area remaining—that of Antarctica, with its pristine wilderness and its population of some 20 million penguins.

The decline of global oil production seems now irreversible. It is bound to occur over a number of transitions, the first of which I have called transition 1, which has just begun in 2006. Transition 1 has a very benign gradient of decline, and it will take months before one notices it at all. But transition 2 will be far steeper, and each successive transition will show more pronounced declining gradients. My WOCAP model has predicted that over the next 14 years present global production of 81 million barrels per day will decrease by roughly 32%, down to around 55 million barrels per day by the year 2020.

Thus in the face of peak oil and its multiple consequences, which are bound to impact upon almost all aspects of our human standards of life, it seems imperative to get prepared to face all the inevitable shockwaves resulting from that. Preparation should be carried out on individual, familial, societal and national levels as soon as possible. Every preparative step taken today will prove far cheaper than any step taken tomorrow. I thank you for your attention during my opening statement, and I am ready now to try, to the best of my abilities, to reply to any questions that you have.

CHAIR—In the first set of questions, can we concentrate on the issue of peak oil itself and defining that, and then we will move on to the other issues.

Senator JOYCE—Thank you very much, Mr Samsam Bakhtiari. I have been a follower of you for a while; I have been one of your quiet fans. With regard to Hubbetrt’s peak, within the Ghawar oilfields and the Cantarell oilfields, can you explain to us some of the signs that these oilfields are running out of oil? I am talking about gaseous inertia or water inertia. What do you believe are the key indicators that these oilfields are past peak production?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—The super giant oilfields are all very great oilfields. Today you have 40% of world production in these super giants. Managing a super giant is a very difficult procedure. The larger the super giant, the more difficult it is. I will firstly state the case of Ghawar. Why? Because it is the largest oilfield in the world by far. At the beginning, it was estimated that it had in 1952—that is when it came on stream, which is some 54 years ago— some 70 billion barrels of recoverable oil. That was 54 years ago. In the meantime, much of that has been already recovered. The situation for Ghawar today is that you have two major problems. It is still producing, we think, between four and 4½ million barrels every single day, but in order to produce that much oil much needs to be done. I will show you two points, if you allow me.

What is happening today is that they are injecting eight million barrels of sea water into Ghawar every single day. What do they get out? This is very schematic. They get 12.5 million barrels of liquid out of the field and they split that into eight million barrels of water and 4.5 million barrels of oil. The water that they are injecting is increasing constantly.

The last information I have is that it has grown now to nine million barrels, but these figures are very approximate, because we do not know exactly what is going on. But it is roughly of that magnitude. So when they say that Ghawar crude is cheap, it is certainly not cheap any more, because you have to do all this enormous processing. You have these huge pipelines which come from the sea and an enormous compressor re-injecting that water under the oil column and pushing the column up. That is one point. There are problems. If you did not have problems you would not need to do all that.

They have done something else. Usually in all these super giants you drill vertical wells and you take out the oil from the vertical wells by the pressure either of the gas or the water. That is how it is mostly in the four super giants in Iran. But in the 1990s there was a new technology called horizontal wells. In Ghawar they thought that instead of relying on the vertical wells they would drill horizontal wells. Horizontal wells are both a blessing and a curse. Why?

Let me show you roughly how this works. You have a cap here. Here you have the oil. On top you have the gas and below you have the water. Naturally this is very schematic. A vertical well comes here in the middle of the oil column and you get your oil by either the pressure of the water beneath or the pressure of the gas from the top. With the gas here you say that this field is gas driven. Most of the Iranian fields are gas driven. Ghawar is water driven. It is either/or, but sometimes, very rarely, both.

The horizontal well is different. It comes down like this and then it goes horizontally for a few kilometers. The horizontal well is a blessing because you can get to the exact middle of the oil structure and so take out your oil more easily. But there is a very great danger with horizontal wells. They tell us that in Ghawar today there are 220, roughly, horizontal wells. The great danger of the horizontal well is that when the water reaches the well it is dead. So one day in the future at Ghawar, the water level will eventually reach the horizontal well.

It is happening but not on a large scale. When it happens on a large scale then Ghawar is going to collapse and you will have a cliff in the production of Ghawar. When you have a cliff there, the whole Saudi production system is going to fall apart. If that happens, we will start hearing bells ringing all over the place, and the price of oil is going to go through the roof.

Senator JOYCE—I have heard you say before that China are prepared to pay any price for oil. Therefore, if they are prepared to pay any price for oil, they are prepared to go anywhere to get it. I got myself into a lot of trouble by suggesting that countries would exploit the Antarctica. If China were prepared to pay any price for oil, which means they would be prepared to go anywhere to get it, and if there were areas of territorial dispute, is there the possibility that oil would be found in the Antarctic continent?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—I have studied oil reserves for the past 40 years, from when it was a very new science. In the beginning, there were a few specialists who were not very good, and then came the greatest specialist of oil reserves. He began working for a petrol consultant in the 1990s and, in 1995-96, established what is in my opinion the best set of oil reserves in the world.

These are the oil reserves of Dr Colin Campbell. I think these reserves are the best. I have been able to prove not only that these reserves adapted very well to my model but also that they correlate the production of the 11 OPEC countries in a satisfactory way. So I have adopted them.

Dr Campbell is of the opinion that the total endowment for conventional oil of the planet is around 1,900 billion barrels. I think this is the best number that we have at present. I have been working with that number for the past seven or eight years. Out of that number of 1,900 billion barrels, Dr Campbell is of the opinion that for the two polar sectors, the Arctic and Antarctica, you should have roughly 52 billion barrels. I think that Dr Campbell splits that number roughly half and half between the two poles.

As you know, exploration in the Arctic began in 1995-96—and this exploration is now growing faster and faster. They have given to a research team of the USGS and the Geological Survey of Denmark a joint research project to explore the tectonics and oil sources of the Arctic. Their report should be out next year, 2007, which is the International Polar Year. Antarctica is today the last frontier for the petroleum oil industry. Whether the oil industry is going to go there, I certainly do not know. I know from the very early studies I have made that it is going to be very difficult—firstly, because of the conditions in Antarctica. For seven months of the year it is dark—and you are more aware of the temperatures than I am. Senator Joyce, I believe you have lately been down there on a four-week trip and have seen things first-hand. So it is certainly not something for tomorrow, because conditions are not ready yet. As you know, it is very difficult to drill in ice—and there is an icecap of at least 2,000 meters that you have to drill through before you get to the lower tectonics. But maybe one day, when the price of oil goes up to $200 or $300 a barrel, some oil companies will decide to try their hand there. That could be a possibility. I hope it will not happen. But some governments will have their backs to the wall and in suburbia there will be unrest over petrol. Many things could happen—among them, drilling in the Southern Ocean or Antarctica.

It is extremely difficult to forecast precisely the price of oil in the future. I can see a range of $100 to $150 not very far into the future.

Senator JOYCE—That is $100 to $150 a barrel?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Yes, this we are certainly going to get to. In my opinion, we could get there very easily. We are a couple of hurricanes or some geopolitical problems or a war away from having a worse problem than we have today. There you could go very easily, but after that where can this price go? I am studying that right now, and I have not reached a conclusion yet. There must be some outer limit, and I am beginning to think that maybe the outer limit could be $300 per barrel. I am not so sure yet, because we are entering a brand new era in human history, an era we have not been prepared for at all. For the past six generations, we have been used to having cheap oil always available whenever we wanted it, more or less. Today, in 2006, all of this is beginning to change. We are entering an era in which we know nothing much, where we have a brand new set of rules. I am trying to find out what these new rules are. I have already reached two or three new rules. One of the new rules, in my opinion, is that there will be in the very near future nothing like business as usual. In my opinion, nothing is usual from now on for any of the countries involved. And the lower you are in the pile, the worse it is going to get.

Senator JOYCE—You also made the statement that steps made today are cheaper than steps made tomorrow. With regard to mitigating or alleviating the crisis that would be caused by an oil shortage or a price of oil that is completely prohibitive to the development of industry and the fundamental freedom of people to drive around, what steps do you envisage would be worthwhile taking today? And without loading your answer, can you refer to issues such as the production of a biorenewable fuel industry, the development of ethanol as a fuel alternative and biodiesels, and alternative forms of combustible material that can be used in internal combustion engines.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Allow me to take your questions one by one. I said that steps needed to be taken, because now I am thinking that the price is going to go up. There is no other way. Now let me open a parenthesis: the price might go down tomorrow to $55, but it will come back up again. So you will have in this period a high level of volatility, but eventually it will go to very great heights—maybe to $200, maybe to $300. As long as you have price driven oil, I think it is a very good thing whatever this price is, because one day you will have a question of availability. You will be ready to pay any price, but there will not be any oil.

I remind you that oil is a very special commodity, which is something that is very difficult to realize today. For example, you have no free market in oil. Naturally, you can go to the NYMEX stock exchange and buy as many barrels as you want at the price of $74 now, but these are paper barrels. If you try to buy 10,000 barrels a day of real oil, of genuine barrels, you will have enormous problems getting that much oil on a regular and sustainable basis. So that is one of the problems that we will encounter in the medium term.

Any step you take today is to your advantage. I will give you one example. The city of Perth in Western Australia has free buses. I have been on these free buses. It is a fantastic service. Maybe today it is still too early. It might not be very economical but it is a marvelous step for the future, because one day it will pay enormous dividends, in my opinion. Also, they have a very light rail service going around 140 kilometers of their coast, and this links all of the suburbs. One day this light rail service will save all these suburbs. I was asked about this yesterday. I think that Western Australia is at the forefront of the world in terms of steps being taken. And Australia is at the forefront today of the other countries, because the other countries do not know anything at all and are not willing to prepare. So the faster these new decisions are put in place, I think it will be of benefit to any society, especially societies with suburbs.

Senator JOYCE—You said it is not really a perfect market. Yes, you can go to the New York Stock Exchange and buy oil, but it is paper oil; you are not buying the actual product. You have also talked about how the price of oil will possibly go to a horizon of about $300 a barrel. Of course, that would mean we would be paying about $6 a liter or something like that for fuel for our car, which obviously means we could not afford to fill up. Do you feel the major oil companies have the intention to exploit an arrangement which has the world paying $200 to $300 a barrel for oil? Obviously it would be in their financial interests to get to that position, because it is maximizing the returns on their stock on hand. Their stock on hand is the oil in the ground, and obviously there is a great financial windfall for them to keep the predominant means of internal combustion a mineral based oil product. The question I am asking is: will the oil companies drive the intention for people to continually use oil and be quite prepared to profit from a market of $200 to $300 a barrel? Will they ride us out to the very end? Will their intentions be to ride this cash flow window to its completion?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—I do not think it is in the interests of the oil companies for the price to go very high. I think they are very well satisfied with the present price, but I think it will not be in their hands. It will not be in the hands of the companies, it will not be in the hands of the oil producers. I can see Saudi Arabia and others being very worried by prices that are too high, but I do not think any one of these players can do anything about it.

When there is not enough oil, first you will have to raise its price and then you will have the problem of its availability. There may be some kind of worldwide rationing—I do not know. I am trying to look at the future but the future I am talking about, as you mentioned, might be beyond 2020. Maybe beyond 2020 we will have some reasonable idea. What will happen after that is very difficult to predict. I do not think the oil companies would like such a scenario at all. They will be forced—

Senator JOYCE—Who can afford oil at $200 a barrel? Who would be using it?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—I think the Chinese are ready to pay anything for oil. I agree with you that it will be very difficult.

Senator MILNE—Recently we had the head of BP in Australia talking about their statistical review. They take at face value the claims, particularly of Middle Eastern countries, about the extent of their reserves. We are aware that a few years ago these countries readjusted their reserves, yet there were no new discoveries that would have justified that. This is a really critical question to ask because it goes to the heart of the argument. Could you give us your frank appraisal of the Saudi reserves, in particular, and the Middle Eastern reserves, generally, and the extent to which they have been inflated for political and economic purposes et cetera and do not reflect what is actually there?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Most reviews of the reserves of the major Middle Eastern countries today, especially the BP Statistical Review of World Energy, mention reserves amounting to between 600 billion to 700 billion barrels. These are official reserve figures—in other words, the countries involved say that they have so much oil reserves available. The Oil and Gas Journal and BP take these reserves at face value. As you mentioned, in the 1980s these reserves were revised upwards. For example, in 1988 Saudi Arabia, which had reserves of 160 billion barrels, suddenly took these up to 260 billion barrels. Since 1989, it has kept this number of 260 billion barrels; there has been no change to it up to this day. So, for 17 years, it as if they have not produced anything.

In Dr Campbell’s opinion—and it is also my personal opinion—the reserves of the Middle East are roughly one half of what is officially said and presented. In other words, there should only be between 300 billion and 350 billion barrels of oil. This is the best figure I have come up with. I and Dr Campbell, as a rule of thumb, divide the official reserves by two to get a number that we believe is the actual amount of the reserves in these countries. Does that answer your question?

Senator MILNE—It certainly does. Can you go on to tell us what your view is of the US Geological Survey and its accuracy in terms of the reserves?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Every institution gives its own numbers, and we can only compare theirs to ours. You can see that the reserves given by the USGS, which is an endowment for the world of over 3,200 million reserves, is much, much higher than the numbers we are using, of only 1,900 million. Of course, we can not accept such reserves as realistic, as we cannot accept the projections of certain institutions like the International Energy Agency in Paris, which predicts that the world will be consuming 118 million barrels per day in the year 2030 as realistic, because I cannot see how the world can get over 81 or, say, 82 per day right now, let alone in the future. I believe we are in decline. So you have an enormous discrepancy between what these institutions publish and what we believe in, whether it is in reserves or whether it is in production of crude oil per day.

Senator MILNE—Given what you have said about the fact that the Middle Eastern reserves are probably half of what they say they are, and given what you have just said about the US survey, how are we going to tell? Given that the Saudis and the other Middle Eastern countries keep on saying that their reserves are the same—and they have been saying they are the same for all these years whilst production has kept on going—how are we going to know? What indications are there going to be so that we can revise the estimates to be more accurate? If they are half of what they say they are, then the shock in the share markets et cetera everywhere around the world will be huge. You mentioned before that they may not be able to manipulate it forever because of the horizontal wells and the step change that will occur. Is that the main indication—when one of the wells goes kaput? Or what will happen, in your view?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—From an outsider’s point of view, you have two ways of following what will happen. One is the price. The second is the production. If the production for the next couple of years remains stagnant, then it will mean the institutions that are predicting production of over 100 or 110 are wrong. By the way, the future is always predicted wrongly. So that is one basis. The other way of following this is by the price. If you see the price returning to $50 and staying there, it will mean that we were wrong. But, if you see the price continuing to increase, it will prove that we have been right.

So these are the two ways you can follow the story, but I will return to the French philosopher Pascal. He said the best way may be to take a bet and bet that we are right, because the ones who bet that way have not much to lose. If we are wrong, everything is going to be fine. But, if we are right, I think the ones who took precautions will be very much rewarded in the future.

Senator MILNE—What do you regard as the most authoritative estimate of world reserves? You have spoken about Colin Campbell. Is there anything that you would refer to or would you argue that that is the most accurate assessment?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—No, I certainly believe it is the most accurate. I have studied almost all, not all, of the reserve sets that I have been given or that I have come by. I can assure you that my personal archive is a very complete one. I have met almost everybody in this industry—and especially those at the world petroleum congresses, which were the Olympics of oil and were held every four years; before the internet age, at least—and I really think that the 1,900 billion barrels in Dr Campbell’s set of data are the very best that you could find in the world today. I cannot imagine that we will have any better set in the future, especially given that Dr Campbell with Mr Jean Laherrere, a petrol consultant, have done very impressive research on almost all the oil provinces on the planet.

Joyce—Is that 1,900 billion barrels of recoverable oil from now to the end?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—1,900 billion barrels total is the estimate of convention oil. You have the non-conventional, which include, among others—

Senator JOYCE—Shale oil.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—the tar sands, the shale oil and the heavy oil of Venezuela and Orinoco and all these kinds of oils, which are classified by Dr Campbell as non-conventional.

Senator WEBBER—I want to continue to explore the impact of price. Obviously the higher the price, the greater the impact on consumer behavior. In my home state of Western Australia, the higher price is making fields that were seen to be unprofitable worth developing. For example, we have all known that the Browse field has been there for a long time and now Woodside are looking at developing it. Could you give us an understanding of how an increase in price may bring other oilfields onto the market? I am asking about the relationship between the increase in the price and the increase in the development of fields that were previously seen as unprofitable. Does the increased price mean that there will be an increase in exploration with the result that new fields may come on stream?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari— Many people are of the idea that with the price increasing you will have new fields that before were not very profitable. Now, we will certainly see some of these factors coming into play. For example, you have exactly what you mentioned in the North Sea: small fields with reserves of 50 million to 100 million barrels of recoverable reserve were left by the wayside in the 1980s and 1990s, when it was not at all profitable to go and develop these fields with prices of $9 or $10 per barrel. These fields might very well be developed now at prices above $70. This will certainly happen not only in the North Sea but maybe also in America, where there are very small fields that now are going to be profitable and will be developed.

In my opinion, however all these are developed in the future, it will have very little impact on either peak oil or world production. It might make a change of, say, half a million barrels in total, not more, and half a million barrels will have very little impact. It will just shift the production curve upwards a bit but it will have very little impact. The reason is this: if you look at the US curve of decline, which was correctly predicted by Dr King Hubbert in 1956 and which peaked in 1970, it has been steadily coming down—but for the addition of Alaska. Alaska just shifted it a bit but it made no difference on the peak. It has been declining continuously since, notwithstanding the developments in exploration, exploitation and all the new technologies and the new investment that were possible at prices of $36 in the early 1980s. So I think that neither investment nor new technology will have any significant impact on the process of transition that we have entered.

Senator STERLE—Can you explain the claimed inadequacies of optimistic official agency predictions of oil production? We have had submissions from oil agencies that have told us that it is very rosy out there because they are spending lots of shareholders’ money—that is how rosy it is. Your report and your figures and Dr Campbell’s figures are at completely the opposite end of the spectrum. Can you explain how the oil agencies could be so far removed from your studies and be so different?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Maybe one explanation could be that they are interested parties and we are disinterested parties. If you hear some people saying today that the price of oil is going to drop to $25 in the near future, and I think it is almost impossible for such a thing to happen unless there is a major catastrophe on a global scale. Maybe they are saying this because they want to grow and buy smaller oil companies. They might say that they will buy at $30 because the price is going to fall to $25, so $30 is a very good price and would be a very good price to pay a small company. And there are other problems. Nobody likes the idea of peak oil. Firstly, you have the politicians. Naturally, a politician will never say that there is such a thing as peak oil. It is suicide to give bad news so a politician will never do that. He will always say, ‘The IEA says that we will be having 118 million barrels in 2030 so why worry?’

Secondly, you have the media. The media does not like peak oil. Why? There is no sponsorship for peak oil. The oil companies do not like peak oil because you should not say that your soup is cold; you should always say that it is very hot and very tasty, yes? So nobody wants to hear of this phenomenon of peak oil. I believe that some of the institutions—I will not name them; they are here and maybe you can guess which ones they are—are saying these things to act as a protection for some politicians who can say: ‘Because these institutions are saying these things, then we follow them. We do not follow Campbell and others.’

Senator JOYCE—It could also inhibit the development of a biorenewable fuel industry too. If they say there is a lot of alternative product around, then they do not need a biorenewable fuel industry.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—I do not believe that there are alternatives around. In my opinion there is no alternative to crude oil. There is nothing that can replace it, and this is the problem the world is facing today. There are no alternatives and I will try to explain very briefly why.

In general economics we are taught a very basic rule. When the price goes up, demand comes down, and you have the marvelous figure of Professor Sam Wilson to explain exactly how this works. For crude oil this does not work at all. We were always taught that when the price doubles demand will come down by something. In the past two years the price has tripled and demand has not come down by anything. How far can we go? Nobody knows. I think that it will take three digits—at least over $110 or $120—for us to start seeing demand maybe coming down.

Why? Firstly, you have no way of preserving oil products easily—no way at all. We are all used to the car and we want to drive that car as far as we can possibly pay for it. Even at prices of $1.40 per liter for petrol you are beginning to have problems in the population economically, so what will it be like when the prices are much higher than that? $1.40 per liter is one of the cheapest prices in the Western world. It is just a little above fuel prices in California today so it is very cheap.

Not only do you not have preservation, you do not have any means of substitution, and I will come back to your previous question on alternatives. There is no alternative to crude oil. For the ones who believe that GTL is going to be an alternative, I am sorry to say that this is not a fact.

Today you have only 85,000 barrels per day of GTL capacity in the world. I do not think you will ever have much more than that, and 85,000 is nothing. It is a drop of water in an ocean. The latest GTL plant has just been started in Qatar and I do not know how it is going to fare. It makes 34,000 barrels. It is an enormous plant. I think it cost one and a half billion dollars at least. It has two enormous reactors. If anything goes wrong with these reactors—my God, I do not know what is going to happen! So that is for GTL.

You have coal to liquid. The only coal to liquid plant today in the world is in Secunda in South Africa. It makes 150,000 barrels per day of liquids. I can tell you that because I have visited it, half by helicopter and half by walking around the facilities. It is a very messy affair and it is very inefficient energy wise. Now the Chinese are trying to make CTL—coal to liquid—of one million barrels per day capacity. I think it is going to cost them $10 billion at least. I cannot imagine how this site is going to be. I am waiting for them to finish, but it will probably take them quite a long time to get that one million barrels per day off the ground.

You mentioned ethanol, biodiesel and all that. This is not the future. This is not sustainable because in the future, if our predictions are correct, the No. 1 priority will not be transport and all that. The No. 1 priority is going to be food. And for food you will have to have top priority for fertilizer and insecticides and whatever you need to produce food only. So ethanol is a very, very wasteful system.

And again, however much you want to make some ethanol, it will still be a drop of water in the ocean. Just let me tell you that for every liter of ethanol you will need between three and four liters of water to produce it. The best way to go for these types of fuel, and certainly the most efficient way, is sugarcane. That is what the Brazilians are doing today. With sugarcane you need one square kilometre of sugarcane to produce 3,800 barrels of ethanol per year. It is not very easy and it is very inefficient.

So I cannot see any of these alternatives coming up in the future in a big way. Now, certainly solar power will have a small role to play. Today it is still very expensive at between roughly $US 7,000 and $US 10,000 per megawatt. But it could certainly play a role, especially in Australia where you have quite a lot of sun and quite a lot of land to develop that. Wind also, in windy countries, could play a small role. But these roles will amount to two to three, or maybe four, per cent of oil consumption over the next 15 or 20 years, and not more. The orders of magnitude are not at all the same. You will make a small dent with each one of these but not much more than a dent. Replacing crude oil is not that easy.

CHAIR—I would like to follow up on this issue of price. The Australian Bureau of Agricultural and Resource Economics—ABARE—in their submission to us have done predictions based on future oil costs of $US 30 per barrel. How realistic do you think that is?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—I believe you will never, ever see $US30 per barrel again unless you have a bird flu epidemic that wipes out at least millions of people or, as Senator Joyce said, something hits the planet and disrupts all calculations.

Senator JOYCE—That takes out Europe.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—If oil falls below even $US50 per barrel, that in my opinion would be very bad news, because if it goes back to, say, $US50 per barrel for some reason and for a short period of time, people will think: ‘Ah! So $US75 was just a spike and now we are back to the good old days and we can begin consuming again. Let’s go and buy that big SUV that we were looking at.’ You then lose two or three years at least.

CHAIR—My next question relates to the industry. BP when they made a presentation to the committee said that the prices now are basically the same proportionally as the spike in the 1970s. What is your opinion of those comments?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—If you take into account inflation, it is the roughly same—it was $US 75 to $US 80 in those days. But those were spikes. Today it is a totally different problem.

Today it is a transition into the unknown; then it was known. I am now personally of the opinion that if they had continued with the spikes we would have been much better off today. But they did not. After the two oil price shocks of 1973 and 1979 you had two price counter shocks in 1987 and 1998, when it dropped below $US10 per barrel. That was very bad news, because then demand started going up again. If all these reserves had been better controlled, maybe the transition would have been much easier. Just to remind you, in 1950, which is not that long ago, global consumption was only 10 million barrels per day. That was very easily controllable with the reserves we had. What is not easily controllable is the 81 million barrels per day that we have today.

CHAIR—I want to go back to the price per barrel. What is your understanding of what IEA is saying is the standard price per barrel in the world?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—It is very difficult to reply to that question because you have many costs per barrel, depending on whether they are onshore or offshore and whether those offshore are in shallow waters, deep waters or ultra deep waters. To make an average over all that is very difficult. I could not answer you. I can tell you that it is not $75 per barrel; it is certainly lower than that.

Senator MILNE—In your opening presentation, you said that you thought that in 2006 we had begun transition 1, and that it would be a relatively gentle stage, and then we would go to extreme discomfort, presumably in transition 2. Can you outline to me the time frames you see for each of the transition stages, and how they will proceed? What will trigger moving from transition 1 to transition 2? When do you expect the real crisis to hit in that transitional phase?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Certainly. From now on, from 2006 to 2020, making predictions is an extremely difficult process, because we do not know exactly what to expect of these transition periods. But I have decided for the time being to split the next 14 years into four transition periods, which I call transition 1, 2, 3 and 4. Every transition period has a steeper gradient and I do not know exactly how long each of these will take, because it depends on many factorsNevertheless, I envisage now that transition 1 should take between three, four or five years, but I would have to revise this every three to four months.

Now I will try to explain to you when I predict will be the end of transition 1 by drawing you a model on the whiteboard. We are here in 2006, which is, according to my model, the first year of transition 1. And we want to go all the way to the end of transition 1. Here, in the world of oil, we have the following: today, we have a demand for oil which comes from all of the countries and the regions on earth. The demand is about 81 million barrels per day. What happens to this demand is that it does trigger a supply. This supply comes from two entities. The first entity is non-OPEC and the second entity is the 11 OPEC countries. The OPEC countries are the marginal producer—that is, whatever non-OPEC produces is subtracted from the demand, and it leaves what is required from the OPEC countries to produce to make up the rest of the demand.

This is the system today. It is a very simple system. It has been in place since 1960, when they created OPEC. In my opinion, the international oil industry created the entity of OPEC for this very simple reason: to have a marginal producer. So far it has worked very well. But today OPEC is not playing its role, because it is producing oil out, which is not a good thing.

I will open a parenthesis here about the oil industry and the oilfields. There is nothing worse for an oilfield than to be pushed. I believe that is what is happening to oilfields like Ghawar and Cantarell. They have been pushed. A better example is the Samotlor oilfield of Russia, which was a marvelous oilfield that the Soviets in the 1980s, when they badly needed money to have a system that would be a rival to the American Star Wars, destroyed, in my opinion. It was an extraordinary oilfield which could produce three million barrels a day. Today it is only producing 300,000 barrels a day. If they had managed that oilfield better, I think they would have had a much higher return. Pushing an oilfield is not very good for it. Letting an oilfield rest is the best thing you can do for it. The Iraqis’ oilfields had a marvelous time during the 1990s because they rested for a long time. I would be glad if such a thing could happen to the Iranian super giants—if they could rest for some time. I think it would not be bad.

Coming back after this parenthesis to this system, between the beginning and the end of T1, you will have the two major scales tilting. At the end of T1 you will have a supply, and this supply is going to dictate the demand. Here you will have entities which will have the marginal demand. So it will be a totally different system form what we had at the beginning. It is this tilting of the scale that will in my opinion determine the end of T1. We have just begun shifting from one to the other.

In the time frame of T1, you might have some volatility in that it will start shifting to one side and then shifting back again to the demand side and going back and forth. So one has to be very careful. But in the end it will be the total shift that will in my opinion make the end of T1 clearer. About T2, T3 and T4, it is still very early. I am working on the next transition, but first we have to get this transition right.

One thing I might add about T1 is that I see not only that business as usual is not in the new rules but also that mega projects are not to be begun, because mega projects are long-term projects that take 10, 20, maybe 25 years. Because we do not know exactly where we are going at this stage, it is very dangerous to begin mega projects. But people are still doing this.

The Europeans have begun a freight train line from Barcelona to Kiev, which is roughly 2,600 kilometers. The idea of having freight trains is a very good idea, but it is a bit late now. If you have rails you might make the service a bit better, but you should not construct it from scratch because it will take 20 years and will never be finished because the high oil prices will trigger rises in prices for all other commodities.

You already see that steel is way above the usual prices. Copper has hit between $7,000 and $8,000, and it will go much higher than that. Nickel is $22,000. I think $22,000 is very cheap today; it will go much higher. All these commodities and all these metals will go very much higher, because it is the crude oil price which dictates the prices. Sugar is going up, orange juice is going up—everything is going up—because the price of crude oil is going up. It is the price of crude oil which more or less dictates all the other price hikes. In my opinion, you will have a correlation between all the price hikes in the future, and you can already see the first signs now.

Senator HUTCHINS—What do you see in transition phases 2, 3 and 4? Do you see any specific dates?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—No, not now, not yet. The gradients will get steeper, so the effects and the impacts will be greater. T1 is very benign; the gradient is very slow and you almost do not notice it. We will go from, maybe, 81 to 79.5 over the next few years; it is not difficult. But T2 will be much more difficult—it is already—because it will start dropping considerably; then you will notice the drops every year, probably, and then it will get worse and worse. It is a process, fortunately, where the introduction is easier than the following phases. But it is still very early to start predicting what T2 will do. Firstly, we have to see what T1 is going to do, because already, in many aspects, T1 is difficult to predict, with all the events that could take place in the next three to four years.

Senator HUTCHINS—What should governments do if you say that supply will determine demand?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—I think that every society, every city and every government should do a certain number of things—many things; 1,001 things. There are not one or two solutions. There is no panacea. There is no silver bullet that you can just shoot to get rid of this. You have to start as early as possible and think about this type of future. I do not think the Europeans are ever going to make it.

I do not think that Airbus A380 is a valuable airplane. It is a marvelous airplane, but it is arriving at the wrong time. They should have built it 20 years ago—and it would have been marvelous—when we were in the ascending curve of petroleum, not in the descending one, and not now that we have entered T1. I told them five years ago but naturally they did not want to listen at all, so they carried on. Now they have the problems and they are paying the penalties to all these companies already. It is still not commercial. I do not know why it will be commercial. I do not see a very bright future for that.

There is not too much innovation now; there is certainly a returning to commodities and exploration. I know of a company in Australia that invested very heavily and has just found a brand new copper mine. That is fabulous, because the copper they are going to extract in a few years is going to make enormous profits. If you put money into oil exploration—whether onshore or offshore—almost whatever you find is going to make money. These are types of investment. Or you could invest in agriculture but not ethanol or biodiesel.

Senator HUTCHINS—Yes, I was going to ask you about that—You seem to be dismissive of alternative fuels.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Yes. I do not think it is a very good idea. You can always try it on a small scale, but I think that energy wise it does not make much sense. Now we are in transition 1, I try to look at things from an energy point of view, not from an economic point of view. We do not know these days exactly what economics are. You have to think energetically and about the things you really need. For example, Western Australia—sorry, I am always coming back—

Really, I think Western Australia is doing all the right things. They were kind enough to have been the very first to invite me, and I am very happy for them. Western Australia does not have enough water and the water table is falling. It is a very big problem. They are putting in two desalination plants. They are obliged to put in two desalination plants. The desalination plant will need fuel—it will need gas—to run. In my opinion, they have no alternative so they are obliged to do this. When you are forced then you have to do it. I see that one problem in the future in Australia, much more important than the oil problem, is going to be water.

Your precipitation is going lower and lower. I heard that in June you had an average of only 14 millimeters of rain instead of the normal 108 millimeters. When I crossed from Perth to Sydney in the plane, over 3½ hours, what I saw was very dry. I think one of the problems is water. When you consider that every liter of ethanol or biodiesel will take between three and four liters of water then you start having a problem on the water side and on the energy side. I think you have to reconsider the economics of all of that in the near future.

Senator WEBBER—On that optimistic note—being a Western Australian—what do you consider the prospects for the future of gas as an alternative?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Gas is the big issue, because we are not only having peak oil but, according to my prediction, in 2008 or 2009 we are also going to have global peak gas. Peak gas and peak oil are two totally different things because oil is a very special commodity. Gas is not the same because you cannot just put it in a ship. You either have to consume it locally, pipe it to some other country or put it in a LNG tanker. You have only those three alternatives. Fortunately, Australia has an enormous amount of gas, and I believe this is going to become very handy because the peak for gas will be between 100 and 105 TCF global production in 2008-09.

Because of this peak in gas, you will have enormous problems all over the world but firstly in the US. The price of gas is going to go sky high. Today, it is incredibly cheap. Gas in the US has a threshold price today of between $7 and $8 per million BTU. This is going to go much higher. Every year you will have to add $2 to $3 to that price. The US price is going to affect all the other prices, and it has already begun in South-East Asia. All that will be linked through the LNG price that you will have, and the price of LNG is going to go very high.

I think that Russia does not have much gas anymore, although it is the largest producer in the world. I am very worried for the Europeans, and probably this winter you will see that the Europeans are going to have an enormous number of problems. If it is a harsh winter in Europe, you might have thousands of people dying. You had hundreds last year, but that was only the beginning. If this winter is harsh, you will have thousands dying because the Russians simply do not have enough gas to provide to Europe.

The Americans do not have enough gas. The Americans had the incredible chance to have the mildest winter last year in 100 years. If that had not happened, I do not know where the price of gas would be today. That was very lucky, and they now have enough reserves for the coming winter because all the storage depots are almost full.

That is a positive point, but the Europeans do not have that kind of chance, so you will have lots of problems. The price of LNG is going to go sky high because everybody will want LNG—in America, Mexico and Canada, which are in full decline; in all the South-East Asian countries and especially in China; and even in Europe. If the Europeans cannot get the Russian gas, their only solution will be to get LNG from wherever they can.

I can tell you that, with gas prices in the US being around $6 per barrel, you have LNG spot sales today of $12 per barrel—and we are in a normal situation. So, wait for the panic and you will have prices of $25 or $30 per barrel, and maybe much more than that. For one week in March this year the British did not have enough gas and the price of gas shot up to $258 per barrel oil equivalent. At first I thought I had made a mistake of one decimal place, but then I realized it was not $25.8—it was $258. For one week they were paying that price for their gas.

And we are in a very normal situation now; we are not at peak yet. So you can imagine how it is going to be when it is at peak, with the panic in all those countries because of the winter months. Just wait and see how it develops this winter in Europe.

Senator WEBBER—That is pretty dark.

Senator JOYCE—Going back to the biorenewable fuels issue, ethanol is being used in Brazil, and the terminal gate price of ethanol in Australia is around 80c a liter, so the reason that it is not being utilized is that the oil companies refuse to take it up. I have heard of a lot of what is going wrong but what we are really looking for is the solution; we are looking for the way out. Or is the world as we know it going to come to an end and this is just a prologue to the end? We need to find the solution.

I do not say ethanol is a panacea but it is certainly a mitigating circumstance. We need to take it up. It could run conjointly with a whole range of issues. I have two questions. Firstly, if ethanol is not the answer, can you explain why it is being used so prolifically in places like Brazil, and why the United States, Europe and Asia are all taking it on board as a component of trying to deal with the impending oil crisis—or the oil crisis that is already here, apparently? Secondly, what is your solution? What is the noble horizon we need to head towards in order to maintain our current standards of living and economies?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Allow me to take those questions one by one. First I will address the alternatives. Brazil can use ethanol as a fuel because of its enormous amount of sugarcane. There is also the idea of self-sufficiency. People like the Brazilians and the South Africans always have a complex about self-sufficiency. If the South Africans have gone after GTL and have pursued coal to liquids, it is because they want to be self-sufficient. It was not an economic decision; it was a political decision. I think the Brazilians are in somewhat the same situation. For them, because of the enormous amount of sugarcane they have, it does make some sense, but I really doubt that it makes a lot of sense in terms of energy. And I believe that, come the day there is conflict between producing ethanol or biodiesel and producing food, food is going to win because, first of all, you have to eat.

There is another danger in Brazil. They are destroying the Amazon rainforest at the rate of some 20,000 square kilometers per year and on that land they are planting food crops—in enormous amounts. I think that this will also be part of the future: when the other countries do not have enough food, they will go back to the Brazilians. Brazil has become one of the largest exporters of food in the world, whether it be soy beans, sugar, coffee or beef. It is almost anything. They have the surpluses. The Americans are also trying to get the ethanol. It makes a small dent for the time being, but not a very big one. I think that it is only a question of a few million gallons. I do not know what percentage you have, but it is not very much.

All of the others are trying. I heard there are a few million in Australia, but it will not make a very big difference, so I am not very keen on these types of bio alternatives. As for your second question about what should be done, there are many things.

Everyone should study their own situation and see what can be done with the possibilities at hand, and not one thing, not two, but 10, 20 or 50. In my opinion, the first thing is to develop free public transportation, and that applies to everybody. Make it free from now. Even if it does not make very much economic sense now, it will in the future. Certainly, there is absolutely no doubt, as you go into transition 1, that free public transportation has to make sense. That is one of the things.

There are many other things that you can do. Plan; get new ideas from the grassroots. That is what Perth has been trying to do, to congregate 1,200 people from different walks of life in teams of eight, give them each a computer and have all of these ideas go back to the top for the selection of the ones they think are viable and useful. Have teams of elders. You have a fantastic man out there, Mr Brian Fleay. He predicted peak oil in 1995. It is extraordinary what he did. He was maybe the second person, after Dr Campbell, to have done that. And he did it almost from scratch. So people like this could have predicted that in 1995—in 1995 he wrote his book, so he must have predicted it in 1993 or 1994.

Senator JOYCE—Sorry, I have missed something. What is this team of elders?

CHAIR—What he is talking about is dialogue with the city.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Yes, to have these people present their ideas and solutions, and then to build on that through a committee of elders. Or create steering committees through such people, and then get younger people to come in, very bright people, to start setting the priorities, because one day you will have to set priorities for the use of petrol. Have these in place soon, maybe in the next year or two. You will not need them in the next year or two, but have them in place already so that you are prepared. Get prepared for any eventuality. Have a special committee for that now. That is what I can see. I can advise that such things should be done this year or next year so that when or if the crisis really hits, then you have something to fall back on; you have a team that is already prepared and who has thought these problems through.

Thinking about these problems is very important, but there is something else. It is going to be very, very difficult to change the minds, to have the minds set on the new realities. For six generations we have been thinking one way—that is, that petrol is always there, petrol is not too expensive, oil products are not too expensive. We do not think about it. We do not think about fertilizers. We do not think about insecticides. Why? They are not that expensive, so it does not come into the day-to-day consideration. Petrol was always $1, not that much of a problem. We are used to that. The problem is going to be when it becomes $3 or $4 or $5. Then people will notice. Already at $1.40, some people are beginning to think about it, so when it becomes higher they have to change their minds, their way of thinking and their way of planning.

Senator JOYCE—But changing the way people think is a very hard task. That is not really a solution; it is nirvana. I want to go back to shale oil. They say there are three trillion barrels of shale oil equivalent in China and two trillion barrels in the United States, and I think we have 440 billion barrels of equivalent shale oil between Proserpine and Gladstone. Surely if the price of oil keeps heading north, this potential oil will begin to be exploited. Can you give me your impressions? You have gone through gas to liquid and coal to liquid. Do you have any opinions on the shale oil issue?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Yes. There is a lot of shale—many thousands. There is an enormous amount of oil in there, but it is a very messy and difficult industry. In Canada, you have about 1.1 million barrels per day of synthetic crude oil produced, which is being exported mostly to the US, and which makes economic sense, especially at the prices of $74 to $75 per barrel. I think it costs them around $30 to $40 per barrel, so they are making some money. But I think it is limited, and I think the limits to that industry are, according to my prediction, roughly three million barrels per day. I cannot see Canada or the US together making more than three million barrels per day at the 2020 or 2025 horizon, investing enormous amounts of money. The shale oil industry is like the oil industry. You go to the best places first, naturally. And then, as you go along, it gets more difficult, it gets more expensive and it gets messier. I think you need roughly 2,000 ton of shale oil to make one barrel of synthetic crude oil. You can imagine, on an enormous scale, what that involves for the land and for everywhere else.

Already, at the level of 1.1 million barrels a day, the Canadian rivers are becoming so polluted as to have triggered alarm bells over Canada; the fish are dying and it will soon be impossible to clean up all the rivers. There are side problems for that as well. If one day we reach three million barrels per day I do not know what the situation will be there, but I do not think we can go further than three million; that is it.

There is also the heavy oil in Venezuela. Today there are 600,000 barrels of capacity. I do not think the Venezuelans can go beyond twice that amount, and with the government they have now they are stuck with their 600,000. I do not think anybody will be willing to invest in such expensive and difficult processes of exploitation. But even if the conditions were right I think they can go to 1.2. I really cannot see them going much further than that. So, yes, there is the potential but you have to transform the potential into production.

I forgot to tell you about the tar sands and the shale oil. All the heat you need for that comes from natural gas. You are spending 1.5 million BTUs for every barrel you are going to produce; that makes a lot of gas. What the Americans are beginning to tell the Canadians is, ‘We’d rather have this gas than anything else.’ So you have other problems that arise in this exploitation—at most, three million for tar sands and shale and one million for the Orinoco heavy oil. That makes a total of four million over the next 20 or 25 years. It will not change a thing for people—it is a drop of water—in the 81 we are facing now.

Senator JOYCE—Everyone knows about the price of fuel in Venezuela—I think you can buy a liter of petrol for 6c or 7c or something; it is still cheap—and we know what the price of petrol is on the streets in Australia. The organizations that control basically from the wellhead to the bowser are predominantly the same four major oil companies. We know that the price of Chevron has gone through the roof and that the price of Caltex domestically has gone through the roof, so they are making a far greater return on their asset. Can you say what you believe is their interest in the future—where oil prices are going? Can you also give some sort of indication about what sort of control the major oil companies have through the whole process of oil production as it stands today, from the oilwell to the bowsers? What form of control do they have over the total production of that product? What sorts of profits do you think they would intend to make in the future?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—I think that oil companies are like all corporations: they want to make profits, and they want to make the highest return for their shareholders. In 2005, they set new records in every country for profits. I think that in 2006 they will have far higher returns and record profits of, maybe, $50 billion for Exxon or something like that. It will be roughly the same, maybe $40 billion, for BP and a bit less, maybe, for Shell. Their shares will be reevaluated all the time as the price of oil goes up—and, as I told you, it can only go up.

But they control part of the system. You have many players. You have the national oil companies now, like Saudi Aramco, the National Iranian Oil Company and the national oil companies of Kuwait or Qatar. The oil companies control part of the system and it seems that their share of oil production is beginning to decline as well. It is still quite substantial, but it is also beginning to decline. Naturally, I think they are in it for the profits, and they control wherever they are from the wellhead all the way down to the retail. I think they get profit centers all along the way, and they are making enormous profits.

Senator JOYCE—The issue I am getting at is a transfer pricing issue. By the time the fuel gets to Australia, the same organization controlled entity has made its profit offshore. It is only the final stage. The purpose of Australia is just to move the product, not to make the profit. That would be a fair statement, wouldn’t it? Everyone talks about the terminal gate price of fuel as if that is the true price. It is a transfer pricing issue. By the time the fuel arrives in Australia, the same controlled entity has made the profit overseas. The purpose of Australia is to move the final product of petrol—not to make profit but to move product—because the profit has been made before the product actually arrives in Australia. The purpose of the Australian retail market is to move product, not to make profit. Therefore, it would be the intent of the oil industry to keep exclusively their product out there in the market and not encourage an alternative market apart from their product, which is oil.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Yes. Certainly that is one of the goals of any corporation which makes a product: not to have rivals in the field and to try somehow to destroy or not let them in. Certainly you have this factor. I do not think that any oil company would be very happy to see an enormous boom in biodiesels, unless they could control it, which they cannot. So it will be certainly in their interest to see alternatives. Some oil companies want to get into solar and into other types of alternatives, but I do not think it is their job or their way of doing things. Somebody is going to do it much better than that.

Senator STERLE—I have two questions. If we were to take all the alternatives around the world—solar, hydro, gas, CTL, GTL and all those—how far off subsidizing our thirst for oil would that be? Could we supply the world’s demands? Nowhere near it?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Very, very little. In any scenario and in any field for the next, say, 20 years: very, very little. It is a drop of water. If you make the calculation of increasing even by 100 per cent every single year, it is still a drop of water in solar, in biodiesel, in anything.

Senator STERLE—So there really is no alternative at this stage?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—No.

Senator STERLE—You spoke about Western Australia and the free public transport. I think it is going to send some ripples, but we really are faced in the world today—and I can only talk of Australia and my home state in particular—with some very hard decisions to be made.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Yes.

Senator STERLE—It will bring in a lot of side issues of employment and revenue for governments—all sorts of things will pop up. If we are not fair dinkum in what we are leaving for the next generation—for our environment, our economies, our communities and our world— we really are in serious trouble. I pick up on that earlier comment you made about public transport and integrating public transport in trains and buses and whatever else there might be. It is not nirvana; it is a reality that we really are confronted with and we have to face.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Yes. Provided that our models and our predictions are correct, this is exactly what you are going to face very soon. I do not want to be more negative, but I have started looking into T2, T3 and T4, and, my God, there are some things I started seeing down there that really send shudders up my spine. But I will spare you that today. Maybe that is for another time.

But I entirely agree with your statement. It should be done if only to get prepared so that if things go the wrong way you have something to fall back on—that you have some organization which you have already set up. As the crisis develops you develop this organization and make it ever bigger and more powerful to take care of the crisis.

There are companies which are employing 300,000 people in 140 countries who do not know a thing about peak oil. I do not know how they are going to react tomorrow.

The Europeans do not want to believe this reality. Next year they are going to start—they have already started—dying from the cold. According to my statistics, at least 900 people in eastern European countries froze to death last year. This year it is going to be double or triple that amount. This is the reality already. When there is a real crisis, how are they going to react?

The most important point is that governments do not to cause people to panic. The worst reaction to this type of crisis will be panic. If governments are not prepared there will be panic. The more prepared governments and institutions are, the less panic you will have. Panics are very costly. I entirely agree with what you just said. There is still time to get prepared. We are not that much down the T1 slope. It will be a very slow development, so there is time.

Senator STERLE—Apart from what you saw in Perth with the free public transport around the CBD, are any other countries taking that lead?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—No, nobody. There might be a city or two, but I have not heard of any that have taken this drastic step already, and I have not seen such things at all. I can tell you that the future is to rails because rails are the most fuel efficient system. Would you like to see some figures on that? I can illustrate this for you on the whiteboard. This will give you an order of magnitude. At ton kilometers per liter of fuel, airplanes are between two and three, cars are between 10 and 22, trucks are between 65 and 85 and trains are around 320. So on these very simple figures, I think you can see that the future is to trains, but not trains that you build now; trains that you already have and that you are going to spend money on. I have heard that Sydney in 2006 is planning to spend half its budget on roads and other infrastructures and half on public transportation—it seems to be roughly fifty-fifty. I think that as soon as you change this percentage towards rail and public, fuel efficiency might begin to make some sense. I think you can see the future here.

CHAIR—It is not planes.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Aeroplanes will be the first casualty in the system. They are already making losses. I do not know how they can carry on because the jet fuel is directly proportional to the increases in crude oil. It is not like petrol. Petrol is very much cheaper because you have hidden subsidies and you have the taxes naturally.

Senator MILNE—I have a strategic question about Iran’s contribution to global oil supply as well as to gas. What percentage of global reserves does Iran hold? If Iran were to stop supplying overnight for a geopolitical reason, what impact would that have on 81 million barrels used per day? In other words, T1 is assuming everything goes along smoothly. Let us assume there is a geopolitical crisis and Iran decides to stop supplying into that 81 million barrels a day. What impact would that have?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—At present I think that Iran is supplying roughly two million barrels of oil for exports. In the case of some geopolitical problem, you would have to take the two million out of the 81 million. That in itself would not be very harsh. Why? Because major consuming countries have their strategic petroleum reserves. They could start taking it out of their reserves. The latest data on the US SPR is that they have 688 million barrels in their reserves. I believe that the Japanese must have something around 120 million barrels. The Europeans, all together, have roughly the same amount as the Japanese. The Chinese are trying to build up a strategic reserve of roughly 40 million barrels, but they have not started yet. Maybe they hope for the price of crude oil to come a bit lower before they start. They could do that. What would be impacting heavily on the price is the psychological impact of any geopolitical happening, whether in the Persian Gulf or in South-East Asia. Because the leeway in T1 is extremely small—as I have tried to mention to you—the slightest impact geopolitically will have enormous consequences. If you had in Saudi Arabia, for example, or anywhere else, some two million to three million barrels of spare capacity—that you usually had before—then people would not be so worried about this geopolitical impact. But you do not have spare capacity anymore. I do not believe the Saudis have any spare capacity today, although they say they have a million or 1½ million barrels. They have no spare capacity. Nobody, in my opinion—neither OPEC, nor non-OPEC, nor the Russians, nor the Saudis—has any spare capacity. It would have an enormous impact. The price could go anywhere.

I will give you just one example of what we in NOIC did in 1975 after the first price shock, when the price went from roughly $2 per barrel to $11 per barrel. To find out what the real price was NOIC set up an auction, saying, ‘We have a few barrels and we are going to auction these barrels, so whoever is interested should give us a bid.’ Through the bids, we found out what the real price was. Some bids were up to $41. There were people who were willing, at $11 per barrel, to pay $41.

Then you have the problem that the national oil companies today in the Middle East and in OPEC are not what they were in the past. That is another problem. If there is a disruption, as long as the system is working, you have little problem. It just goes on and on. You see that in cases of earthquake or catastrophe. Once there is a catastrophe, it is very difficult to put it back to the way it was before. You see it taking 10, 12 or 15 years to bring it back. If you have geopolitical problems in the Middle East, it will be very difficult after the crisis has been fortunately somehow solved to put the system back to where it was before. For all these reasons—and because of the herd instinct and the panic that might follow—you could easily have prices doubling overnight. If somebody were smart enough to have an auction, you would see prices that even I could not imagine today.

Senator MILNE—You have just talked about the strategic ramifications of even two million barrels being taken out. Australia, as you know, has just signed up to long-term gas exports to China at a fixed price. Given what you have just said, that looks like an increasingly bad deal.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—At a fixed price?

Senator MILNE—That is what I said. Yes, I can see that you are not impressed by the brilliance of that and neither are we, but nevertheless the Prime Minister and Premier Wen both opened the terminal in China recently, celebrating Australia selling bulk gas at a fixed price—to the horror of much of our country. But there are some people who are saying that given what we are having with peak oil and approaching peak gas and given Australia’s wealth in gas and the importance of gas as a transition fuel Australia ought not be exporting gas, that we should be keeping gas as a transition fuel as transition 1, if you like, goes to the more difficult transitions 2, 3 and 4. What is your view about that?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—I cannot comment on political decision-taking by national politicians but I believe that gas is a very strategic commodity today and the more you have the better it will be. You will certainly see in the next few years, even during transition 1, cases of what they call in international law ‘force majeure’ and when you are confronted with force majeure then there are many decisions that you can take.

Natural gas is certainly a strategic commodity today and commodities are becoming very strategic. Commodities like coal and copper, which do not seem to be very strategic, are very strategic. Uranium, for example, is already costing $47 or $48, which is still very cheap. Uranium was $10 not so long ago when nobody was thinking about it, but I can see uranium going way over $100 a pound. All other commodities are important, but natural gas is a very strong commodity. You can always use it domestically in the long term and I can see that happening easily for gas.

CHAIR—What would you recommend that we invest in? As a committee we need to make recommendations against our terms of reference, so what would you suggest we recommend should be the focus of government to deal with this issue?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—It is a very difficult question but I would have one major recommendation, and Senator Siewert touched upon it: to create some kind of national steering committee of experts in the field, dependent upon this committee maybe, to study as fast as possible all these questions, then under the aegis of this steering committee maybe create a very small executive committee to study all that and the priorities so that you have something that is working. That is the only thing that I could recommend now—to study.

CHAIR—Where do ships fit in your chart? You have airplanes, cars, truck and trains. Where does sea transport fit in?

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Ships are way down. Shipping is marvelous, in terms of energy efficiency, whether it be cargo or container ships. That is marvelous. Shipping is very good.

CHAIR—One of the scenarios into the future is likely to be that there will be less air travel and more ship transport and cargo.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Yes, certainly. Airplanes in transition 1 are at risk. They are already at risk today and they are going to be much more at risk than that. Air travel will have to be more and more reduced in the future and it is going to be more and more expensive. Shipping will come back because the factor of time is not going to be as important as the factor of energy efficiency.

CHAIR—If I understand you correctly, you are saying that we should be investing now as a matter of priority in public transport.

Dr Samsam Bakhtiari—Certainly, yes. Right now. As soon as possible. Start tomorrow on public transport. It is better than starting the day after tomorrow. You also have the problem that, at some stage, you will not be able to invest that easily. The further we go down the line, investment gets more difficult. People who think they will undertake projects in 10 years time do not realize the problems of making these projects. I will give you two examples. The Europeans have woken up to this lately. They now want to bring gas from the Persian Gulf to Europe, but that is a 20-year project and it will cost at least $25 billion. It is not feasible today. They are dreaming. And even if they think of putting a gas pipeline from Iran to Pakistan to India, they are also dreaming. You cannot do that today. It is too late. You could have done that as long as you were on the curve, but when you are on the top the projects have to be smaller and smaller and you have to start them as soon as possible, and not get caught up by the events. It is a different way to do things.

Byron King, who writes the “Whiskey & Gunpowder” column, wrote Bakhtiari to ask him to further explain his thinking on T1 through T4. Here’s what he said:

“The four Transition periods (T1, T2, T3, and T4) will roughly span the 2006-2020 era. Each Transition [will] cover, on average, three to four years.

The major palpable difference between the four Ts is their respective gradient of oil output decline – very small for T1, perceptible for T2, remarkable in T3, and rather steep for T4. In fact, this gradation in decline is a genuine blessing for those having to cope and adapt.

It should be borne in mind that these four Ts are only an overall theoretical structure for future global oil output. The structure is thus so orderly because [it is] predicted with ‘Pre-Peak’ methods, ‘Pre-Peak’ assumptions, and [a] ‘Pre-Peak’ set of rules.

The problem is that we now are in ‘Post-Peak’ mode, and that none of [the] above applies anymore.

The fact of being in ‘Post-Peak’ will bring about explosive disruptions we know little about, and which are extremely difficult to foresee. And the shock waves from these explosions rippling throughout the financial and industrial infrastructure could have myriad unintended consequences for which we have no precedent and little experience.

So the only Transition we can see rather clearly (or rather, we hope to be able to comprehend) is T1. It is clear that T1 will witness the tilting of the ‘Oil Demand’ and ‘Oil Supply’ scales — with the former dominant at the onset and the latter commanding toward the close (say, by 2009 or 2010).

But even during that rather benign T1, the unexpected might become the rule and the orderly ‘Pre-Peak’ rapidly give way to some chaotic ‘Post-Peak.

In any instance, the overall structure of the ‘Four Transitions’ is a general guideline for the next 14 years or so — as far as global oil output is concerned. In practice, reality might prove to be worse than these theoretical Transitions; but certainly not better.

I also agree that at the junction of two Ts, there should be some kind of a milestone. For example, at the close of T1, Supply should totally dominate Demand…I am toying with [the] idea, very preliminary, that close of T2 could be OPEC [oil production] surpassing non-OPEC [oil production], although OPEC died in 2004”.

Posted in Energy Policy & Politicians, GOVERNMENT, Other Experts | Tagged , , , | Comments Off on Australian government was Peak Oil Aware in 2006

We’ve wiped out two-thirds of wildlife in just 50 years

Last updated 2022-4-28

Preface.  Human over-consumption is driving extinction far more than climate change. Humans  began reducing biodiversity 4 million years ago, when large carnivores in Africa began disappearing (Faurby, S., et al. 2020. Brain expansion in early hominins predicts carnivore extinctions in East Africa. Ecology Letters.)

The WWF report singles out habitat destruction caused by humans as the main threat to the world’s biodiversity (McGreevy 2020 here).

And extinctions can cascade through ecosystems, threatening humans. The loss of one species can trigger secondary extinctions of additional species, because species interact, yet the consequences of these secondary extinctions for services remain under-explored (Keyes 2021, Leytham-Powell 2021).

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com  Author of Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy; When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, & “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”.  Women in ecology  Podcasts: WGBH, Planet: Critical, Crazy Town, Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, Kunstler 253 &278, Peak Prosperity,  Index of best energyskeptic posts

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Einhorn C (2022) From King Cobras to Geckos, 20 Percent of Reptiles Risk Extinction. New York Times.

The first global analysis of its kind found that logging and farming are taking away reptile habitat at an unsustainable pace, exacerbating a worldwide decline in biodiversity. Other threats are urban development, logging, dams, energy production, mining, transportation, pollution, fires, invasion, disease, hunting and fishing, and climate change.  Scientific paper: Cox N et al (2022) A global reptile assessment highlights shared conservation needs of tetrapods. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-022-04664-7

Lewis S (2020) Animal populations worldwide have declined nearly 70% in just 50 years, new report says. CBS news.

The report blames humans alone for the “dire” state of the planet. It points to the exponential growth of human consumption, population, global trade and urbanization over the last 50 years as key reasons for the unprecedented decline of Earth’s resources.

The report points to land-use change — in particular, the destruction of habitats like rainforests for farming — as the key driver for loss of biodiversity, accounting for more than half of the loss in Europe, Central Asia, North America, Latin America and the Caribbean.

Much of that land is being used for agriculture, which is responsible for 80% of global deforestation and makes up 70% of freshwater use. Using this much land requires a vast food system that releases 29% of global greenhouse gases, and the excessive amount of land and water that people are using has killed 70% of terrestrial biodiversity and 50% of freshwater biodiversity.

Destruction of ecosystems has threatened 1 million species — 500,000 animals and plants and 500,000 insects — with extinction.

Where and how humans produce food is one of the biggest threats to nature, the report says. Much of the habitat loss and deforestation that occurs is driven by food production and consumption.  Species overexploitation, invasive species and diseases and pollution are all considered threats to biodiversity, the report said. However, human-caused climate change is projected to become as, or more important than, other drivers of biodiversity loss in the coming decades.

“This report reminds us that we destroy the planet at our peril — because it is our home,” WWF U.S. president and CEO Carter Roberts said in a statement. “As humanity’s footprint expands into once-wild places, we’re devastating species populations. But we’re also exacerbating climate change and increasing the risk of zoonotic diseases like COVID-19.

McGreevy N (2020) Humans Wiped Out Two-Thirds of the World’s Wildlife in 50 Years. Smithsonian.

Threats to global biodiversity are also threats to humans, experts warn.

Two major reports released this month paint a grim portrait of the future for our planet’s wildlife. First, the Living Planet Report from the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) found that in half a century, human activity has decimated global wildlife populations by an average of 68%.

The study analyzed population sizes of 4,392 monitored species of mammals, fish, birds, reptiles, and amphibians from 1970 to 2016, reports Karin Brulliard for the Washington Post. It found that populations in Latin America and the Caribbean fared the worst, with a staggering 94 percent decline in population. All told, the drastic species decline tracked in this study “signal a fundamentally broken relationship between humans and the natural world,” the WWF notes in a release.

We’re seeing very distinct declines in freshwater ecosystems, largely because of the way we dam rivers and also because of the use of freshwater resources for producing food to feed a growing population of people worldwide.

Then, on Tuesday, the United Nations published its Global Biodiversity Outlook report, assessing the progress—or lack thereof—of the 196 countries who signed onto the Aichi Biodiversity Targets in 2010. This ten year plan outlined ambitious goals to staunch the collapse of biodiversity across the globe. Yet according to the U.N.’s report, the world has collectively failed to reach a single one of those goals in the last decade, reports Catrin Einhorn for the New York Times.

2016-8-13. Climate change isn’t the biggest danger to Earth’s wildlife, our thirst for natural resources is even more damaging

2016-8-10 “Biodiversity: The ravages of guns, nets, and bulldozers” Nature)

Even though climate change is going to have a very powerful impact on plants and wildlife world-wide, climate change has also become a scape-goat, with a “growing tendency for media reports about threats to biodiversity to focus on climate change.”

But scientists have found that over-exploitation, including logging, hunting, fishing and the gathering of plants is the biggest single killer of biodiversity, directly impacting 72% of the 8,688 species listed as threatened or near-threatened by the IUCN. Agricultural activity comes second, affecting 62% of those species, followed by urban development at 35% and pollution at 22%.  Species such as the African cheetah and Asia’s hairy-noes otter are among the 5,407 species that find themselves threatened by agricultural practices, while illegal hunting impacts several populations such as the Sumatran rhino and African elephant.

Climate change on the other hand comes in on a surprising, if somewhat unimpressive, 7th place in the 11 threats identified by the team. Even when you combine all its effects, it currently threatens just 19% of the species on the list, the team reports. Species such as the hooded seal, which the team reports has seen a population decline of 90% in the northeastern Atlantic Arctic over the past few decades as a result of declining ice cover, are part of the 1,688 species directly impacted by climate change.

REFERENCES

Keyes AA et al (2021) An ecological network approach to predict ecosystem service vulnerability to species losses. Nature Communications.

Leytham-Powell C (2021) Extinction cascading through ecosystems could spell trouble for humans. UC Colorado.

Posted in Biodiversity Loss, Extinction, Food production, Scientists Warnings to Humanity | Tagged , , | 2 Comments

Slavery in the Roman Empire

Preface. After fossils decline, we go back to wood as our main thermal source of energy for cooking, heating, smelting metals, ceramics, bricks, glass and other products that need the high heat of wood charcoal.

Sadly, another source of energy is likely to be slavery. I’ve extracted the parts of Holland’s “Rubicon” that dealt with slavery below.

And added on parts I found of interest about how children were raised and other aspects of Roman life I hadn’t read elsewhere.

Other collapses:

Bardi (2021) How Resource Depletion Leads to Collapse. The Story of a Lost Kingdom. The Garamantes were a North-African civilization that grew at the time of the Roman Empire, powerful enough that the Romans built a system of fortifications to defend their possessions on the coast. But the Garamantes ran out of their water resources where they prospered by means of a sophisticated irrigation system using non-renewable fossil water from underground aquifers in the Sahara. After extracting at least 30 billion gallons of water over some 600 years, the 4th-century A.D. Garamantes found their water was running out. To deal with the problem, they would have needed to add more man-made underground tributaries to existing tunnels and dig additional deeper, much longer water-extraction tunnels. To do that, they would have needed vastly more slaves than they had. The water difficulties must have led to food shortages, population reductions, and political instability (local defensive structures from this era may be evidence for political fragmentation). Conquering more territories and pulling in more slaves was therefore simply not militarily feasible. The magic equation between population and military and economic power on the one hand and slave-acquisition capability and water extraction on the other no longer balanced. The desert kingdom declined and fractured into small chiefdoms and was absorbed into the emerging Islamic world.

Alice Friedemann www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

* * *

Tom Holland. 2005. Rubicon: The Last Years of the Roman Republic. Anchor.

It would have been hard for the rebels not to have been overwhelmed by the discovery of just how many other slaves there were in Italy. Human beings were not the least significant portion of the wealth to have been plundered by the Republic during its wars of conquest. The single market established by Roman supremacy had enabled captives to be moved around the Mediterranean as easily as any other form of merchandize, and the result had been a vast boom in the slave trade, a transplanting of populations without precedent in history. Hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, had been uprooted from their homelands and brought to the center of the empire, there to toil for their new masters.

Even the poorest citizen might own a slave.

in the countryside, where conditions were at their worst. Gangs were bought wholesale, branded, and shackled, then set to labor from dawn until dusk. At night they would be locked up in huge, crowded barracks. Not a shred of privacy or dignity was permitted them. They were fed the barest minimum required to keep them alive.

Exhaustion was remedied by the whip, while insubordination would be handled by private contractors who specialized in the torture—and sometimes execution—of uppity slaves. The crippled or prematurely aged could expect to be cast aside, like diseased cattle or shattered wine jars. It hardly mattered to their masters whether they survived or starved. After all, as Roman agriculturalists liked to remind their readers, there was no point in wasting money on useless tools.

This exploitation was what underpinned everything that was noblest about the Republic—its culture of citizenship, its passion for freedom, its dread of disgrace and shame. It was not merely that the leisure that enabled a citizen to devote himself to the Republic was dependent on the forced labor of others. Slaves also satisfied a subtler, more baneful need. “Gain cannot be made without loss to someone else.” so every Roman took for granted. All status was relative. What value would freedom have in a world where everyone was free? Even the poorest citizen could know himself to be immeasurably the superior of even the best-treated slave. Death was preferable to a life without liberty: so the entire history of the Republic had gloriously served to prove. If a man permitted himself to be enslaved, then he thoroughly deserved his fate. Such was the harsh logic that prevented anyone from even questioning the cruelties the slaves suffered, let alone the legitimacy of slavery itself.

It was a logic that slaves accepted too. No one ever objected to the hierarchy of free and un-free, merely his own position within it. What the rebels wanted was not to destroy slavery as an institution, but to win the privileges of their former masters.

GLADIATORS

That midsummer of 73 there was a breakout from a gladiatorial school in Campania.

such schools had become increasingly big business in the region. Gladiators were very much a homegrown speciality.

Even as the rituals of blood-spilling began to be commercialized by a growing Roman interest in them, gladiators continued to dress in the style of Samnite warriors, complete with brimmed helmets and ungainly, bobbing crests. As time went by and Samnite independence faded into history, so the appearance of these fighters came to seem ever more exotic—like that of animals preserved from extinction in a zoo. To the Romans themselves, the whiff of the foreign that clung to gladiatorial combat was always a crucial part of its appeal. As the Republic’s wars became ever more distant from Italy, so it was feared that the martial character of the people might start to fade. In 105 BC the consuls who laid on Rome’s first publicly sponsored games did so with the specific aim of giving the mob a taste of barbarian combat. This was why gladiators were never armed like legionaries but always in the grotesque manner of the Republic’s enemies—if not Samnites, then Thracians or Gauls.

But the carnage also served as a deadly warning. Gladiatorial combat was evidence of what might happen once the spirit of competition was given free rein, once men started to fight each other not as Romans, bound by the restraints of custom and obligation, but as brutes. Blood on the sand, corpses dragged away on hooks. Should the frameworks of the Republic collapse, as they had almost done during the years of civil war, then such

It might be the fate of everyone, citizen as well as slave. Here, then, was another reason why the training schools tended to be concentrated in Campania, at a safe distance from Rome. The Romans could recognize the savagery in the soul of the gladiator and feared to have it harbored it in their midst. In the summer of 73, even though the number on the run was well below a hundred, the Romans still sent a praetor to deal with them, along with an army of three thousand men. The fugitives having taken refuge on the slopes of Vesuvius, the Romans settled down to starve them out. Gladiators, however, knew all about lunging at an opponent’s weak spot. Finding the slopes of the volcano covered with wild vines, they wove ladders out of the tendrils, then descended a precipice and attacked the Romans in the rear. The camp was captured, the legionaries routed. The gladiators were immediately joined by further runaways. Leg irons were melted down and forged into swords. Wild horses were captured and trained, a cavalry unit formed. Spilling out across Campania, the slaves began to pillage a region only just starting to recover from Sulla’s depredations. Nola was besieged yet again, and looted. Two further Roman armies were routed. Another praetor’s camp was stormed.

What had begun as a makeshift guerrilla force was now forming itself into a huge and disciplined army of some 120,000 men. Credit for this belonged to the leader of the original breakout, a Thracian named Spartacus. Before his enslavement he had served the Romans as a mercenary, and combined the physique of a gladiator with shrewdness and sophistication. He recognized that if the rebels stayed in Italy, it would be only a matter of time before their outraged masters annihilated them, so in the spring of 72 he and his army began to head for the Alps. They were pursued by Gellius Publicola, the humorist whose joking at the expense of Athenian philosophers had so amused his friends years before, and who had just been elected to the consulship. Before he could engage with Spartacus, however, the slaves met with the Roman forces stationed to guard the northern frontier, and destroyed them. The route over the Alps, and to freedom, now stood wide open. But the slaves refused to take it. Instead, meeting and brushing aside Gellius’s army, they retraced their steps southward, back toward the heartlands of their masters and everything they had previously been attempting to escape.  

SPARTACUS  

Only Spartacus himself appears to have fought for a genuine ideal. Uniquely among the leaders of slave revolts in the ancient world, he attempted to impose a form of egalitarianism on his followers, banning them from holding gold and silver and sharing out their loot on an equal basis. If this was an attempt at Utopia, however, it failed. The opportunities for violent freebooting were simply too tempting for most of the rebels to resist. Here, the Romans believed, was another explanation for the slaves’ failure to escape while they had the chance. What were the bogs and forests of their homelands compared to the temptations of Italy? The rebels’ dreams of freedom came a poor second to their greed for plunder. To the Romans, this was conclusive evidence of their “servile nature.” In fact, the slaves were only aiming to live as their masters did, off the produce and labor of others. Even on the rampage they continued to hold a mirror up to Roman ideals.

It was no wonder that the Romans themselves, who could recognize efficient looting when they saw it, should have begun to panic.

After a furious debate the consuls were stripped of their two legions, and Crassus was awarded sole command. The new generalissimo immediately launched a recruiting drive, quadrupling the size of the forces at his disposal. Having won the chance to establish himself as the savior of the Republic, he did not intend to waste it.

When two of his legions, in direct contradiction of his orders, engaged with Spartacus and suffered yet another defeat, Crassus’s response was to resurrect the ancient and terrible punishment of decimation. Every tenth man was beaten to death, the obedient along with the disobedient, the brave along with the cowardly, while their fellows were forced to watch. Military discipline was reimposed. At the same time, a warning was sent to any slaves tempted to join Spartacus that they could expect no mercy from a general prepared to impose such sanctions on his own men. Ruthless as Crassus was, he never did anything without a fine calculation of its effect. At a single brutal stroke the property-grubbing millionaire had transformed his image into that of the stern upholder of old-fashioned values. As Crassus would have been perfectly aware, the traditions of Roman discipline always played well with the voters.

Spartacus made a third attempt to force the barricades. This time he broke free. Fleeing Crassus, he began to zigzag northward. Crassus, with one eye on the rebels and the other on the ever-nearing Pompey, followed him at a frantic speed, picking off stragglers in a series of escalating clashes. At last the rebels were cornered again, and Spartacus turned and prepared to fight. Ahead of his marshaled men, he stabbed his horse, spurning the possibility of further retreat, pledging himself to victory or death. Then the slaves advanced into battle. Spartacus himself led a desperate charge against Crassus’s headquarters, but he was killed before he could reach it. The vast bulk of the rebels’ army perished alongside their general. The great slave uprising was over. Crassus had saved the Republic.

Except that, at the very last minute, his glory was snatched from him. As Pompey headed south with his legions toward Rome he met with five thousand of the rebels, fugitives from Spartacus’s final defeat. With brisk efficiency he slaughtered every last one, then wrote to the Senate, boasting of his achievement in finishing off the revolt. Crassus’s feelings can only be imagined. In an attempt to counteract Pompey’s glory-hogging he ordered all the prisoners he had captured to be crucified along the Appian Way. For more than a hundred miles, along Italy’s busiest road, a cross with the body of a slave nailed to it stood every forty yards, gruesome billboards advertising Crassus’s victory.

To most Romans, however, the war against Spartacus had been an embarrassment. Compared to Pompey’s achievement in slaughtering thousands of tribesmen in a far-off provincial war, Crassus’s rescue act in Rome’s backyard was something to forget. This is why, even though both men were voted laurel wreaths, Crassus had to be satisfied with a second-class parade, touring the streets of Rome not in a chariot but on foot. No pavement-pounding for Pompey, of course. Nothing but the best for the people’s hero. While Pompey, preening like a young Alexander, rode in a chariot pulled by four white horses, his trains of loot and prisoners snaking ahead of him through the streets, his adoring fans going wild, Crassus could only watch, and fume.

There were also powerful interest groups in Rome that positively encouraged inactivity. The more that the economy was glutted with slaves, the more dependent it became on them. Even when the Republic was not at war, this addiction still had to be fed. The pirates were the most consistent suppliers. At the great free port of Delos it was said that up to ten thousand slaves might be exchanged in a single day. The proceeds of this staggering volume of trade fatted pirate captain and Roman plutocrat alike. To the business lobby, profit talked louder than disrespect.

the Senate had long been in bed with the business classes. It was for this reason, perhaps, that the most farsighted critic of the Republic’s hunger for human livestock was not a Roman at all, but a Greek. Posidonius, the philosopher who had celebrated the Republic’s empire as the coming of a universal state, recognized in the monstrous scale of slavery the dark side of his optimistic vision. During his travels he had seen Syrians toiling in Spanish mines, and Gauls in chain gangs on Sicilian estates. He was shocked by the inhuman conditions he had witnessed. Naturally, it never crossed his mind to oppose slavery as an institution. What did horrify him, however, was the brutalizing of millions upon millions and the danger that this posed to all his high hopes for Rome. If the Republic, rather than staying true to the aristocratic ideals that Posidonius so admired, permitted its global mission to be corrupted by big business, then he feared that its empire would degenerate into a free-for-all of anarchy and greed. Rome’s supremacy, rather than heralding a golden age, might portend a universal darkness. Corruption in the Republic threatened to putrefy the world. As an example of what he feared, Posidonius pointed to a series of slave revolts, of which that of Spartacus had been merely the most recent. He might just as well have cited the pirates. Bandits, like their prey, were most likely to be fugitives from the misery of the times, from extortion, warfare, and social breakdown. The result, across the Mediterranean, wherever men from different cultures had been thrown together, whether in slave barracks or on pirate ships, was a desperate yearning for the very apocalypse so feared by Posidonius. Rootlessness and suffering served to wither the worship of traditional gods, but it provided a fertile breeding ground for mystery cults. Like the Sibyl’s prophecies, these tended to be a fusion of many different influences: Greek, Persian, and Jewish beliefs. By their nature, they were underground and fluid, invisible to those who wrote history—but one of them, at least, was to leave a permanent mark.

Mithras, whose rites the pirates celebrated, was to end up worshiped throughout the Roman Empire, but his cult was first practiced by the enemies of Rome. Mysterious threads of association bound him to Mithridates, whose very name meant “given by Mithra.” Mithras himself had originally been a Persian deity, but in the form worshiped by the pirates he most resembled Perseus, a Greek hero, and one from whom Mithridates, significantly, claimed descent. Perseus, like Mithridates, had been a mighty king, uniting West and East, Greece and Persia, orders far more ancient than the upstart rule of Rome. On Mithridates’ coinage there appeared a crescent and a star, the ancient symbol of the Greek hero’s sword. This same sword could be seen in the hand of Mithras, plunging deep into the chest of a giant bull.

The alliance between the pirates and Mithridates, which was very close, went far beyond mere expediency. And what is equally certain is that the pirates, preoccupied with plunder as they were, also saw themselves as the enemies of everything embodied by Rome. No opportunity was wasted to trample on the Republic’s ideals. If a prisoner was discovered to be a Roman citizen, the pirates would first pretend to be terrified of him, groveling at his feet and dressing him in his toga; only when he was wearing the symbol of his citizenship would they lower a ladder into the sea and invite him to swim back home. Raiding parties would deliberately target Roman magistrates and carry off the symbols of their power.

Roman business, having sponsored a monster, now began to find itself menaced by its own creation. The pirates’ growing command of the sea enabled them to throttle the shipping lanes. The supply of everything, from slaves to grain, duly dried to a trickle, and Rome began to starve. Still the Senate hesitated.

***

And a few other bits of interest about the Roman Empire

In their relations with their fellows, then, the citizens of the Republic were schooled to temper their competitive instincts for the common good. In their relations with other states, however, no such inhibitions cramped them. “More than any other nation, the Romans have sought out glory and been greedy for praise.” The consequences for their neighbors of this hunger for honor were invariably devastating. The legions’ combination of efficiency and ruthlessness was something for which few opponents found themselves prepared. When the Romans were compelled by defiance to take a city by storm, it was their practice to slaughter every living creature they found. Rubble left behind by the legionaries could always be distinguished by the way in which severed dogs’ heads or the dismembered limbs of cattle would lie strewn among the human corpses. The Romans killed to inspire terror, not in a savage frenzy but as the disciplined components of a fighting machine.

The Romans lacked a specific word for “baby,” reflecting their assumption that a child was never too young to be toughened up. Newborns were swaddled tightly to mold them into the form of adults, their features were kneaded and pummelled, and boys would have their foreskins yanked to make them stretch. Old-fashioned Republican morality and newfangled Greek medicine united to prescribe a savage regime of dieting and cold baths. The result of this harsh upbringing was to contribute further to an already devastating infant mortality rate. It has been estimated that only two out of three children survived their first year, and that under 50% went on to reach puberty. The deaths of children were constant factors of family life. Parents were encouraged to respond to such losses with flinty calm. The younger the child, the less emotion would be shown, so that it was a commonplace to argue that “if an infant dies in its cradle, then its death ought not even be mourned.” Yet reserve did not necessarily spell indifference. There is plenty of evidence from tombstones, poetry, and private correspondence to suggest the depth of love that Roman parents could feel.

Caesar’s upbringing was famously strict, and his mother, Aurelia, was accordingly remembered by subsequent generations of Romans as a model parent; so model, in fact, that it was said she had breastfed her children. This, notoriously, was something that upper-class women rarely chose to do, despite it being their civic duty, since, as everyone knew, milk was imbued with the character of the woman who supplied it.

The Romans believed that girls had to be molded just as much as boys. Physical as well as intellectual exercises were prescribed for both. A boy trained his body for warfare, a girl for childbirth, but both were pushed to the point of exhaustion. To the Romans, self-knowledge came from appreciating the limits of one’s endurance. It was only by testing what these might be that a child could be prepared for adult life.

No wonder that Roman children appear to have had little time for play. Far fewer toys have been found dating from the Republic than from the period that followed its collapse, when the pressure to raise good citizens had begun to decline. Even so, children were children: “As they grow older, not even the threat of punishment can keep them from playing games with all the energy they have.” Girls certainly had their dolls, since it was the custom to dedicate these to Venus as part of the rituals of marriage. Boys, meanwhile, played obsessively with spinning tops. Dice appear to have been a universal mania. At wedding parties the groom would be expected to toss children coins or nuts that could then be played for as stakes.

Smoke from sacrifices to the gods continued to rise above the seven hills, just as it had done back in far-off times, when trees “of every kind” had completely covered one of the hills, the Aventine. Forests had long since vanished from Rome, and if the city’s altars still sent smoke wreathing into the sky, then so too did a countless multitude of hearth-fires, furnaces, and workshops. Long before the city itself could be seen, a distant haze of brown would forewarn the traveler that he was nearing the great city. Nor was smog the only sign.

Nobility was perpetuated not by blood but by achievement. A nobleman’s life was a strenuous series of ordeals or it was nothing. If he failed to gain a senior magistracy or—worse—lost membership of the Senate altogether, a nobleman’s aura would soon start to fade. If three generations passed without notable successes, then even a patrician might find that he had a name known only “to historians and scholars, and not to the man in the street, the average voter, at all.

Marius, of course, provided the great example of a commoner made good. If it were sufficiently dashing, a military career might well provide a new man with both glory and loot. All the same, it was hard for anyone without contacts to win a command. Rome had no military academy. Staff officers were generally young aristocrats adept at pulling strings. Caesar would never have had the opportunity to win his civic crown had he not been a patrician. Even once it had been obtained, a military posting could bring its own problems. Lengthy campaigns, of the kind that might win a new man spectacular glory, would also keep him away from Rome. No one on the make could afford a long-term leave of absence. Ambitious novices in the political game would generally serve their time with the legions, and maybe even win some honorable scars, but few made their names that way. That was usually left to established members of the nobility. Instead, for the new man, the likeliest career path to triumph in the Cursus, to the ultimate glory of the consulship, and to seeing himself and his descendants join the ranks of the elite was the law.

In Rome this was a topic of consuming interest. Citizens knew that their legal system was what defined them and guaranteed their rights. Understandably, they were intensely proud of it. Law was the only intellectual activity that they felt entitled them to sneer at the Greeks. It gratified the Romans to no end to point out how “incredibly muddled—almost verging on the ridiculous—other legal systems are compared to [their] own!”16 In childhood, boys would train their minds for the practice of law with the same single-minded intensity they brought to the training of their bodies for warfare. In adulthood, legal practice was the one civilian profession that a senator regarded as worthy of his dignity. This was because law was not something distinct from political life but an often lethal extension of it. There was no state-run prosecution service. Instead, all cases had to be brought privately, making it a simple matter for feuds to find a vent in the courts. The prosecution of a rival might well prove a knockout blow. Officially the penalty for a defendant found guilty of a serious crime was death. In practice, because the Republic had no police force or prison system, a condemned man would be permitted to slip away into exile, and even live in luxury, if he had succeeded in squirreling away his portable wealth in time. His political career, however, would be over. Not only were criminals stripped of their citizenship, but they could be killed with impunity if they ever set foot back in Italy. Every Roman who entered the Cursus had to be aware that this might be his fate. Only if he won a magistracy would he be immune from the prosecutions of his rivals, and even then only for the period of his office. The moment it ended his enemies could pounce. Bribery, intimidation, the shameless pulling of strings—anything would be attempted to avoid a prosecution. If it did come to the law courts, then no trick would be too low, no muck-raking too vicious, no slander too cruel. Even more than an election, a trial was a fight to the death.

To the Romans, with their inveterate addiction to passionate and sensational rivalries, this made the law a thrilling spectator sport. Courts were open to the general public. Two permanent tribunals stood in the Forum, and other temporary platforms might be thrown up as circumstance required. As a result, the discerning enthusiast always had a wide choice of trials from which to choose. Orators could gauge their standing by their audience share. This only encouraged the histrionics that were already part and parcel of a Roman trial. Close attention to the minutiae of statutes was regarded as the pettifogging strategy of a second-class mind, since everyone knew that only “those who fail to make the grade as an orator resort to the study of the law.” Eloquence was the true measure of forensic talent. The ability to seduce a crowd, spectators as well as jurors and judges, to make them laugh or cry, to entertain them with a comedy routine or tug at their heart strings, to persuade them and dazzle them and make them see the world anew, this was the art of a great law-court pleader. It was said that a Roman would rather lose a friend than an opportunity for a joke. Conversely, he felt not the slightest embarrassment at displays of wild emotion. Defendants would be told to wear mourning clothes and look as haggard as they could. Relatives would periodically burst into tears. Marius, we are told, wept to such effect at the trial of one of his friends that the jurors and the presiding magistrate all joined in and promptly voted for the defendant to be freed.

Rome’s leading orator in the decade following Sulla’s death, Quintus Hortensius Hortalus, was notorious for aping the gestures of a mime artist. Like Caesar, he was a celebrated fop, who “would arrange the folds of his toga with great care and exactness,” then use his hands and the sweep of his arms as extensions of his voice. He did this with such grace that the stars of the Roman stage would stand in the audience whenever he spoke, studying and copying his every gesture. Like actors, orators were celebrities, gaped at and gossiped about. Hortensius himself was nicknamed “Dionysia” after a famous dancing girl, but he could afford to brush all such insults aside. The prestige he won as Rome’s leading orator was worth any number of jeers.

***

The armies of the Republic had not always been filled with penniless volunteers. When the citizens assembled for elections on the Campus Martius, ranked strictly according to their wealth, they were preserving the memory of a time when men of every class had been drafted, when a legion had indeed embodied the Republic at war. Ironically, in those nostalgically remembered days, only those without property had been excluded from the levy. This had reflected deeply held prejudices: among the Romans, it was received wisdom that “men who have their roots in the land make the bravest and toughest soldiers.” The horny-handed peasant, tending to his small plot, was the object of much sentimental attachment and patriotic pride. Unsurprisingly, for the Republic had become great on his back. For centuries the all-conquering Roman infantry had consisted of yeoman farmers, their swords cleaned of chaff, their plows left behind, following their magistrates obediently to war. For as long as Rome’s power had been confined to Italy, campaigns had been of manageably short duration. But with the expansion of the Republic’s interests overseas, they had lengthened, often into years. During a soldier’s absence, his property might become easy prey. Small farms had been increasingly swallowed up by the rich. In place of a tapestry of fields and vineyards worked by free men, great stretches of Italy had been given over to vast estates, filled with chain gangs—

In 107 Marius had bowed to the inevitable: the army was opened to every citizen, regardless of whether he owned property or not. Weapons and armor had begun to be supplied by the state. The legions had turned professional. From that moment on, possession of a farm was no longer the qualification for military service, but the reward. This was why, when the first mutterings of mutiny began to be heard in the winter of 68, the whispers were all of how Pompey’s veterans, merely for fighting rebels and slaves, were already “settled down with wives and children, in possession of fertile land.” Lucullus, by contrast, was starving his men of loot. The charge was patently untrue—Tigranocerta had fallen and been plundered only the previous year—but it was widely believed.

***

Capture by pirates had recently become something of an occupational hazard for Roman aristocrats. Eight years previously Julius Caesar had been abducted while en route to Molon’s finishing school. When the pirates demanded a ransom of twenty talents, Caesar had indignantly claimed that he was worth at least fifty. He had also warned his captors that he would capture and crucify them once he had been released, a promise that he had duly fulfilled. Clodius’s own dealings with pirates were to contribute less flatteringly to his reputation. When he wrote to the king of Egypt demanding the ransom fee, the response was a derisory payment of two talents, to the immense amusement of the pirates and the fury of the captive himself. The final circumstances of Clodius’s release were lost in a murk of scandal. His enemies—of whom there were many—claimed that the price had been his anal virginity.

Whatever the rewards it was capable of bringing them, however, kidnapping was only a sideline for the pirates. Calculated acts of intimidation ensured that they could extort and rob almost at will, inland as well as at sea. The scale of their plundering was matched by their pretensions. Their chiefs “claimed for themselves the status of kings and tyrants, and for their men, that of soldiers, believing that if they pooled their resources, they would be invincible.” In the nakedness of their greed, and in their desire to make the whole world their prey, there was more than a parody of the Republic itself, a ghostly mirror image that the Romans found unsettling in the extreme. The shadowiness of the pirates’ organization, and their diffuse operations, made them a foe unlike any other. “The pirate is not bound by the rules of war, but is the common enemy of everyone,” Cicero complained. “There can be no trusting him, no attempt to bind him with mutually agreed treaties.” How was such an adversary ever to be pinned down, let alone eradicated? To make the attempt would be to fight against phantoms. “It would be an unprecedented war, fought without rules, in a fog”; a war that appeared without promise of an end. Yet for a people who prided themselves on their refusal to tolerate disrespect, this was a policy of unusual defeatism. It was true that the rocky inlets of Cilicia and the mountain fastnesses that stretched beyond them were almost impossible to police. The area had always been bandit country. Ironically, however, it was Rome’s very supremacy in the east that had enabled the pirates to swarm far beyond their strongholds. By hamstringing every regional power that might pose a threat to its interests and yet refusing to shoulder the burden of direct administration, the Republic had left the field clear for the triumph of brigandage. To people racked by the twin plagues of political impotence and lawlessness, the pirates had at least brought the order of the protection racket. Some towns paid tribute to them, others offered harbors. With each year that passed the pirates’ tentacles extended farther.

***

Nothing was more scandalous to the Romans than a reputation for enjoying haute cuisine. Celebrity chefs had long been regarded as a particularly pernicious symptom of decadence. Back in the virtuous, homespun days of the early Republic, so historians liked to claim, the cook “had been the least valuable of slaves,” but no sooner had the Romans come into contact with the fleshpots of the East than “he began to be highly prized, and what had been a mere function instead came to be regarded as high art.” In a city awash with new money and with no tradition of big spending, cookery had rapidly become an all-consuming craze. Not only cooks but ever more exotic ingredients had been brought into Rome on a ceaseless flood of gold. To those who upheld the traditional values of the Republic, this mania threatened a ruin that was as much moral as financial. The Senate, alarmed, had accordingly attempted to restrain it. As early as 169 the serving of dormice at dinner parties had been banned, and later Sulla himself, in a fine show of hypocrisy, had rushed through similar laws in favor of cheap, homely fare. All mere dams of sand. Faddishness swept all before it. Increasingly, millionaires were tempted to join their cooks in the kitchens, trying out their own recipes, sampling ever more outlandish dishes. This was the crest of the wave that Sergius Orata had ridden to such lucrative effect, but oysters did not lack for rivals in the culinary stakes. Scallops, fatted hares, the vulvas of sows, all came suddenly and wildly into vogue, and all for the same reason: for in the softness of a flesh that threatened rapid putrescence yet still retained its succulence the Roman food snob took an ecstatic joy.

Most treasured, most relished, most savored of all, were fish. So it had always been. The Romans had been stocking lakes with spawn for as long as their city had been standing. By the third century BC Rome had come to be ringed by ponds. Freshwater fish, however, because so much easier to catch, were far less prized than species found only in the sea—and as Roman gastronomy grew ever more exotic, so these became the focus of intensest desire. Rather than remain dependent on tradesmen for their supply of turbot or eel, the super-rich began to construct saltwater ponds. Naturally, the prodigious expense required to maintain these only added to their appeal.

***

Roman nostalgia for the countryside cut across every social boundary. Even the most luxurious of villas also served as farms. Inevitably, among the urban elite, this tended to encourage a form of playacting that Marie-Antoinette might have recognized. A favorite affectation was to build couches in a villa’s fruit store. A particularly shameless host, if he could not be bothered to grow and harvest his own fruit, might transport supplies from Rome, then arrange them prettily in his store for the delectation of his guests. Pisciculture had a similarly unreal quality. Self-sufficiency in fish came at a staggering price. As agriculturalists were quick to point out, homemade lakes “are more appealing to the eye than to the purse, which they tend to empty rather than fill. They are expensive to build, expensive to stock, expensive to maintain.

In pisciculture, as in every other form of extravagance, however, it was Lucullus who set the most dazzling standards of notoriety. His fishponds were universally acknowledged to be wonders, and scandals, of the age. To keep them supplied with salt water, he had tunnels driven through mountains; and to regulate the cooling effect of the tides, groynes built far out into the sea. The talents that had once been devoted to the service of the Republic could not have been more spectacularly, or provocatively, squandered.

***

A city that indulged a dance culture was one on the point of catastrophe. Cicero could even claim, with a perfectly straight face, that it had been the ruin of Greece. “Back in the old days,” he thundered, “the Greeks used to stamp down on that kind of thing. They recognized the potential deadliness of the plague, how it would gradually rot the minds of its citizens with pernicious manias and ideas, and then, all at once, bring about a city’s total collapse.” By the standards of that diagnosis, Rome was in peril indeed. To the party set, the mark of a good night out, and the city’s cutting-edge craze, was to become ecstatically drunk and then, to the accompaniment of “shouts and screams, the whooping of girls and deafening music,” to strip naked and dance wildly on tables.

Roman politicians had always been divided more by style than by issues of policy. The increasing extravagance of Rome’s party scene served to polarize them even further. Clearly, it was an excruciating embarrassment for traditionalists that so many of their standard bearers had themselves succumbed to the temptations of luxury: men such as Lucullus and Hortensius were ill placed to wag the finger at anyone.

***

It was a deliberate tactic on Cato’s part to make his enemies, in comparison to his own imposing example, appear all the more vicious and effeminate. Chasing after women and staying out drunk were not expressions of machismo to the Romans; the very opposite, in fact. Indulgence threatened potency.

their togas had the texture and transparency of veils, and they wore them, in a much-repeated phrase, “loosely belted.” This, of course, was precisely how Julius Caesar had dressed in the previous decade. It is a revealing correspondence. In the sixties as in the seventies, Caesar continued to blaze a trail as the most fashionable man in Rome. He spent money as he wore his toga, with a nonchalant flamboyance. His most dandyish stunt was to commission a villa in the countryside and then, the moment it had been built, tear it down for not measuring up to his exacting standards. Extravagance such as this led many of his rivals to despise him. Yet Caesar was laying down stakes in a high-risk game. To be the darling of the smart set was no idle thing. The risk, of course, was that it might result in ruin—not merely financial, but political too. It was noted by his shrewder enemies, however, that he never let his partying put his health at risk. His eating habits were as frugal as Cato’s. He rarely drank. If his sexual appetites were notorious, then he was careful to choose his long-term partners with a cool and searching caution.

***

Early every December women from the noblest families in the Republic would gather to celebrate the mysterious rites of the Good Goddess. The festival was strictly off-limits to men. Even their statues had to be veiled for the occasion. Such secrecy fueled any number of prurient male fantasies. Every citizen knew that women were depraved and promiscuous by nature. Surely a festival from which men were banned had to be a scene of lubricious abandon? Not that any male had ever dared take a peek to confirm this thrilling suspicion. It was one of the idiosyncrasies of Roman religion that even those who sniggered at it also tended to regard it with awe. Men, just as much as women, honored the Good Goddess.

The mansion began to fill with incense, music, and great ladies. Now, for a few brief hours, it was the city’s women who held the safety of Rome in their hands. There was no longer any call for them to skulk in the shadows, afraid of prying eyes. Yet one of Aurelia’s maids, looking for some music, observed a flute-girl who was doing exactly that. She approached her; the flute-girl shrank away. When the maid demanded to know who she was, the flute-girl shook her head, then mumbled Pompeia’s name. The maid shrieked. Dressed in a long-sleeved tunic and breastband the stranger might have been, but the voice had been unmistakably male. Uproar ensued. Aurelia, frantically covering up the sacred statues of the goddess, suspended the rites. The other women went in search of the impious intruder. They finally found him, hidden in the room of one of Pompeia’s maids. Off came the veil of the bogus flute-girl to reveal … Clodius.

Gossip convulsed the city.

Clodius, by dressing up in women’s clothes and gate-crashing a sacred ritual, had clearly taken offensiveness to a whole new level. Overnight he became the toast of every loose-belted dandy and the bogey of every conservative in Rome. Caught in the middle, deeply embarrassed by the affair, was Caesar. Naturally, he had to affect outrage. Not only had Clodius violated the pontifical house, but it was also rumored that he had been planning to violate Pompeia herself. Cuckolded Roman husbands had been known to set their slaves on adulterers, to beat them, rape them, even castrate them; at the very least Caesar would have been justified in dragging Clodius through the courts. But the pontifex had an image problem: despite his elevated religious status, he remained a topic of fevered gossip himself, the rake who had been labeled “a man for every woman, and a woman for every man.”28 For Caesar to adopt the tone of the moral majority might open him to even greater ridicule, quite apart from making an enemy of Clodius and alienating the fast set who were his natural supporters. After all, he was planning to run for the consulship within a couple of years. Clodius was far too well connected, and capricious, to risk offending. In the end Caesar resolved his dilemma by divorcing Pompeia but refusing to say why: “Caesar’s wife must be above suspicion”29 was his single, Delphic comment. Then, before anyone could press him further, he slipped away to Spain, where he was due to serve as governor. It was a measure of his eagerness to be away from Rome that he arrived in his new province before the Senate had even had time to confirm his appointment. Caesar’s departure did nothing to dim the obsession with the scandal. The continuing hysteria that surrounded Clodius’s stunt submerged even the news of Pompey’s arrival.

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Walter Youngquist: Geodestinies dams and hydropower

Preface. I was fortunate enough to know Walter for 15 years. He became a friend and mentor, helping me learn to become a better science writer, and sending me material I might be interested in, and delightful pictures of him sitting in a lawn chair and feeding wild deer who weren’t afraid of him. I thought his book Geodestinies: The Inevitable Control of Earth Resources over Nations and Individuals, published in 1997, was the best overview of energy and natural resources ever written, and encouraged him to write a second edition. He did try, but he spent so much time taking care of his ill wife, that he died before finishing it. I’ve made eight posts in Experts/Walter Youngquist of just a few topics from the version that was in progress when he died at 96 years old in 2018 (500 pages).

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Walter Youngquist: Geodestinies Coal

Preface. Before the excerpt from Geodestinies, I thought an introduction to how coal is formed would be worthwhile, especially since I still thought it was the “once-popular explanation” below (Cottier 2021 How Ancient Forests Formed Coal and Fueled Life as We Know It. Discover).

“Coal doesn’t form at a steady rate. Huge quantities appear now and then in the geological timeline, but small, isolated patches are more typical. This spotty record raises the question of why coal creation isn’t constant throughout Earth’s history. 

A once-popular explanation argued that the Carboniferous was so productive because woody plants had just begun to grow and the fungi of the time hadn’t yet evolved to decompose lignin, the polymer that makes wood rigid. Rather than decay and disappear, these prehistoric trees remained preserved until they were buried by sediment and turned into coal.

It’s a simple, elegant solution, but many experts find it unconvincing. For one, the odds seem low that tens of million of years passed before any fungus hit upon an enzyme that could break down lignin. More importantly, there’s much more to coal than woody plants: In many places, the bulk of the dead plant matter came from lycopods, a giant tree whose living relatives include club mosses and which contained little lignin. 

The way coal is formed is very simple: You need a lot of rain (to form swamps and foster plant growth) and a hole (for the plants to fill).  Which was especially true in the Carboniferous and a few other coal-bearing periods.  During the Carboniferous, as the Earth’s landmasses merged into the supercontinent Pangaea, the collision of tectonic plates forged both mountain ranges and wide basins beside them. Voila — holes to fill. Some of those basins, including the ones in present-day Europe and the eastern U.S., happened to form in the ever-wet tropics. In the global scheme of thingsit comes down to how many large, sinking tectonic basins sit in the appropriate locations and allow deteriorating organic matter to accumulate.

When plants died in these waterlogged regions, many fell into stagnant pools with little oxygen. Since most decomposers (bacteria, fungi, worms and the like) can’t survive in such conditions, the plants never fully decayed. Instead they formed peat, an accumulation of partially decayed organic material. But even this is not enough to guarantee coal — if the wetlands dry out, the exposed peat will disintegrate. One way or another, it must be covered by sediment. 

Sometimes, in swamps located either near the ocean or in flatlands where rising seas can reach them, this happens repeatedly during glacial-interglacial cycles. Peat forms during glacial periods, when the polar ice sheets grow and the sea level falls. Then, when the ice melts and the sea floods into the swamps, the peat is preserved, locked away beneath new marine sediment. In some places, the rock record attests to dozens of these repeating marine and non-marine layers, known as cyclothems. “Then you just have to wait a hundred thousand years until the next cycle begins again,” Looy says. Peat can also be preserved farther inland, as the eroding sediments of the surrounding landscape bury it.

Over time, when new sediment and peat layers compress the buried peat, the increasing weight squeezes out water, gradually leaving behind coal. It hardens slowly into increasingly refined forms, starting with lignite, or brown coal, and proceeding through sub-bituminous and bituminous to anthracite — the black, lustrous lumps you might imagine.

glaciation, rainfall, sedimentation — is actually quite simple. With basins in the appropriate spots, the coal cycle runs almost like clockwork, an hour hand spinning round and round. “Once you see the system as linked together, it’s not that complex,” he says. “The glaciers come, the glaciers go. Peat forms, peat doesn’t form. It makes sense.”

And coal is almost always cropping up somewhere in the world. Even today, in select tropical regions like Borneo and the Congo Basin, peat piles up into what could be the next generation of deposits (though not all peat necessarily makes the transformation to coal). 

But nothing recent rivals the likes of the Carboniferous and the Permian. To create the immense troves of fossil fuel that have driven so much of human activity, you need precise circumstances, and our planet doesn’t often provide them. “You have an alignment of conditions … and those conditions give you all this coal,” DiMichele says. “Getting that set of conditions is not something that just happens again and again.”

Other Youngquist Geodestinies Posts:

Alice Friedemann www.energyskeptic.com  author of “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy“, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer; Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

* * *

In regard to the “depths of the Earth,” mining at best can get down to only reach a depth of about 10,000 feet because the geothermal gradient is about 2° F for every hundred feet. That means the temperature at 10,000 feet down is about 200° F higher than at the surface. Mines at that depth require expensive cooling systems. A lot of pumps are also needed to keep out the water that would otherwise flood the mine. A major hazard at greater depths is overlying rock pressure. It is so great that walls of the mine are subject to “rock bursts,” in which rocks burst out of the sides of the mine and crush anything in their path, including mine cars and people.

But when it comes to coal, the depth is far less. Coal is usually mined safely at depths less than 3,500 feet; any deeper and the weight of the overlying rock could collapse.

The world’s reserves of hard coal (bituminous and sub-bituminous) and low-grade coal (lignite) are about the same, but their consumption trends are different. Demand for hard coal is rising, while the use of lignite for fuel is essentially flat. Lignite has a high-water content making it more costly to ship per unit of energy than for hard coal. The result is that the world will run out of higher quality coal much sooner than it will run out of lower quality coal.

It has been estimated that 90% of the total energy in coal, oil, and natural gas deposits in the United States, is in the form of coal. These coal deposits are already known; there is no expensive exploration work involved as there is for deeply hidden oil reservoirs.

Coal, however, has some substantial problems, starting with the fact that underground coal mines are dangerous. Each year miners are killed, and many others have their health permanently impaired. In the United States, most western coal, and considerable eastern coal, now is mined by open-pit methods. Underground mines are becoming less common. In mountainous areas such as the Appalachians, surface or strip mining and mountaintop removal mining of coal can have severe impacts on scenery, hydrology, water quality, local air quality, flora, and fauna.

Scientific American (2007) examined the U.S. government’s recent push to promote coal-to-liquid as a partial answer to the problem of oil supply. Their conclusions were: …liquid coal comes with substantial environmental and economic negatives. On the environmental side, the polluting properties of coal — starting with mining and lasting long after burning — and the large amounts of energy required to liquefy it, mean that liquid coal produces more than twice the global warming emissions as regular gasoline and almost double those of ordinary diesel…. One ton of coal produced only two barrels of fuel [gross return, not counting the energy input to produce it]. In addition to the carbon dioxide emitted while using the fuel, the production process creates almost a ton of carbon dioxide for every barrel of liquid fuel….Which is to say, one ton of coal in, more than two tons of carbon dioxide out…. Liquid coal is also a bad economic choice. Lawmakers from coal states are proposing that U.S. taxpayers guarantee minimum prices for the new fuel, and guarantee big purchases by the government for the next 25 years…. The country would be spending billions in loans, tax incentives and price guarantees to lock in a technology that produces more greenhouse gases than gasoline does….

Coal to oil to coal — in less than 100 years.  For energy measured in terms of barrels of oil equivalent (boe), world oil energy domination over coal only happened in 1963. Given current trends of increased coal production (especially in China and India) the reverse crossover point of coal becoming once again the dominant world energy source appears likely to occur no later than 2050. Some estimates put it as early as 2013. This means that oil will have reigned as the top energy source for less than 100 years. Yet another example of how the “oil interval” will be only a passing moment in human history. But coal is also a finite fossil fuel whose use will end within a century. Europe is going back to coal, with new coal-fired plants now scheduled for Italy, Germany, and in the United Kingdom. “Europe’s power station owners emphasize that they are making the new coal plants as clean as possible. But critics say that ‘clean coal’ is a pipe dream….” (Rosenthal, 2008).

Coal is still vital to U.S. economy in 2030 In spite of its environmental drawbacks and the decline in quality of coal being mined, the Energy Information Agency projects coal will still be a major source of fuel for electric power generation in 2030. Other sources of electricity (wind, solar, etc.) are still regarded to be very minor sources, in total, supplying less than half the fuel energy that coal will provide. Gas, however, will replace coal to some extent for a limited time.

Fossil Fuels — A Brief Flash. The fuels just mentioned are fossil fuels, the accumulation of myriad animal and plant remains during a period of more than 500 million years. It is sobering to realize that the most useful fossil fuels, coal and petroleum, which took geologic ages for nature to produce, will be consumed in a brief flash of Earth history, probably lasting less than 500 years. Even in terms of human history this will be a very short and unique time.

Coal exists in 37 states, and is mined underground in 22 states. It is estimated that eventually underground coal mining in the United States will involve 40 million acres, eight million of which already have experienced underground mining. Ground subsidence over coal mines is already occurring on more than two million acres. The U.S. Bureau of Mines estimates that nearly 400,000 acres of land in urban areas in 18 states may be subject to subsidence, and the total costs to stabilize these lands would be about $12 billion (Johnson and Miller, 1979).

In the East, coal companies have more recently been removing the tops of mountains and mining coal by the open pit method. The overburden is dumped in adjacent valleys, and has severe adverse effects on both the landscape and the environment that will be visible far into the future. In some regions of West Virginia where mining accounts for almost all the jobs, miners and environmentalists have clashed. There seems to be no happy resolution to this problem. In whatever form and by whatever means energy is produced (“captured” would probably be more accurate) in some energy forms more than others, there is always an environmental impact.

David Hughes (2007) reports that 50% of all coal consumed has been used since 1970, and 90% has been used since 1909. Hughes says world coal production will peak by 2025, as do several other recent studies, much earlier than those who have been saying the significant production life for coal is hundreds of years. These consumption patterns also generally apply to the consumption of all metals and nonmetals.

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Book review of “Bright Green Lies”

This is a book review of “Bright Green Lies. How the Environmental Movement Lost its Way and What We can Do About It” by Derrick Jensen, Lierre Keith, and Max Wilbert.

This is a timely book.  The Biden administration is alarmed by how China controls up to 90% of rare earth and other essential minerals we’ll need for bright green power and anything else electronic. Analysts are predicting that the Biden infrastructure plan will include mines for lithium (such as the open-pit lithium mine at Thacker Pass, Nevada), a new copper mine in Arizona on land the San Carlos Apache Tribe considers sacred and more destruction of U.S. land, rivers, and aquifers.

This book covers the amazing amount of damage bright green power will do to the climate, biodiversity, and ecology, but above all by mining.  If you are trying to lose weight, read this book, you will lose your appetite, I guarantee you!

And why destroy our country to mine metals to compete with China? In my book “Life After Fossil Fuels”, I write “Let China monopolize the second most polluting industry on earth. Mining spews out acid rain, wastewater, and heavy metals onto land, water, and air. One fifth of China’s arable land is polluted from mining and industry.  Mining the materials needed for renewable energy potentially affects 50 million square kilometers, 37% of Earth’s land (minus Antarctica), with a third of this land overlapping key biodiversity areas, wilderness, or protected areas. If mined, that would drive biodiversity loss, harm (rain) forests, and poison ecosystems.  Renewable energy is anything but clean and green. And quite a Pyrrhic victory for China!”

Some religions promise life after death, bright green lies promise that we can continue our gluttonous earth-destroying lifestyle without any sacrifices.  Instead of Jesus, our savior will be Renewable Energy, recycling, and more. 

Naomi Klein’s “shock doctrine” applies to Bright Green Lies.  You’re being told that because of climate change, you need to hand over huge subsidies to the industrial economy to destroy huge amounts of the natural world with toxic wastes for the electricity generating contraptions that will allow you to continue with your non-negotiable lifestyle.

More than any other book, this one zeroes in on the massive amount of ecological destruction that mining the materials to make millions of wind turbines, solar panels, nuclear and other electricity generating devices will cause.  In many ways the harm is more substantial than greenhouse gases, which get all the attention.  I am just sickened by the harm mining for wind and solar contraptions causes.   Tremendous harm, agricultural areas seeded with toxic metals, great harm to creatures great and small with consequent biodiversity loss, polluted rivers, lakes, and oceans from all the toxic chemicals used to extract metals from ores, and much more. 

The authors expose the huge negative ecological impact wind turbines can have on landscapes, especially from the mines required to get copper, iron, and other ores to construct them with.  There’s a lot to be said about this, and not surprising when you consider the scale of Stuff required. Just the blades to generate 2.5 TW of power would need about 90 million metric tons of crude oil to make the resins. The 3.8 million 5 MW turbines Mark Jacobson calls for would need 2.4 billion tons of steel, 1.9 million tons of copper, 2.6 billion tons of concrete, and much more. We’re talking 60,000 Hoover dams of materials here!  

On top of that, wind, solar, and other renewables are not reducing emissions, nor are they making a dent in energy use except for a teeny tiny amount in electricity generation.  Germany, which has gone further than any other nation to wean themselves off fossil fuels, known as “Energiewende”, is a huge failure as shown in Chapter 3: The solar lie part 1.  Yet the most expensive attempt in the world to replace fossils with renewables is falsely praised as a success by the Sierra Club, Naomi Klein, Bill McKibben, and other environmentalists.  The authors also point out that solar power may actually have a negative energy return on energy invested (EROEI), especially in northern climates.   

Solar panels, like wind turbines also require a horrifying amount of raw materials, none of which are renewable, such as lead, indium, nylon, polypropylene, silicon, zinc sulfide, gold, silver, chlorine, aluminum, copper and tin, and few of which will ever be recycled.  In addition, solar panels need transformers, substations, transmission lines, a network of roads to provide maintenance access, vehicles, fuel for the vehicles, factories to build the vehicles, and so on.  And that’s nothing compared to what a concentrated solar plant such as Ivanpah requires, which destroyed wildlife after covering 3500 acres (5.4 square miles) of ecologically fragile desert land.  Like wind turbines, solar panels depend on mines producing vast amounts of toxic wastes. 

Increasing the electric grid to carry more renewables, or building more dams and geothermal power also has a huge impact on the mining of billions of tons of minerals and ecological harm.  And a dozen other “solutions” such as tidal power or biofuels. None can be done without destructive mining.

And please don’t forget: Most of the components of wind and solar will not be recycled for reasons discussed in Chapter 8, and what little is done to recycle will just add even more toxic elements onto the earth to tease metals and minerals apart and large amounts of fossil fuels for the high heat needed to separate them. For most metals, it is back to the mines and yet more destruction.  Nor is collecting recycling materials with hundreds of thousands of diesel-powered garbage trucks good for the environment, and at least half of this material will end up in the landfill anyhow.

Keep in mind, that after all this destruction, rinse and repeat. Onshore wind has a lifespan of about 20 years on shore, 15 years offshore, solar panels from 18 to 25 years, and so on as I write about in energyskeptic.com post “55 Reasons why wind power can not replace fossil fuels“.

When it comes to batteries for energy storage and autos, keep in mind that it takes half a million gallons of water to produce just one ton of lithium.  Thousands of already dry areas of Bolivia and Chile – the flora and fauna – are under threat from lithium mining.  Cobalt is mined by 40,000 child slaves in intense heat with no safety equipment.  Lead and other battery minerals are equally destructive.

Pumped hydro storage seems like a less destructive way to store electrical energy, but this book will disabuse you of that notion.  Nor are compressed air energy storage and other proposals any better or feasible.

You’d think that bright green contraptions would solve our problems with efficiency, but that isn’t true either.  Why? Well, you’ll just have to read the book…it’s complicated.

There’s been so much hype that compact dense cities will reduce energy use and emissions, keep wild lands from development, and save biodiversity that you may be surprised by how absurdly untrue these myths are.  For one thing, cities aren’t staying compact. Every heard of urban sprawl?  From 1945 to 2000, 45 million acres, larger than Washington state, was developed.

Real Solutions

  • Subsidies can be diverted from the military to everything from battered women’s shelters to free education to free health care to wildlife and stream restoration to massive projects of dam removal, reforestation, and revivification of prairies and wetland
  • Industrial civilization is incompatible with life on the planet. That makes the solution to our systematic planetary murder obvious, but let’s say it anyway: Stop industrial civilization. Stop our way of life, which is based on extraction. No, that doesn’t mean killing all humans. That means changing our lifestyle dramatically.
  • First, we need to stop the ongoing destruction being caused by so-called green energy projects, by oil and gas extraction, by coal mining and ore mining, by urban sprawl, by industrial agriculture, and by all the other million assaults on this planet that are perpetrated by industrial civilization. And second, we need to help the land heal.
  • Stopping deforestation, restoring logged areas, grasslands, wetlands, salt marshes, peat bogs, and seagrasses would remove more carbon dioxide from the air each year than is gen[1]erated by all the cars on the planet
  • And finally on page 446, since overconsumption and overpopulation are the driving forces of this endless destructive growth, “all forms of reproductive control must become available to all”.
  • Close all military bases on foreign soil.

This book doesn’t address the fact that peak oil has happened. From “Life After Fossil Fuels”: “Conventional crude oil production leveled off in 2005, and it appears to have peaked in 2008 at 69.5 million barrels per day (mb/d) according to Europe’s International Energy Agency (IEA 2018 p45). The U.S. Energy Information Agency shows global peak crude oil production at a later date in 2018 at 82.9 mb/d (EIA 2020) because they included tight oil, oil sands, and deep-sea oil.”  

Within the next few years, oil will be declining at a rate of 6% or more a year.  Oil is the master resource that makes all other goods possible: coal, natural gas, mining, logging, transportation, agriculture, construction, cement, steel, and so on. Nothing could possibly reduce greenhouse gases more than oil decline. No geoengineering project could even come close and would almost certainly bring on unexpected side effects worse than the “cure”.  Oil decline will be exponential, which means in as little as 16 years we could be producing just 10% as much oil, and everything else for that matter, than we produce today. Or sooner if a shrinking economy triggers enough instability to case civil war, social unrest, and war over the remaining oil. 

Bright Green Lies is trying to stop the madness of destroying the planet and biodiversity for something that won’t solve any of our problems, except to enable the billionaires to grow even richer in the very last financial bubble before collapse.

Alice Friedemann www.energyskeptic.com  author of “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy“, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer; Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

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Youngquist: the extraordinary geodestiny of Saudi Arabia and other gulf nations

Preface. I was fortunate enough to know Walter for 15 years. He became a friend and mentor, helping me learn to become a better science writer, and sending me material I might be interested in, and delightful pictures of him sitting in a lawn chair and feeding wild deer who weren’t afraid of him. I thought his book Geodestinies: The Inevitable Control of Earth Resources over Nations and Individuals, published in 1997, was the best overview of energy and natural resources ever written, and encouraged him to write a second edition. He did try, but he spent so much time taking care of his ill wife, that he died before finishing it. I’ve made eight posts in Experts/Walter Youngquist of just a few topics from the version that was in progress when he died at 96 years old in 2018 (500 pages).

Other Youngquist Geodestinies Posts:

Alice Friedemann www.energyskeptic.com  author of “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy“, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer; Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

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The nations of the Gulf are Muslim countries, and all are Arab, except Iran. The national language of Iran is Persian or Farsi, with Kurdish, Turkic, and several other languages also spoken. Iran (named Persia until 1935) has long been a traditional enemy of the peoples of the Arabian Peninsula. For that reason, Saudi Arabia does not recognize the name Persian Gulf, but calls it the Arabian Gulf. I am told by geological colleagues who went to Saudi Arabia after its petroleum industry was launched, that one of their first tasks was to be sure that the term “Arabian Gulf ” appeared on all maps, not Persian Gulf.

The oil accumulation in the Gulf region has no world equal. It is truly extraordinary. The Gulf nations won the world oil sweepstakes!

The Gulf nations were endowed by geological events to have all these features on a huge scale. Saudi Arabia, the largest of these countries, got the largest amount of oil, and also was endowed with large structural upfolds in the Earth called anticlines. Oil in great quantities accumulated in these structures, which are easily discovered by surface mapping and by reflection seismograph methods. Because these oil traps are easy to find, exploration costs are low. Furthermore, the reservoir rocks are so porous and permeable that only a few wells can drain a large area. The result is that this area has the lowest production costs of any oil province, as low as two dollars a barrel

The future of our present petroleum-based industrial world will increasingly lie in the hands of the Gulf nations that geology endowed with 60 percent or more of the world’s remaining oil.

It was the GeoDestiny of these countries to become rich from petroleum. But since oil is finite, it is also GeoDestiny that these countries must eventually exist without the resource that made them rich. Beyond any other countries, the Persian Gulf nations demonstrate the vital role that Earth resources play in determining the course of nations and the lives of people…their GeoDestiny.

SAUDI ARABIA

This is largely a desert country, with a land area equal to about a third that of the 48 adjacent United States. Ninety percent of it is too dry to be cultivated. In the past, it was a loose organization of tribes, many of which were desert nomads, together with some fishermen along the coast of the Gulf.

The first oil well was completed on March 3, 1938. By 1979, it produced more than 27 million barrels of oil and is still pumping today. At that time, the population of Saudi Arabia was approximately three million. It is now about 29 million.

Thanks to the immense wealth derived from oil, Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia, grew in less than a century from a mud-wall city of no more than 20,000 people, to a metropolis of five million.

As late as 1954, Saudi Arabia had only 147 miles of paved roads. By 1986, Saudi Arabia had built more than 50,000 miles of pavement. The number of vehicles using these roads increased from 60,000 in 1970, to nearly four million in 2005.

Saudi Arabia came almost as far in 70 years in terms of its standard of living, and the use of modern technology and equipment, as the United States did in 300 years, or as the European nations did in thousands of years. In relative terms, the Saudis arrived in the modern world almost overnight,

It is true that money cannot buy happiness, but it can buy almost everything else.

Although Saudi Arabia has about 80 oil and gas fields, more than half its oil reserves are in eight fields including Ghawar, the world’s largest onshore field, which was discovered in 1948. Its remaining recoverable reserves are estimated at 70 billion barrels.

Some experts feel these reserve figures are too high.)

Whereas its population of today is expected to increase by nearly 70 percent by 2050, oil production by the Saudi’s own estimates cannot grow more than about 50 percent. Other estimates are for somewhat less (Duncan and Youngquist, 1999). Supporting 45 million people in 2050 will be a challenge because it is likely to be at or past the time when oil production begins to decline.

The rise in Saudi population has not been matched by employment opportunities. Unemployment is estimated to be as high as 35%, and this is having very negative effects. “Saudi Arabia’s deeply conservative Islamic society is coming to terms with a crime wave ushered in by a population boom, rapid social change, increased unemployment, and a reduction in oil revenue” (Bradley, 2005). Drug smuggling, theft, prostitution and murder, once rare in this Islamic state, are now becoming everyday events. Crime among young jobless Saudis rose 320% from 1990 to 1996 and is expected to increase.

Saudi royal family presides over the world’s largest and richest family business, and as previously noted, the country has been largely run as a family enterprise. At one time, each Saudi prince received a minimum monthly allowance of $20,000, even as the number of princes swelled to 6,000. To keep its increasingly restive society from upheaval, Saudi Arabia must pump all the oil it can sell without unduly depressing the price. But the demands of the generous social programs now in place, together with the rapidly rising population that receive these benefits, cannot be met by current oil revenues.

Reed and Rossant (1995) reported that: A population explosion has also helped sharply erode per capita gross domestic product from more than $12,000 in 1982 to little more than $7,000 today. Some 3 million Saudis, 44% of the labor force, work in the public sector where salaries have been frozen for almost a decade. This year, in a huge departure from traditional largesse, King Fahd is more than doubling the fees charged residents for electricity, water, and other services…. Such erosion of the desert welfare state sorely strains the paternalistic social contract between the ruling Al-Saud clan and the population.

In 2009, more than half the Saudi Arabian population was younger than 20 years old, and 42.6 percent were younger than 15. This portends a huge surge in population in the next two decades. It is very unlikely that Saudi Arabia’s oil income can increase to maintain the present standard of living for the projected population. The time when money was available for almost any social demand is past. Even the present generation sees that the time of subsidies, free services, and other elements of the affluence oil brought is coming to an end. This is having an unsettling effect. The unemployment rate among Saudi young people continues to rise. Disaffected youth are a fertile breeding ground for terrorism that has already reached Saudi Arabia (Waldman, 1995b; Waldman, et al., 1996). Saudi Arabia has long been among the most stable nations in the Middle East. But stability appears to be less certain in the future.

IRAN.   Even though Iran has additional areas for oil exploration, it appears that it passed its oil production peak in 1973 (Duncan and Youngquist, 1999), so even the current modest increase in population presents a standard of living challenge for the future.

IRAQ

Iraq’s oil reserves are estimated to be about 143 billion barrels, five times those of the United States. Unfortunately, much of Iraq’s excellent oil inheritance has been squandered in military misadventures. If Iraq can eventually unite the disparate ethnic and religious groups into a peaceful country, with a broadly stable civilian economy, the average Iraqi may yet benefit from their good geological fortune. Also in its favor is that Iraq has about 12% arable land, which is relatively good in the Gulf region. A negative is that, next to Saudi Arabia, Iraq has the highest annual natural population increase (2.5 percent) among the Gulf countries. The present population of 33 million is expected to reach 49 million in 2025, and 83 million in 2050 (Population Reference Bureau, 2011).

Because of Iraq’s difficulties getting back into production, with civil war raging at the time of this writing, and U. S. troops leaving, its projected oil peak in 2010 may be delayed a number of years.  A further positive factor is the possibility that Iraq’s undeveloped oil may be more than 200 billion barrels (Takin, 2004). Of all the Gulf nations, Iraq also appears to have the best prospects for more major oil discoveries.

KUWAIT.  This country is almost all desert. Agriculture is exceedingly limited with less than 10 square miles under cultivation. Almost all fresh water is obtained from desalinization plants dependent on local natural gas supplies for energy. Kuwait owes its existence almost entirely to oil and natural gas. Kuwait holds about nine percent of total world oil reserves including the second largest field in the world, the Burgan field discovered in 1938. It initially held an estimated 87 billion barrels of recoverable oil, but is now in decline with reserves estimated at less than 50 billion barrels.

One encouraging sign is that Kuwait’s natural population increase has declined from 2.7% in 1990 to 1.9% in 2003. However, even with this decrease, the present population of 2.8 million is expected to reach 3.7 million in 2025, and 5.2 million in 2050. Duncan and Youngquist (1999) projected a Kuwait oil production peak of 4.66 million barrels a day in 2018 with a 38% decline in production by 2040. Clearly these projected population and oil production figures are on a collision course as population grows and oil production declines.

OMAN has an area of about 81,000 square miles, approximately the size of the State of Kansas. Desert makes up approximately 82%, mountains 15%, and coastal plain about three percent of the land area.

Until the discovery of oil, Oman was the poorest country on the Arabian Peninsula. As recently as 1970, it had only six miles of paved road (Range, 1995). A complete census has never been taken, but the population is estimated (2009) at about 3.1 million. Oman’s growth rate of 2.2 percent annually means the population will double in 32 years. Oman’s oil production appears to be slightly past its peak, but its gas production will peak considerably later.

UNITED ARAB EMIRATES.  The total UAE area is somewhat uncertain due to disputed claims concerning some islands, but its land area is about 30,000 square miles, and stretches for about 300 miles along the southeastern end of the Persian Gulf. The UAE has estimated reserves of about 98 billion barrels, with a probable 41 billion barrels yet to be discovered.  The present population is 5.1 million and is estimated to reach 12.2 million by 2050. The projected peak year of oil production is 2017, the latest of all the Persian Gulf countries, except for Kuwait, estimated to be 2018 (Duncan and Youngquist, 1999).

Before the discovery of oil, the principal products of these emirates were fish and pearls. Arable land (0.48 percent) and fresh water resources is very limited. Income obtained for foreign trade was based on slaves who dove for pearls. The slave trade continued until 1945. Other occupations were mostly family or small enterprises, which hammered metals into pots, livestock herding, and limited date palm cultivation. A substantial part of the population was nomadic.  Oil dramatically changed their way of life. People began to work in the oil industry in various occupations. But the population was so small and unskilled that in order to take care of the rapidly developing petroleum economy, foreign workers had to be brought in. In 1993, the total population was estimated to be about two million. Of these, only about 12 percent were actually UAE citizens, and they constituted only about seven percent of the labor force.

QATAR is the second smallest country of the Persian Gulf nations, covering approximately 4,400 square miles.  It is controlled by a ruling family, the Al Thani. Qatar is a barren peninsula scorched by extreme summer heat. In addition to oil, Qatar sits atop the world’s largest-known gas field, the North Field, part of a large geologic gas-bearing structure shared with Iran. Initially, this was “stranded gas” — there was no way to export it. But with the technology to convert it to liquid natural gas that is shipped out by tanker and then allowed to warm up to a gas again at the receiving terminal, this gas is now in the world market.  Another advantage of possessing this huge gas field is the ability to use natural gas as the basic ingredient in the production of ammonia fertilizer, the world’s most widely used fertilizer. Seventy-five percent of state-owned Qatar Fertilizer Company is owned by Qatar Petroleum Company, while Norsk Hydro AS owns 25%. This is the world’s largest single-site urea producer, and also produces ammonia. This gas field and fertilizer production complex will be an increasingly valuable asset for many years to come. Qatar’s gas is also used locally to manufacture more than a half million tons of petrochemicals annually.

MIDDLE EAST POPULATION

Beyond the internal strife, there is the broader problem of population growth. Thanks to the arrival of oil and gas money that brought sanitation, education, modern medicine, and the ability to both grow and import more food, and desalinate water, the populations of the countries bordering the Gulf have greatly increased. Subsidies of various kinds — for food, utilities, and housing — have been handed out so that the general population can have some share in the petroleum wealth. But as petroleum income gradually diminishes, painful adjustments will have to be made.

The demographics of the Gulf region present great challenges ahead. More than half the population is under the age of 25. In Saudi Arabia, 38 percent are younger than 15 years of age. The Gulf region will experience a huge population expansion. How can this oncoming wave of people be successfully accommodated without severe social disruptions? Oil income even now is not keeping pace with population growth. In Saudi Arabia, the per capita income in 1981 with oil at $15 a barrel was $28,600. Today with oil at about $90 a barrel, it is below $6,000. The House of Saud is politically vulnerable. The ever-expanding Saudi royal family now numbers 30,000, all of whom are supported by oil income. It is facing increasing criticism.

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Youngquist on Oil, natural gas, heavy oil, tar sands, GTL, GTO, oil shale

Preface. I was fortunate enough to know Walter for 15 years. He became a friend and mentor, helping me learn to become a better science writer, and sending me material I might be interested in, and delightful pictures of him sitting in a lawn chair and feeding wild deer who weren’t afraid of him. I thought his book Geodestinies: The Inevitable Control of Earth Resources over Nations and Individuals, published in 1997, was the best overview of energy and natural resources ever written, and encouraged him to write a second edition. He did try, but he spent so much time taking care of his ill wife, that he died before finishing it. I’ve made eight posts in Experts/Walter Youngquist of just a few topics from the version that was in progress when he died at 96 years old in 2018 (500 pages).

Key points:

  • The worldwide oil depletion rate has been estimated at between 4 to 9% annually. A figure of 6.7% seems to be the current situation. The huge investments needed just to slow this decline are not forthcoming. Many countries spend their oil income mostly on domestic needs and cannot or do not invest in oil production enhancement projects on which little immediate return is available. Mexico, for example, has underfunded its oil infrastructure to pay for social programs.
  • What seems clear is that the era of cheap oil has passed. The easy oil has been discovered and developed and the oil industry has moved into far more expensive frontier areas such as the Arctic regions and deeper ocean waters.
  • The precise date of the peak of world oil production, however, is an irrelevant academic exercise, since the true peak will be known only in retrospect, after several years of well-documented declining production. The important fact is that oil production will inevitably peak and then decline.
  • Oil production (some call it “extraction”) has exceeded the volume of oil discoveries since 1981, now by a factor of four. Around the world, the 31 billion barrels of oil consumed each year are not replaced with discovery.  We have been consuming oil at an unsustainable exponential rate.

Other Youngquist Geodestinies Posts:

Alice Friedemann www.energyskeptic.com  author of “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy“, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer; Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

* * *

Depending on how one defines the limits of a basin, there are about 600 sedimentary basins worldwide, most of which have been explored to a greater or lesser extent. Only about two hundred of them are oil productive, and of these, only a very few basins contain the huge oil fields in which most oil is located. The Earth has been fully explored and the larger and most productive oil basins have been drilled and are now in production.

This organic material accumulates with other sediments in structural basins in the Earth, both within continents invaded by the ocean, and along the continental margins. The central deep ocean regions do not have any significant accumulation of sediments and, therefore, have no oil.

The organic material from which oil is derived is mostly plants, with algae in many areas being the predominant source material. Campbell (2005a) notes that, “Isotopic examinations show that oil was derived from algae.” Algae in ancient oceans furnished the basis for industrialization and for dramatically different lifestyles from previous centuries. The course of human history has been greatly influenced by simple algae transformed into oil. Other sources of oil include the buried mangrove swamps found in offshore Angola and in Southeast Asia. Plankton, both floating animal and plant forms are also important. The unicellular animals, foraminifera, may be a major source of the oil found in the Sirte Basin of Libya. Most oil is formed in marine environments. A few commercial deposits have been discovered in deeply buried organic materials (mostly algae) in lake basins in Nevada and China. Freshwater algae produce quite a different type of oil than does marine algae. There are about 30,000 species of algae.

Many kinds of oil. The kind of source material, how long the organic material and then the oil are “cooked,” and at what temperatures, how deeply it is buried (pressure) and for how long, determine the many different kinds and qualities of oil. The Oil & Gas Journal lists prices for fourteen different oils produced just in the United States.

Oil can be classified in various ways, but a common way is to designate it either as “sweet” (less than 5 percent sulfur) or “sour” (5 percent or more sulfur). It is also classed by how light (thin) or heavy (thick) it is. This is expressed by a “gravity” figure, inverse in numbers to how thick or thin the oil is. A 40 gravity oil is light, and a 20 gravity oil is heavy. At around 52 gravity, the oil becomes gas. Oil in the Maricaibo basin of Venezuela is heavy crude (around 20 gravity). It is so heavy that the oil storage tanks are not painted silver to reflect the Sun’s heat, but black to absorb heat and keep the oil thin for pipeline movement.

Refineries prefer to refine light oils with a low sulfur content, since they can be more easily made into higher value end products. Worldwide, these oils have generally been produced first, so remaining oil is a heavier and lower quality crude. Refineries are gradually having to adjust to this new reality, with related higher refining costs.

Once deposited in an anaerobic (oxygen-lacking) environment through which the organic material is preserved, it must be buried deeply enough so that the geothermal (temperature) gradient of the Earth is such that a temperature of about 156oF is reached (minimum temperature for the start of “oil window”). Together, with the pressure of the overlying sediments, the organic material is slowly “cooked” to produce oil.

Using plant material as the theoretical originating material, Jeffrey Dukes, biologist and biochemist at the University of Massachusetts, has calculated that it takes approximately 190,000 pounds (95 tons) of prehistoric plant material to yield 13.2 pounds of crude oil, including 6.2 pounds (one gallon) of gasoline.

Just drill deeper? To prolong the oil interval we now enjoy, it is sometimes suggested that we should simply drill deeper for more oil. This might be true in a limited number of places, but if it was possible and feasible, oil exploration companies already would have done so. At 10,000 feet, and in some regions such as Kansas, even shallower, the drill bit would hit either igneous or metamorphic rock (so-called “basement rocks”) where oil is not generated and does not exist. Oil is limited vertically by the depth needed for the “oil window” temperature to be reached, but oil occurrence also is limited at greater depth. In most of the Earth, below 15,000 to 16,000 feet, the geothermal gradient (increase in temperature with depth) is such that at these depths and related temperatures, oil is not stable and breaks into the simplest hydrocarbon molecule, methane.

There is an ultimate depth below which no oil, only natural gas occurs. So “drilling deeper” is generally not the answer to finding more oil.

The terms “reserves” and “resources” are sometimes confused. The term reserves applied to any natural resource including oil, means the amount that can be produced with existing technology at current prices. Obviously, reserves may vary in size depending on the development of new and more efficient technology and current prices. This has certainly been seen in the case of both oil and natural gas, and in metals, with wide fluctuations in the prices of gold and silver and the size of “reserves” of these commodities changing.

Resources are the total amount of the commodity in the Earth, only a portion of which at any time can correctly be termed reserves. Also, the term “oil in place” is sometimes used in the oil industry to describe the resource. Press reporters and others may make the error of assuming oil in place (resource) is a reserve. An example is the oil in the Caspian region, where the oil in place initially was estimated at 200 billion barrels and the press reported an oil discovery “nearly equal to the reserves of Saudi Arabia.” However, when geologists and engineers later reevaluated the Caspian reserves, they arrived at a figure of about 40 billion barrels.

The Athabasca oil sand deposits are another example. Estimated to have as much as two trillion barrels of oil in place, the economically recoverable oil (reserves) are estimated to be in the vicinity of 175 billion barrels. With the steep drop in the price of oil during 2007-2008, from more than $147 a barrel to briefly less than $40, part of the Athabasca oil reserves were relegated back to the status of resources. Development of some oil sand projects were put on “hold” to a time when the price of oil again rises, and some of the resources revert to reserve status.

“Political reserves” may serve a couple of purposes. They may be inflated because the people in charge of oil field operations in a country are prone to report to the politicians in charge that they have found more oil that year than they produced, so reserves happily go up. Workers continue to keep their jobs and may even get a raise. Also, in OPEC countries, agreed upon production quotas are based on reserves. Some countries in OPEC can increase their production to increase their oil export by inflating the reserves. The end result is that unaudited reserve figures are suspect

In a belated response to the first oil embargo crisis of 1973, the U.S. established the U.S. Department of Energy in 1977, with the stated purpose “to lessen our dependence on foreign oil.”

Large oil fields, because they are large, are usually discovered early in exploring a basin. As drilling proceeds, less and less oil is found per foot drilled. French geologist, Jean Laherrère, putting this trend in graphic form, calls it the creaming curve.

A spurt in worldwide drilling from 1976 to 1983 did not find a commensurate amount of oil, illustrating that large, easier to find oil accumulations had already been discovered. What remained required more drilling. Thus each barrel of oil discovered is more expensive than it was in earlier years.

The depletion problem Like the proverbial alligator continuing to eat up a leg, depletion of oil fields continues everywhere. When primary (flowing and pumping) and secondary recovery (water flood and gas injection) have been used, sometimes a third method of oil production is used termed Enhanced Oil Recovery (EOR). These methods include injection of steam or chemicals to improve oil flow to wells from the reservoir. Costs range from $1.50 to $30 for each additional barrel recovered. But this technology has been only moderately successful, and does not add much to the total oil being produced.

The worldwide oil depletion rate has been estimated at between 4 to 9% annually. A figure of 6.7% seems to be the current situation. The huge investments needed just to slow this decline are not forthcoming. Many countries spend their oil income mostly on domestic needs and cannot or do not invest in oil production enhancement projects on which little immediate return is available. Mexico, for example, has underfunded its oil infrastructure to pay for social programs.

What seems clear is that the era of cheap oil has passed. The easy oil has been discovered and developed and the oil industry has moved into far more expensive frontier areas such as the Arctic regions and deeper ocean waters.

The precise date of the peak of world oil production, however, is an irrelevant academic exercise, since the true peak will be known only in retrospect, after several years of well-documented declining production. The important fact is that oil production will inevitably peak and then decline.

Currently NOCs control about 90% of world oil reserves. The combined reserves of ExxonMobil, BP, Shell, ConocoPhillips, Chevron and Total (a French company) are less than 25% of the reserves Saudi Arabia claims. In countries where IOCs can still operate because they have the technology and the capital (i.e., Angola, Algeria, and Nigeria), the host nations are demanding so much of the profits that some IOCs have decided they can no longer operate there. ExxonMobil abandoned the Orinoco heavy oil deposits when Venezuela abruptly raised taxes from 1 percent to sixteen percent. It takes as long as 10 years from the time of winning bids (all proceeds going to the country of ownership regardless of whether oil is found or not) to reach any oil production. Corporate plans have to be made on the basis of the initial financial agreements. Countries may, and increasingly do, simply tear up existing contracts and insist on new ones. One country did so after a company had spent years and millions of dollars in exploration and finally discovered oil. The host country then canceled the original contract. When asked about this action, the country told the company that “we gave you the lease at the original agreed cost because we didn’t expect you to find any oil.” In another country, before leases were issued, an IOC spent two years and millions of dollars determining which of the lease blocks being offered had the best prospects. When they told the host country they would take the leases, the NOC of the host company took the leases for itself instead. So the IOC did all the work and the NOC took all the benefit.

If IOCs are to continue finding oil after their home country has been thoroughly explored, as the onshore United States has been for example, they must explore new areas and depend on other countries for their survival as oil companies. This has also pushed drilling offshore, sometimes to depths down to 10,000 feet, making these ventures very costly. Major oil companies in the United States have moved both abroad and into the Gulf of Mexico, drilling as far as 200 miles offshore, risking hurricanes and other harsh conditions. Offshore drilling platforms are leased and the daily lease cost for one drill rig is as high as $700,000. A company has to find a lot of oil to justify such costs, and, at best, the oil is very expensive to recover.

In 2011, the largest investor-owned companies, ExxonMobil, Royal Dutch Shell, commonly known as Shell, and BP reported higher profits but they produced less oil from fields around the world. Their decline in production was 7%. The results highlighted a growing problem. New petroleum supplies are increasingly hard to find, and they cost more to find and develop. A decade ago, bringing in an oil well cost about $20 for every barrel produced. The cost now is estimated to be $50 to $60 per barrel. Cost is calculated on the basis of exploration and subsequent field development expenses amortized over the life of the field and oil produced.

Petroleum industry’s use of technology No other industry employs the magnitude and diversity of technology that petroleum does through its exploration, production, and refining. The scope of technology used includes satellites for positioning offshore drilling platforms and for transmitting data from remote drilling locations to regional offices to get a vision of the internal structure of the Earth. Completing ocean floor oil wells with robots laying and repairing thousands of miles of ocean floor pipelines to facilitate gathering crude oil and natural gas from wells to central locations is now possible. And there is much more. In refining, the chemistry and physics complexities involved are enormous.

Lengths to which oil industry now goes to reach oil. There have been many advances in oil exploration and production. One has been the increased distance to which multiple drilling bits can now be steered to reach an oil reservoir from a single drilling platform. The most recent record is 7.6 miles. This extended reach drilling (ERD) means that the “footprint” of oil production is greatly reduced, as ERD can now reach an area of as much as 4.4 square miles.

Not replacing their reserves. Because they now have fewer quality exploration opportunities, most major IOCs are not replacing their production with new discoveries. In 2008, for example, ConocoPhillips only replaced one out of every four barrels of oil they produced.

Oil production (some call it “extraction”) has exceeded the volume of oil discoveries since 1981, now by a factor of four. Around the world, the 31 billion barrels of oil consumed each year are not replaced with discovery.  We have been consuming oil at an unsustainable exponential rate. As a widely used advertisement by Chevron says, “It took us 125 years to use the first trillion barrels of oil. We’ll use the next trillion in 30.”

Newly utilized technology of drilling vertically to a target shale formation and then drilling horizontally and hydraulic fracturing (“hydrofracking” or just “fracking”) the shale with chemically treated water and sand greatly increases the amount of gas ultimately recovered. Experience has shown that using this technology may also recover oil from shales. These strata were previously regarded only as oil source beds, not producible oil reservoirs. Combined with the rise in the price of oil, likely to remain at $80/barrel or higher, oil is now being economically recovered using this technology directly from some shales.

The volume of shale strata around the world is enormous, but there are also great unknowns. Still to be discovered in many areas is whether the shales have been buried deeply enough and long enough over geologic time to have reached the temperature (the “oil window”) at which oil is formed. If the shales are not yet mature, the organic material is still kerogen, the precursor of oil, as is the case of misnamed “oil shale” strata, which have no oil.

The reason why gasoline is so expensive in some countries is that these nations put higher and higher taxes on it as a general source of government revenue. In the United States, there is a popular idea that taxes on transportation fuels, gasoline, and diesel, are to be dedicated to the building and maintenance of the road system. The public is under this impression. However, a study by the American Petroleum Institute revealed that user taxes and fees subsidize many other government activities. At the present time in the United States, the federal excise tax on gasoline collects about $20 billion annually. State and local government taxes add another $30 billion.

The United States, among all countries, is by far the largest per capita consumer of oil. Each day, California alone consumes more oil than either Germany or Japan. The rest of the world also has a rising consumption of oil. With regard to the concentration of oil in the Gulf area, the comment has been made that, “Not only is the world addicted to cheap oil, but the largest gas station is in a very dangerous neighborhood.

The mobility that oil provides to people on an individual basis through the private automobile has changed the social structure. When the younger generation got “wheels,” the family fabric began to be stressed. Family togetherness in the past, when weekends were times of local gatherings of clans, was replaced by diverse activities of the several family members, frequently going in different directions and considerable distances. It is no longer remarkable to travel hundreds of miles or more on a weekend to visit some point of interest or engage in a recreational activity. Just a century ago, this was not possible. A hundred years ago, Americans may have dashed through the snow across town in a one-horse open sleigh to get to grandma’s in time for Thanksgiving or Christmas; today travelers fill airports, and jet planes fill the skies to whisk people home for these holidays from across the continent.

SHALE “FRACKED” OIL

Shales which have gone through the “oil window” differ in the amount of oil they may contain. Some have very little. Individual shales may also have “sweet spots” subject to economic exploitation. Other areas where the oil content is lower may not be economic to drill.

There are environmental impacts from the amount of water needed by each well (5-6 million gallons), and from the subsequent disposal of the recovered water containing chemicals used to thicken the water to enable it to carry sand farther into the formation to hold open the fractures. Obtaining enough suitable sand for fracking operations is a problem in some localities. Bowing to environmental concerns, France, Germany, South Africa, and in the U.S., New Jersey, New York, Maryland, and some other states have imposed temporary or permanent bans on fracking.

With the large number of shale deposits in the United States and abroad, the frontiers of exploration have been greatly enlarged. Shale deposits may have large production potential not earlier recognized. Broadly interpreted, there are 600 sedimentary basins in the world (Guoyo, 2011). Evaluating all these prospects will take many years, so the amount of oil and gas that can be produced from these basins is unknown today. Exploitation of these resources may well result in two peaks rather than one oil production peak. The first is the peak (possibly already passed) of oil recovered from conventional reservoirs (usually sandstones or fractured or vulgar limestones). The second peak may come from conventional oil production with the added increment of oil from shale. A peak made independently by shale oil alone is possible, but not likely.

Key to economically recovering both oil and gas using the hydrofracking technology is the energy/profit ratio, also termed energy recovered on energy invested (EROEI). Because the technology is new, it is premature to make a study, but eventually it will be done to give an overall view of the worth of the technology. The energy/profit ratio for shale oil is likely to be less than for conventional oil now, estimated to be about 15 to 1. This ratio is declining as more costly oil is being produced in more difficult environments like deep water and Arctic regions.

The production of oil from shale by fracking is likely to reduce but not eliminate the need for imported oil. Longer term, the U.S. and many other countries will still depend on the Gulf countries,

It is frequently said that we have sufficient oil left for 40 years at the current rate of production. But the current rate probably cannot be maintained. Furthermore, oil production does not proceed at a fixed rate for 40 years and then drop off to zero. Production curves rise from zero to a peak and then decline back to essentially zero. Some oil will be produced for many more years, but there will be less, and it will cost more. Oil will be used only for higher end-value uses.

The extravagant ways in which we have used oil, have within them the seeds of oil’s ultimate demise. The decline of world oil production will sort out excesses and pare down waste. A post-oil energy paradigm will emerge, but for many uses, there is no adequate satisfactory substitute for oil.

Conversion equivalents. That theoretical 42-gallon barrel of crude oil is equal in energy to 5,800,000 British thermal units (Btus), 5,614 cubic feet of natural gas, or 0.22 short ton (short ton = 2000 pounds) of bituminous coal. Various crude oils differ in density, but the average barrel of crude oil weighs about 310 pounds.

NATURAL GAS

In common usage, “gas” means gasoline, but in the oil industry, gas means natural gas, which is mostly methane. With four hydrogen atoms attached to one carbon atom (CH4), methane is the lightest of the hydrocarbon gases.

Once considered a nuisance in the oil fields and simply flared (burned off), natural gas is now in increasing demand as a feedstock for petrochemicals, for home heating and industrial use, and more recently, as a replacement for coal to produce electricity. As gas occurs in a greater variety of geological circumstances than oil does, and is more widespread in its occurrence, it now appears likely that the overall energy content of all gas reserves may be larger than that of all oil reserves. Gas may displace oil as the dominant fossil fuel in this century.

Gas pipelines now reach all 48 adjacent states. About 60 percent of U.S. homes are heated with gas, and 70 percent of new subdivisions are being designed for natural gas heat. Much of northern Europe is heated with natural gas from the North Sea fields and Russia.

The United States is the world’s largest consumer of natural gas, and currently uses about 23 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) annually, equal to 26 percent of world production.

Although gas from the Earth is mainly methane, other associated gases exist including carbon dioxide, nitrogen, and usually small amounts of hydrogen sulfide. Some gas wells also produce helium, which is the only known source of that gas.

Methane comes from a greater variety of organic material than oil does. Deltaic sediments contain relatively large amounts of woody and other land-derived material, and are more likely to have gas than are deposits that are more marine in origin.

There are two principal processes that form natural gas. It may be expelled from microorganisms during the digestion of organic matter. Methanogens are methane-producing micro-organisms, which pervade the near-surfaces of the Earth’s crust and are devoid of oxygen, and where temperatures do not exceed 207 F (97 C). Methanogens also live in the intestines of most mammals (humans included), and in the cuds of ruminant animals such as cows and sheep. This is called biogenic gas.

Methane gas is also produced by the decomposition of organic matter by heat and pressure, and accordingly is called thermogenic gas. This methane is formed similar to oil. Organic material deposited in mud and other sediment is deeply buried, heated, and compressed, causing carbon bonds to break down and form oil with some gas. Because the temperature of the Earth increases with depth, below about 15,000 to 16,000 feet, the temperature is so high that oil cannot exist and decomposes into methane. Gas is now being drilled and produced from depths of 25,000 feet and more.

Unlike oil formed by organic material, which must go through a heat “window” of at least 156 F, natural gas can form at relatively low (normal atmospheric) temperatures and pressures. The bubbles you observe in lakes are not due to fish blowing bubbles as folklore would have it, but results from the production of natural gas from the decaying vegetation in the lake bottom. The relatively shallow Devonian black shales (black because of their organic material) of the eastern and central United States and the Cretaceous black shales of the Great Plains, some of which lie at shallow depth, contain methane gas. Farmers have drilled shallow wells (from a few dozen to a few hundred of feet deep) in their backyards and produced gas, which they piped into their farmhouses, and into other farm areas for various purposes.

Gas is often associated with oil, but a considerable amount of gas is not— thus the terms associated and non-associated gas. Gas associated with oil commonly is composed of a variety of gases including mainly methane but also ethane, propane, butane, pentane, and hexane, and is called wet gas. Gas not associated with oil usually does not have many other gases besides methane and is called dry gas. Some gas contains hydrogen sulfide, H2S, and is called sour gas. The amount of hydrogen sulfide can be very large, to the point where one well in southwestern Alberta was classified as a sulfur mine. Many of the wells in the Caspian Sea region produce sour gas and also oil with hydrogen sulfide, which has to be taken out. The result is huge piles of sulfur for which there is no immediate use. Sulfur in oil and gas combines with water to form highly corrosive sulfuric acid, attacking any metal equipment it touches. Likewise, acid rain, which damages aquatic ecosystems, soils, and forests, is formed when sulfur dioxide (SO2) combines with water to produce sulfuric acid (H2SO4).

Coalbed Methane and Gas Hydrates

Gas found by drilling a well into sediments in which various organic materials have produced gas is called conventional gas. This is where most gas comes from today. However, there are special occurrences of gas. One of these is coalbed methane gas.  The bane of underground coal mining is the toxic and explosive methane gas trapped in coal deposits. The miners’ canary was taken into the mine to provide early detection of methane gas. Recently, with surging demand for natural gas in North America, particularly the United States, the search for gas supplies has expanded to coalbed methane.

Coalbed methane accounts for about 10% of total U.S. gas supplies. The estimated resource base is large, most of it located in the Rocky Mountain States, which now produce 80% of the coalbed gas. The wells for the most part are shallow and coal can be reached at less than 300 feet in many places with a truck-mounted drill rig as they do in the Powder River Basin of Wyoming. There, a well costs around $65,000 and the gas finding cost is about 16 cents per thousand cubic feet, with average well reserves of 400 million cubic feet. In other places, costs are substantially higher but it still may be economic to drill.

To release the gas in the coal, the coal has to be dewatered. As water is pumped out, gas is released from the coal as water pressure is reduced. However, pumping out the water can result in regional lowering of the water table, and the water may also be toxic, and if discharged on the surface, can contaminate both the landscape and local streams. In some areas, there is now substantial public resistance to coalbed methane development.

Nevertheless, coalbed methane development is continuing with many thousands of wells projected to be drilled in the next decade. Canada and Australia have begun to develop their considerable coalbed methane resources, which appear to be considerable. Mexico is investigating its prospects, which, however, appear to be modest.

Gas hydrates (also termed gas clathrates) remain a tantalizing elusive source for the gas industry. Gas hydrates occur worldwide as solid material composed of water molecules forming a rigid lattice of cages of various sizes with most of the cages containing a molecule of gas, chiefly methane. Laherrere (2000) reports that methane hydrates generally occur as dispersed grains and very thin laminae, with the thickest bed recorded so far, as being about one meter.

Stranded Gas: LNG, GTL and GTO

As noted earlier, gas is widely distributed; many deposits are located where there is no ready local market, nor can a pipeline be economically built to reach a market. This is called stranded gas. Of all known gas deposits, about 60% are classified as stranded

Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG)

The technology for liquefying natural gas has been known for many years, dating back to the 19th  century when British chemist and physicist Michael Faraday experimented with liquefying different types of gases including methane. The technology involves a liquefaction plant (called a “train”) located where the gas is produced. There, gas is cooled to a liquid at -260 F, at which temperature it occupies 1/600th of its volume as a gas. Then it is put into refrigerated containers on a ship and transported to a regasification terminal and stored until it is ready to be released into a pipeline system. There are four regasification terminals in the United States, which supply about two percent of U.S. gas demand.

LNG is expensive because the cost of the facilities at each end of transportation and the specially built ships which have to be built. One such system can cost several billion dollars. LNG tankers of the size now operating can carry from 150,000 to 200,000 cubic meters of LNG, about 4.2 billion cubic feet of gas per ship. One tanker can meet the energy needs of about 14 million U.S. households for one average day of space heating and other heat requirements.

But the energy involved in cooling gas to a liquid, and required to transport it makes the net energy recovery considerably less than that from gas produced locally, processed, and then put into a pipeline. Depending on the distance it has to be shipped, as much as 30% of the energy equivalent of the gas being transported can be consumed by the LNG system.

The safety record of natural gas transport is excellent. There have been more than 33,000 LNG shipments in 45 years without a significant accident or cargo spill (Glenn, 2004). However, safety concerns, particularly with respect to what terrorists might do to regasification installations, has created considerable local opposition to the siting of regasification plants.

LNG tankers are huge. A typical tanker is longer than three football fields and contains more than 33 million gallons of LNG. However, raising the risk of terrorist attacks, articles have appeared stating that a terrorist attack on an LNG tanker “ …would have the force of a small nuclear explosion.” Such concerns have generated strong opposition to siting LNG landing sites along any coast. Zellner and Hindo (2005) reported, “From Maine to California developers of liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminals are facing protests at every turn.” “Liquefied gas projects energize opposition” read the headline with respect to four proposals to put LNG terminals along the lower Columbia River to supply Oregon and Washington now that an expanded population consumes all the power that can be guaranteed from the dams on the river.

How dangerous LNG would be in a terrorist attack is disputed. The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission says that, “ …LNG won’t explode and won’t burn in its liquid state.” In a spill, the product can be ignited but only after it vaporizes and combines with a mixture of air ranging from 5 percent to 15 percent. Mixtures outside that range are either too lean or too rich to burn and most of the gas, being lighter than air, quickly dissipates, so any resulting fire would be of very short duration.

Before the present concerns for LNG were thought of, a number of LNG regasification sites were built onshore. There are now 17 LNG export terminals and 40 LNG import terminals worldwide, and about 150 specially designed LNG ships in operation. LNG landing facilities exist in many countries, including Taiwan, Turkey, France, Greece, Spain, Belgium, South Korea, India, and others. China is planning to build as many as 10 LNG terminals over the next few years and is tying up long-term supply contracts with Indonesia, Russia, and the Persian Gulf nations.

Gas to liquid — GTL. The International Energy Agency (IEA) says that the gas-to-liquid technology is wasteful, with about 45% of the natural gas lost in conversion. The process consumes 10,000 cubic feet of natural gas to make one barrel of fuel. This is partially offset, however, by the fact that the end product is a high-grade, clean, diesel fuel, which does not need further refining.

GTO — gas to olefins. This is a new process for producing the basic chemicals needed to make polymers and other olefin-based chemicals. The process turns natural gas into ethylene and propylene— the high-value basic building blocks for making products ranging from food packaging and diapers to auto parts, toys, and medical supplies. The gas is first turned into methanol which can be easily transported. The methanol can be either shipped to the ultimate customer location for conversion into olefins or converted directly to olefins at the remote location. What makes GTO particularly appealing is its potential to use natural gas from remote fields that doesn’t have easy access to world markets— “gas that otherwise would be difficult to sell” (The Lamp, 2004). The first on-site GTO plant, however, is several years away.

Gas as Aid to Oil Production. Gas associated with oil may occur as a gas cap over the oil in an oil-bearing structure, and also dissolved in the oil. Gas dissolved in the oil makes the oil more fluid and, therefore, easier to move to the well bore for recovery. Gas above the oil in a gas cap pressures the oil, moving it to the well bore and also aiding in greater oil recovery. So when oil is being produced, the ratio of gas to oil, the gas/oil ratio (usually expressed in cubic feet per barrel of oil) is kept as low as possible, by “choking” the well with small aperture valves. These apertures are sometimes as small as 1/8th or 1/4th inch in diameter, to produce oil more slowly and retain as much gas as possible in the reservoir. If the well were run wide open, the gas dissolved in the oil tends to come out first, reducing the pressure, leaving the oil behind. This is oil and gas reservoir engineering, a very important part of oil and gas production, managed by highly trained petroleum reservoir engineers. If there is no pipeline to remove gas from the well site, the gas is almost always pumped back into the producing formation to aid in further oil production. This is the situation in the north Alaskan Prudhoe Bay Field. Eventually, this gas could be piped down to the 48 contiguous states. In the meantime, it is retained in the oil reservoir, except for a small amount that is used locally to support the living and working facilities of the oil camp. It gets as cold as -60 F in north Alaska, so the gas is very useful.

World Natural Gas Reserves. Because serious natural gas exploration has occurred much more recently than oil, reserve figures as we have them now, will no doubt be subject to substantial revision over the next decade or two. In the United States and Canada, about 80% of all wells now being drilled are for natural gas — quite a reversal from time past when oil was the prime exploration target. 

Currently, the United States produces about 19.2 Tcf of gas per year, but uses about 23 Tcf. Gas demand is expected to grow to 30 Tcf within a decade. Can this demand be met? To make up for the growing deficiency in domestic gas production, more and more gas has to be imported from Canada, which now amounts to about 16 percent of U.S. supply. At present, average per capita gas production in the United States is 68,790 cubic feet. For Canada, a much colder country on average, per capita consumption is 192,190 cubic feet per year. This very large per capita gas consumption makes Canada vulnerable to the time when its gas production peaks and begins to decline.

This already may have occurred. In 2002, Canada drilled 18,000 gas wells, but production fell (Potential Gas Committee, 2003). There are two reasons for this. Gas wells have very high decline rates compared with oil wells. In Canada, first-year gas well depletion rates may be as high as 50 percent or more (some as high as 83 percent). The depletion rates settle down after about two years to 20 to 28 percent (Youngquist and Duncan, 2003). Also, the size of new discoveries has been falling. In 1991, average initial production per gas well drilled in the Western Canadian Sedimentary Basin (lying between the granitic Canadian Shield to the east and the folded Rocky Mountains to the west) was 775 thousand cubic feet a day. In 2001, average initial production was 375 thousand cubic feet a day. Obviously, the new reservoirs being discovered are decreasing in size which is typical of a maturing exploration region.

Mexico uses 12,020 cubic feet per capita per year, almost all of it for industrial purposes. Although the U.S. imports gas from Canada, the U.S. is a net exporter of gas to Mexico— a somewhat anomalous situation required by NAFTA.

Oil and gas reservoirs are managed quite differently from one another. Gas travels through pore spaces in the reservoir far easier and faster than oil. An oil well usually has a water-drive. If an oil well is run wide open, the water will tend to “channel,” because the reservoir rock has different degrees of permeability. The result is that water, which can move through reservoir rock more easily than oil, will channel through the more permeable strata, bypassing the oil. The well then tends to go to water, leaving a lot of oil still in the reservoir. Oil wells are “choked” down so the oil is produced slowly, and while it moves slowly through the reservoir rock, water does not bypass it. This concept is termed the maximum efficient rate of production (MER).

In contrast, in a pure gas well, the gas rises through any water to the well bore. There is no channeling problem, and the well can be run essentially wide open. Thus, all the gas in the reservoir is produced rather quickly. As there is a time value for money invested in drilling the well, the quicker the gas is recovered, the higher the rate of return. The only major restraints may be the market for the gas and the availability of pipelines to carry the gas. In summary, all these factors result in a much higher decline rate for gas wells than for oil wells. The average onshore gas well in the United States experiences on average, a 22% annual decline, much higher in early well life, but lower later. Offshore wells in the Gulf of Mexico have as high as a 50% annual decline rate. Gas wells, therefore, have a much shorter life than oil wells. This means many new gas wells must be drilled each year just to maintain production levels, which we are not doing. In 2003, the United States drilled 23,000 gas wells and the overall production level barely changed. It is a treadmill, and as gas drilling goes deeper, it is an increasingly expensive treadmill. In the first quarter of 2002, the top 30 U.S. gas producing companies suffered a gas production drop of 3% from the fourth quarter of 2001. These companies generate more than half of all U.S. gas production.

Size of discoveries. Larger fields tend to be found early because they are large. Simple random drilling can find them. As exploration proceeds, it takes more drilling to find gas and the amount of gas found per drilling rig declines. In the United States in 1994, the added production found by each drilling rig was 27.9 million cubic feet a day. By 2001, this figure had dropped to 13.9 million cubic feet a day.

Alaskan gas.  There is a large amount of gas in the Prudhoe Bay and adjacent oil fields. Currently, this gas, which is associated with oil production, is reinjected into the reservoir to maintain reservoir pressure. Eventually, as the oil is depleted, more of this gas could be commercially produced. But this will require a pipeline using some route to the lower 48 states. The volatile price of natural gas, which in the early years of the 21st century has ranged from $2 to $10 per thousand cubic feet, creates economic uncertainty for the viability of the project. The new Alaska pipeline will be built, but the cost is estimated to be $20 billion, and no gas is expected through the projected line until 2015 at the earliest.

More drilling. With the rapid depletion rates of gas wells, in order to get more domestic gas production, more drilling must be done, and done consistently. Emphasis should be placed on discovery of “giant” gas wells. These wells generally are deep (to 25,000 feet, and more) and very expensive.

Where are the prospects for more U.S. natural gas? The U.S. Geological Survey has estimated where future U.S. gas supplies will be found. The study suggests that the Rocky Mountains and offshore areas of the United States offer the best prospects. Because of environmental restrictions in the Rockies, more and more U.S. gas exploration is taking place offshore. But there are drilling bans in effect on both the East and West Coasts, and in parts of the Gulf of Mexico. So areas open for gas exploration and development are limited.

Natural gas in Canada. Natural gas production in Canada has a long history of continuous expansion. From a peak in 2001, production has declined 4.5%. At this writing, the decline continues. Exploration is gradually moving northward, as well as seaward into more hostile, remote, and expensive to develop terrains. The last frontiers for major gas finds in Canada appear to be offshore Newfoundland and Labrador, and northwest Canada in the Beaufort Sea-Mackenzie Delta Basin (BMB).

Gas discoveries have already been made here in the BMB, but without a pipeline, have not been producing. The gas from the BMB may never reach the United States or even southern Canada because the energy-intensive Athabasca oil sands are projected for substantially increased development. Processing the oil sands may use all the gas from the BMB. The gas will be transported by a 1,200-kilometer pipeline at a cost of $7.7 billion (Canadian dollars). This will stimulate more drilling in the BMB, where there is apparently considerably more gas to be discovered. But wells drilled in this difficult environment are costly. Onshore wells cost about $20 to 25 million (Canadian dollars). Some gas may be found off the coast of British Columbia, but environmental objections have already been raised there. Eventually, drilling is likely to proceed.

it is estimated that by 2020, some 25 percent of western Canada’s gas production may be used for Athabasca oil sand operations. Canada now exports 60 percent of its natural gas production to the United States. But there is already dissent in the Canadian Parliament against this volume of gas exports. As Canada’s population grows, and gas supplies are inevitably depleted, Canada no doubt will choose to keep warm first rather than send gas to the United States. Anticipating the time when its gas supplies are limited, Canada is considering sites for LNG landing facilities.

Gas — Expanding Use, Production, and Export.  Natural gas is now being discovered in many areas that were ignored in oil exploration. Gas wells are simple to complete because gas does not need pumps, it flows. Processing gas to a usable quality is also simpler than the refining processes for oil.

World Gas Reserves. Similar to oil, estimating proven natural gas reserves is not an exact science. Only rough estimates of the resource positions of various countries can be made at this time. The world’s largest single gas deposit probably already has been discovered. It is located partly in Qatar and partly in Iran, in a large anticlinal structure that stretches across the lower end of the Persian Gulf between the two countries and holds an estimated 10 to 12% of the world’s known gas reserves.

The Worldwide Future of Gas. The energy contained in world gas reserves is probably equal to, if not larger, than the energy in remaining oil reserves. The public has great faith in the ability of science and industry to solve the problem of the looming depletion of fossil fuels. The common view is that we can move to other energy sources with no great difficulty or adjustment to today’s lifestyle. Policy makers and government officials promote this optimistic view. Few people in public life are likely to admit we have a problem for which there is no easy solution.

In 2004, Alan Greenspan, then Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, discussed rising oil costs. He said, “If history is any guide, oil will eventually be overtaken by less-costly alternatives well before conventional oil reserves run out.” The subsequent news headline read: “Greenspan: Alternative fuel will eventually handle demand.” Although assured by a high government official that there is no future energy problem, the statement was an example of unsupported optimism by someone with no background or experience in energy resources.

Factually, there are no less-costly alternatives to oil in sight. Chairman Greenspan did not clarify any alternatives. The reporter writing the article noted that the Chairman’s comment was, “consistent with Greenspan’s deeply held belief that market forces will eventually solve almost any kind of shortage ….” This is the standard view of most economists, and has been accepted uncritically by much of the public.

Until 1880, wood was the principal fuel used in the United States. From about 1880 to about 1945, coal became the largest single energy source. Since 1945, petroleum (oil and natural gas) has been the most important energy source and now constitutes about 65 percent of U.S. energy supply. Nuclear energy has met stiff resistance in the U.S. No new plants have been started here since 1976.

There is a very large amount of heavy oil worldwide. It is more difficult to produce and to refine than lighter oil, but with higher oil prices, more of this oil is becoming more economical to recover. In conventional oil fields, usually less than half the oil in place is being recovered, and in general, heavier oil fractions are left behind. With higher prices, better technology, and by applying new technologies, more may be produced than is now included in “conventional proven reserves.” This will help stretch out oil supplies, but the low-cost flush production of higher quality oil that the United States and other mature oil producing countries have enjoyed is gone. There is still a lot of oil available in various kinds of deposits both here and abroad, but at a price, and with a considerable time lag in development to put the needed equipment in place. The higher cost of recovering this oil will be passed on to the consumer.

In California, which passed its peak of production many years ago, heavy oil resources are the last to be developed because they are the most expensive. And lighter oils are mostly depleted. Northwest of Taft, in the southwestern San Joaquin Valley, the site of one of the very early oil fields developed in that state, there is a huge complex of steam generating stations, which pipe steam into the ground to reduce the viscosity of the oil so it can be pumped to the surface. Pumping each barrel of crude oil here requires about 320 gallons of water, in an area where water is scarce and coveted by agriculture as well (Miller, 2010). This is far less efficient and more costly than drilling a well and having the oil flow to the surface. It represents the final effort to get oil left behind by earlier flowing or pumping methods of oil production. Another huge oil field in North America, the Alaskan Kuparak River Field, lies northwest of Prudhoe Bay. The oil reservoir is at a depth of about 7,000 feet below the surface. But above that is another potential oil field, the West Sak. It is a shallower unit (about 3,500 feet deep), and contains an estimated 20 billion barrels of oil, almost twice as large as the Prudhoe Bay Field. But the oil is thick, and the reservoir rocks are a loose, sandy formation, which tends to clog up wells. This is an example of an oil deposit that is technically “recoverable.” However, the cost would be high and the net energy that would be obtained would be small after the energy inputs of the production processes are subtracted.

There are very large deposits of heavy oil in the world that were never developed as oil fields. This is oil that has lost its lighter fractions, or was initially composed of organic compounds which did not mature in the Earth as conventional oil does, and never were very fluid. The two most notable of these deposits are in eastern Alberta and adjacent western Saskatchewan, and in eastern Venezuela.

HEAVY OIL & TAR SANDS

Heavy oil in sands can be produced by the CSS method (cyclic steam stimulation). In this process used by Imperial Oil for the Cold Lake region of eastern Alberta and also used in similar deposits in western Saskatchewan, steam is injected into the formation for a time to warm the bitumen and make it flow. Then the well is pumped. This cycle can be repeated several times. Since oil flows much better horizontally than vertically, and because shale partings are present in oil sands, this is the most effective way of producing oil in situ (Deffeyes, 2005). Imperial Oil later announced that they had patented a process to improve oil recovery still more by adding a solvent to the steam being injected. These oil deposits are being developed and can marginally compete with conventional sources. There are at least 25 billion barrels, and perhaps several times that much in these deposits. How much can be recovered economically is not known, but the net energy recovery will be low.

There is a large heavy oil (really tar) deposit in eastern Siberia. Largely unknown because of its remote location and undeveloped status, the deposit is comparable in size to the Canadian Athabasca oil sands and appears to be the broad exposed edge of an ancient oil basin. Since Russia has far easier oil resources to develop, and the cost of exploiting the Siberian deposit would be prohibitive, it is unlikely to be developed in the immediate future.

One of the world’s largest deposits of heavy oil is in southeastern Venezuela, estimated to be about 1.2 trillion barrels. It spans about 54,000 square kms (20,800 square miles), but the main development covers about 13,600 square km (5,250 square miles). The deposit lies along the east-flowing Orinoco River whose course is controlled by the northern edge of the ancient rocks of the south flank of the East Venezuela oil basin, which has received a huge charge of oil from the richly organic Cretaceous La Luna Formation (Green, 2006). This exceedingly thick Orinoco Valley oil is found in an elongated deposit sometimes called the “cinturon de la brea” (belt of tar). To produce it, they drilled a pattern of five wells with the peripheral ones injecting steam to drive oil to the central producer. More recently they have been able to extract some oil by horizontal wells partly without steam (Campbell, 2005a). Production was expected to rise from 680,000 barrels a day to about one million barrels a day by 2010. However, in 2006, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez canceled all oil development contracts with foreign companies working in the region and imposed new taxes several times higher than those in their original agreements. In January 2007, President Chavez announced he would simply nationalize all Orinoco operations (Wertheim, 2007). Given the record of nationalization in Venezuela and elsewhere, the end result will probably be a reduction in oil output as the investor-owned companies and their technical expertise depart.

Oil Sands. These deposits are ancient oil fields that have been uncovered by erosion or ones from which oil has migrated to the surface or near-surface, and has lost its lighter, more volatile elements. The largest of these deposits is in northern Alberta, the Athabasca oil sands a few miles north of Fort McMurray. The sands contain an estimated 1.7 to 2.0 trillion or more barrels of semi-solid hydrocarbons (Suncor, 1995). These deposits at Peace River, Athabasca, and the Cold Lake deposits (which do not exist at the surface) cover approximately 149,000 square km (57,514 square miles), an area about the size of Michigan. If regarded as a single oil field, it would be the world’s largest. It underlies about 23% of the Canadian Province of Alberta. The hub of operations is the city of Fort McMurray, once a small fur trading post, which now has a population of 70,000.

Contrary to enthusiastic investment letters, oil sand deposits are not like an underground lake of oil. The deposit consists of grains of sand each of which has a thin film of water and outside this water film there is another coating of oil. There are two main methods of recovering the oil. One is by open pit strip mining in which the oil sand is loaded into the world’s largest trucks. These are 400-ton capacity behemoths have tires that cost $45,000 each. The sand is trucked to a processing plant or to a conveyor system going to the plant. It takes two tons of oil sand to produce one barrel of oil. Using a hot water floatation process, the oil is stripped away from the sand. Initially, on recovery, the hydrocarbon is a black, viscous, tar-like material. In several steps, chiefly involving the addition of a light hydrocarbon solvent, the bitumen is upgraded to a straw-colored synthetic crude oil. Then it can be pumped and piped to a refinery where it is further upgraded to the various end products produced from ordinary crude oil.

However, up to 80% of oil sand deposits are too deeply buried to be recovered by surface strip mining, so an in situ process has been developed. Two wells are drilled vertically to the productive strata, and then deviated horizontally to exactly five meters vertically apart, and cased with perforated pipe. Steam is injected in one well which reduces the viscosity of the bitumen that is then pumped out using the other well. This is the SAGD (pronounced “SAG-D”) process — steam assisted gravity drainage recovery method. It can recover from 60 to 80 percent of the bitumen in the formation.

How much can be produced? The Alberta Energy and Utilities Board says that of the approximately 1.7 trillion barrels of crude bitumen estimated to be in place, only about 19% of it (315 billion barrels) can eventually be produced. Using today’s technology, only about 174 billion barrels can be recovered given current and economic forecast conditions. So, of the vast amounts of oil in the oil sands that are enthusiastically cited by writers of investment letters and other reports, much less than half will ever be produced.

What is the ultimate daily rate of production? The processes by which oil is recovered from oil sand do not lend themselves easily to large production rates. The weather is also a limiting factor. At times, it is 50 F below zero in winter. And because much of the land is boggy tundra, some operations, such as putting in new installations, must be done when the ground is frozen. To stop the newly mined moist sand from freezing to the bottoms of the trucks, truck beds are electrically heated. In summary, the conditions of production are vastly different and far more difficult than drilling a well in Texas or in the Persian Gulf.

There are two main limiting factors in oil sands production. First, it is an energy-intensive operation. Natural gas is now the chief energy source, although there is some effort to use some of the heavy elements of the oil sands themselves as fuel. It takes 1000 cubic feet of gas, using the SAGD process, to produce a barrel of bitumen. Each day, enough natural gas is consumed in the oil sands operation to heat 3.5 million Canadian homes. The seven trillion cubic feet of gas discovered in the Mackenzie Delta may be piped to the Athabasca oil sands operation, and all of it may be used just for that purpose, with none available for other needs in Canada. To produce two million barrels [of oil] per day would require approximately two billion cubic feet of natural gas, which is roughly equivalent to the amount of natural gas needed to heat every home in Canada for a day.

A second factor limiting production is that large quantities of water are needed for both processes, and water is limited in the resource area. The Athabasca River is the main source of water. But the river has insufficient flow to support the needs of all the planned oil sands operations.

A third possible limitation on oil sand production is the diluent needed to thin out the bitumen so it will flow at ambient temperature and move by pipeline. This light diluent oil is produced by conventional oil production in Canada, which is declining. So there is some doubt that domestic sources can supply all the diluent required for the projected expansion of the oil sands operations.

Net energy recovery. Generally, the comparisons made between the recoverable volumes of oil sand oil with the reserves of Saudi Arabia simply state that Alberta has 174 billion barrels and Saudi Arabia claims 264 billion barrels. But this is a misleading comparison because the net energy recovery of a barrel of oil from oil sand is considerably lower than from a barrel of oil from a Saudi oil well. Besides the energy cost of the natural gas it takes to recover a barrel of oil sand oil, there are other energy costs incurred in the surface mining, stripping off the overburden, loading and hauling the oil sand, and the ultimate disposal of the leftover sand. Saudi Arabian oil incurs none of these costs.

I have discussed the issue of calculating net energy recovery with various people in the oil sand country, and even suggested that the cost of supplying and heating the Fort McMurray population should be included in the energy cost. In northern Alberta, winter is severe, arrives early, and stays a long time. Conducting mining and plant operations in sub-zero temperatures, and keeping all the equipment working is difficult. The quartz sand in these deposits is harder than steel and it inevitably gets into the machinery and causes maintenance difficulties. Including the narrower and more immediate energy costs, the open pit mining and floatation process reportedly yields an eight to one ratio of energy recovered to energy invested. The SAGD process yields a four to one energy recovery ratio.

Environmental effects of oil sand developments. The impacts of oil sands development in Alberta are considerable. Aside from carbon dioxide emissions discussed in Chapter 20, there are several other significant environmental impacts (Clarke, 2009; Nikiforuk, 2008). Waste water and large volumes of sand resulting from the extraction of oil are dumped into tailings ponds, which now cover more than 50 square kilometers (19.3 square miles).

Taking water from the Athabasca River, especially in winter when the flow is substantially reduced, has an adverse effect on the fish population. It also has a negative impact on the Peace-Athabasca Delta in Lake Athabasca, which is the largest boreal delta in the world, and one of the most important waterfowl nesting areas in North America. The areas where strip mining is conducted leaves a moonscape land surface, of which only about 17 percent has been reclaimed to date.

Huge piles of discarded sand mar the landscape along with great quantities of contaminated waste water. The original pristine landscape of bog, marsh, and boreal forest cannot be restored. In situ SAGD recovery process (which will gradually replace surface mining) has considerably less impact than strip mining. But there is environmental damage from roads and drill sites.

Upgrading oil obtained by either process also causes a substantial increase in carbon dioxide emissions to the degree that the pledge Canada signed in the Kyoto Protocol to reduce carbon emissions has not been met. Instead, emissions have increased. In 2011, Canada formally withdrew from the Kyoto Protocol.

A last refuge for the oil companies. Since most of North America is thoroughly explored and drilled, there are few new places left for major oil companies to operate. Canada has a stable government, a pleasant change from what companies experience in many other countries. There is also little or no exploration cost or risk to operating in the oil sands. We know where they are, and except for drilling a few holes to determine the depth and thickness of productive strata, there is little drilling to be done except for putting the pipes in place for the SAGD production process. The long lead times required to negotiate leases with unstable and corrupt governments, the lengthy and costly exploration operations, the billions it now costs to build and put drilling platforms offshore in as much as 10,000 feet of water where they are subject to hurricanes and the possibilities of terrorist attacks, are all avoided by operating in the Alberta oil sands. It is a last refuge for the oil companies, not only for North American companies, but also for those of other countries like Shell from the Netherlands, and Total of France.

The recovery of oil from oil sands is not a geological matter but a manufacturing process. Costs are quite predictable. There is also a greater stability and security than in many other oil operations in distant lands where pipelines are blown up and workers on oil rigs are kidnapped. Oil field workers have been killed by local insurgent groups in places where oil companies operate in regions of civil war, as in Nigeria and Colombia.

There are very few oil sand deposits in the United States. Some exist in Utah and elsewhere, but these are small, and the hydrocarbon is dense and, therefore, takes even more processing than Canadian oil sand. In the past, fuel production from unconventional sources usually depended on large government subsidies. The Canadian oil sand industry is an exception. It succeeded, where others have failed.

As a result, several major oil companies and a number of other companies are vigorously pursuing oil sand resources. Several oil sands plants are in operation and more are planned. The largest are the Syncrude plant (a consortium of companies, including the Alberta government), and the Suncor operation (an independent company based in Calgary). Canadian Natural Resources is another major player in oil sands development. The production activity in the Alberta oil sands is currently the largest single industrial development in the world.

What can oil sands do for future world oil supply? There are very optimistic projections as to what oil sands can do for the world’s oil supply. But given current world oil consumption of 84 million barrels a day, four million barrels of oil a day from oil sands by 2030 can only meet a small fraction of world oil demand. Furthermore, by 2030, when four million barrels a day of production could be reached, Canada’s conventional oil resources will be largely depleted and Canada itself will need increasing amounts of oil from the oil sands. In 2001, daily oil production from oil sands exceeded the production from conventional oil wells in Canada, and it has done so ever since.

Minimum Canadian demand on the oil sand oil by 2030 could be two million barrels a day. Canada rightly will take care of its own needs first, leaving perhaps two million barrels a day to be divided among all the other consumer nations waiting in line, including the United States. The United States, with its current consumption of 19 million barrels of oil a day, will not see its oil supply problem solved by Canadian oil sand oil.

OIL SHALE (KEROGEN)

For more than 90 years, numerous attempts have been made to develop a shale oil industry in the U.S. Shortly after World War II, the U.S. Bureau of Mines built an oil shale demonstration plant just north of Rifle, Colorado. It was closed. Other projects include Occidental Petroleum’s project near De Beque, Colorado, which involved tunneling into the shale, excavating a room, and then blasting down shale from the ceiling. The room was then sealed off, and the fragmented shale set afire. The oil released from the shale by the fire was to be drained out through a trough previously cut in the floor. The project proved unsuccessful and was abandoned. Equity Oil and the U.S. Department of Energy did a joint project in which 1,000º F steam was injected into the shale through numerous wells under pressure of 1,500 pounds per square inch. Water, oil and gas were to be recovered from the injected zone through production wells. This was unsuccessful. Unocal (now part of Chevron) has been working on oil shale technology since the 1920s. One small experimental plant was built many years ago in upper Parachute Creek Canyon, in western Colorado, then abandoned.

Oil shale comes in various degrees of richness. Some deposits can produce up to 100 gallons of oil per ton like the famous Mahogany Ledge of the Piceance Basin. A good average grade that could be economical is about 30 gallons per ton. The differences in grades can be substantial in vertical distances in the strata of only a few feet, which is one of the problems in economically recovering the oil. A consistently good grade thickness of shale is required for efficient mining. The main thing that the kerogen in oil shale needs to become oil is heat. To speed up Nature’s process, the conventional approach has been to first mine the rock and then load it on trucks to be hauled to a plant where it is ground into fine particles and heated to a temperature of about 900º F. This produces a tarry mass to which hydrogen must be added to make it flow readily. Currently, the chief source of hydrogen is natural gas, which unfortunately brings us back to petroleum, which we are trying to replace.

Oil shale, when heated, tends to pop like popcorn, so the resulting volume, even after the organic material is removed, is larger than the volume of rock initially mined. This creates a huge waste disposal problem. The waste material has to be hauled somewhere. The ideal situation would be to have a mountain of oil shale near a large canyon, where the oil shale could be brought down the mountain largely by gravity, run through the processing plant, and the waste material dumped into the adjacent canyon. Because there are various toxic elements associated with the oil shale waste, the pile of oil shale waste would have to be stabilized and sealed off from groundwater or surface water to avoid contamination.

How much net energy? Developing oil shale deposits by other than in situ methods, involves huge materials handling and disposal problems. Also, when the energy costs of mining, transporting, refining (including the addition of hydrogen), and waste disposal are all added up, the net amount of energy recovered from oil shale is relatively small. It does not begin to compare with the net energy reward now obtained through conventional oil well drilling and production operations. Some studies suggest that the final figure for the net energy in oil recovered from oil shale is negative. At best, it is not large, and surface mining for oil shale may disturb up to five times as much land as that caused by coal mining for the same net amount of energy. It also would be far more destructive to the landscape than oil wells producing the same net amount of energy.

Another problem with the Utah and Colorado oil shale deposits is that the processing and the auxiliary support facilities need large amounts of water. The richest oil shale deposits are located in the headwaters of the Colorado River. This river now barely reaches the Gulf of Lower California. Present demand for water already exceeds what the river can meet. Water supply would be a serious problem for any large development of oil shale because it would take at least two barrels of water to produce one barrel of oil. The states downstream from the oil shale deposits have already protested the withdrawal of Colorado River water for shale oil production. The development would immediately pit Colorado and Utah shale oil projects against California, Nevada, and especially Arizona. These

So far, very little oil, except on a pilot plant scale, has been produced. The major oil companies have tried to develop a viable, economic, commercial operation, but none has been successful thus far.

An attempt to economically recover an oil-like substance from oil shale reached a rather astounding climax and conclusion in the 1980s and early 90s. With the oil crises of 1973 and 1979 fresh in mind, both Exxon and Unocal launched huge projects in the area of Parachute Creek just north of the Colorado River. In 1980, Exxon began construction of the Colony II project designed to produce 47,000 barrels of oil a day, and announced that production of 15 million barrels a day of synthetic fuels by 2010 would not be “beyond achievement” (Business Week, 1980). To support this project, it was even suggested to divert part of the Missouri River, some 700 miles away.

To get the project started, Exxon announced it would spend $5 billion on various preliminary projects, and build a town for 25,000 workers. To house this small city of employees, Exxon built a model community across the Colorado River on a broad gently sloping upland called Battlement Mesa. It had everything including a recreation center. But about the time that the Battlement Mesa community was completed, Exxon concluded that the oil shale project was uneconomic. On May 2, 1982, dubbed “Black Sunday” in the town of Parachute, Exxon announced it was abandoning the project (Gulliford, 1989; Symonds, 1990).

Backed by a government production subsidy, Unocal persisted and built a large plant just north of the town of Parachute (previously called Grand Valley). Construction was completed in August of 1983, at a cost of $654 million. In its 1987 annual report, Unocal said: “The ultimate goal is to achieve steady production at design capacity – about 10,000 barrels a day.” Peak production of 7,000 barrels a day was achieved in October 1989.

During its experimental phase, the plant operated with the aid of a $400 million federal subsidy. By 1991, Unocal had used $114 million of this subsidy, and received $42.23 a barrel for the oil produced at Parachute Creek, with the U.S. government paying $23.46 of that amount. Unocal’s production costs were about $57 a barrel.

On June 1, 1991, this $654 million plant was permanently closed, and the project was abandoned. Parts of the plant have been sold or moved to other Unocal operations. Much of the plant, remains, however, as a monument to the failed efforts to develop a viable shale oil operation.

Oil shale development has been “just around the corner” for over fifty years, and may continue to be in that position for some time to come, perhaps indefinitely.

Shale oil can, at most, supply only a small portion of current world oil demand. And shale oil, by its composition, is better adapted for use as a raw material for petrochemical plants than for the production of gasoline. As a petrochemical feedstock, shale oil may play a modest role in the future economy.

Now Shell Oil Company is once again (2012) attempting to produce oil from oil shale in commercial amounts. It built an experimental operation in the Piceance Basin of Colorado in which a series of holes are drilled in a block of oil shale, and electrodes are inserted to heat the rock. To prevent groundwater from migrating through the rock and cooling it, a perimeter of frozen ground was created around this block of shale. Shell says it will take several years to heat the shale to the point that the kerogen is converted to oil. Then it is to be produced from wells drilled into the shale.

However, shale is not very permeable. This in situ operation eliminates several problems of conventional shale oil production. The handling of great volumes of rock material is eliminated. There are no mining, transportation or grinding costs. There is no waste disposal or stabilization problem, and the demand for water is modest. Shell is famous for having good engineers, and they claim they could generate a positive energy recovery ratio of 3.7/1. Since rocks are good insulators, it will take a very large amount of electricity to heat the rock and convert the kerogen to oil. How many electric power plants will it take to provide the power for a significant production of oil by this process? And what are the fuel requirements for the power plants? Even if the Shell project proves successful, it is difficult to see how it can make a significant contribution to world oil supplies, given the years it takes to heat a block of oil shale, and the power plant requirements and other infrastructure that are required.

Skeptics including Randy Udall and Steve Andrews (2005) doubt the success of this project. These long-time observers of oil shale resources make some interesting observations about the Shell project: The plan is audacious. Shell proposes to heat a 1000-foot-thick section of shale to 700 degrees, then keep it hot for three years… Imagine a 100 acre production plot. Inside that area, the company would drill as many as 1,000 wells. Next, long electric heaters would be inserted in preparation for a multi-year bake. It is a high stakes gamble, but if it works, a 6-mile by 6-mile area could, over the coming century, produce 20 billion barrels [of oil], roughly equal to remaining reserves in the lower 48 states.

Although Shell’s methods avoid the need to mine shale, it requires a mind-boggling amount of electricity. To produce 100,000 barrels per day, the company would need to construct the largest power plant in Colorado history. Costing about $3 billion, it would consume 5 million tons of coal each year, producing 10 million tons of greenhouse gases. (The Company’s annual electric bill would be about $500 million…. A million barrels a day [1/20th of U.S. current daily consumption] would require 10 new power plants and five new coal mines…. Using coal-fired electricity to wring oil out of rocks is like feeding steak to the dog and eating his Alpo. [Laherrere has estimated that at the current cost of electricity in the region, the cost in electricity of each barrel of oil produced could be as high as $800.]

In 2008, Raytheon (inventor of the microwave oven) launched a project to recover oil by underground heating of the shale with microwaves beamed from transmitters lowered into the shale. The process, like Shell’s, would use large amounts of electricity but also involves multiple steps of heat conversion with some energy lost during each stage, a method more complex than Shell’s approach. But unlike Shell’s project with electrodes, microwaves can generate heat faster than convection heat (Shell’s process) and reduce the heating time to a month or two, rather than years. As both the Shell project and the Raytheon project have yet to be completed, results are not now known. ExxonMobil has also resumed interest in oil shale.

A study by the Rand Corporation for the U.S. Department of Energy found that producing just 100,000 barrels of oil per day (bpd) using the currently most advanced in situ process would require 1.2 billion watts of dedicated electricity for heating. This would require a power plant equal in size to the largest coal-fired plant now operating in Colorado. It would cost $3 billion to build and would burn five million tons of coal annually, producing 10 million tons of greenhouse gases. Putting all this in perspective, even the most enthusiastic forecast of 500,000 bpd oil from oil shale production, when viewed against the current U.S. oil use of approximately 20 million barrels a day, or the world use of 84 million barrels a day, shale oil would be only the proverbial “drop in the bucket.”

Oil shale/oil sands — again, the distinction These are sometimes confused by writers. For the sake of clarity, the differences are worth repeating and very obvious when oil sand and oil shale are seen together. Oil shale contains no oil as such, but has an intermediate form of hydrocarbon between plants and oil, called kerogen. Oil shale usually contains some carbonates so it is technically a marl. It is a hard, dense rock, which on fresh exposure is black but weathers to a tan or grey color. Oil sands are black, do not weather to another color, and contain true oil but it is very heavy (thick). It occurs in sand which is not solid rock, as is the case of oil shale, but is friable and can be mined with a power shovel.

Nationalization of oil and mineral companies

The nationalization of oil companies abroad, and the continued movement of U.S. oil companies overseas because domestic exploration prospects are diminishing, have made U.S. companies increasingly hostage to foreign governments. There, overseas investor-owned oil companies rarely own the oil, they simply have lease arrangements for developing those resources and may get a percentage of the production. Foreign governments own the oil and have control. In turn, the American oil-consuming public is hostage to foreign governments. The balance of economic power has shifted abroad in the past four decades, and oil has been a chief factor.

Chile nationalized the American copper companies, Kennecott and Anaconda. Zambia and Zaire took over all multinational copper operations there. “American” was rubbed out of the name Arabian American Oil Company in the desert sands of Saudi Arabia. All foreign interests in Iran and Iraq were taken over. Kuwait nationalized Gulf Oil’s interest there. Venezuela nationalized Creole Petroleum Corporation, formerly a division of ExxonMobil Corporation, the company that had developed the great oil deposits of the Lake Maracaibo Basin. Peru took over International Petroleum Company, also at the time an Exxon affiliate. This was done with no compensation whatsoever. And was done not long after Exxon had invested large sums in rebuilding the oil camp and related facilities, including a modern hospital free to all employees and their families, and had built the safest water supply system in the entire country, and even a fine large church.

After nationalizing their minerals, many countries discovered they did not have the technical expertise to run the nationalized operations. Also, in some cases, so much money was drained from operations into political and social pockets and causes, that there was not enough capital left to maintain and develop the resource facilities. Therefore, many countries invited foreign companies to come back, under various financial arrangements. In a 2-page ad in 1995, Zambia announced it was privatizing the government monopoly of copper mining, and asked for foreign capital to come in and help. On January 1, 1976, Venezuela took over all foreign oil interests. But in 1995, Venezuela needed help to run its oil operations, and made arrangements to auction off some exploration rights in various prospective areas to foreign oil companies. It should be noted that Venezuela was not risking any money. If the leases are unproductive, the companies lose all their lease and exploration costs. However, the terms included taxes that took from 71 percent to 88 percent of the profits from any successful ventures.

With the breakup of the Soviet Union, a new political order caused by oil appeared in that region. Large oil deposits exist in several countries that split away from the USSR. The extensive Caspian Sea area oil is now owned by Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, Iran, Russia, and Kazakhstan. Some oil, an estimated 4.1 billion barrels, also is located in nearby Ukraine. Kazakhstan, five times larger than France in area, and larger than all of the other former Soviet Republics combined, excluding Russia itself, is reported to have as much as three to 10 times as much oil as Alaska’s Prudhoe Bay Field. [my comment: but after the U.S. imposed sanctions on Russia in 2013, Exxon had to leave Siberia and Russia was depending on their help to drill for deep sea arctic oil, because they have little expertise themselves.]

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