Matt Simmons “Twilight in the Desert” Saudi Arabia oil: how much left?

Once the large fields peak in Saudi Arabia oil shocks will reverberate throughout the world

Best up-to-date status of oil fields in Saudi Arabia. Ghawar is in decline, but 2 new fields filled in, once they’re in decline, there are no new oil fields waiting in the wing, details here:

Ron Patterson. May 27, 2014. A Closer Look at Saudi Arabia. peakoilbarrel.com

[Below this article is an interview between Matt Simmons and Jim Puplava]

Peter Maass  The Breaking Point.  August 21, 2005 The New York Times 

[This article has been greatly reduced]

The largest oil terminal in the world, Ras Tanura, is located on the eastern coast of Saudi Arabia, along the Persian Gulf. From Ras Tanura’s control tower, you can see the classic totems of oil’s dominion — supertankers coming and going, row upon row of storage tanks and miles and miles of pipes. Ras Tanura is the funnel through which nearly 10 percent of the world’s daily supply of petroleum flows. Standing in the control tower, you are surrounded by more than 50 million barrels of oil, yet not a drop can be seen.

I visited Ras Tanura because oil is no longer out of mind, thanks to record prices caused by refinery shortages and surging demand — most notably in the United States and China — which has strained the capacity of oil producers and especially Saudi Arabia, the largest exporter of all. Unlike the 1973 crisis, when the embargo by the Arab members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries created an artificial shortfall, today’s shortage, or near-shortage, is real. If demand surges even more, or if a producer goes offline because of unrest or terrorism, there may suddenly not be enough oil to go around.

As Aref al-Ali, my escort from Saudi Aramco, the giant state-owned oil company, pointed out, ”One mistake at Ras Tanura today, and the price of oil will go up.” This has turned the port into a fortress; its entrances have an array of gates and bomb barriers to prevent terrorists from cutting off the black oxygen that the modern world depends on. Yet the problem is far greater than the brief havoc that could be wrought by a speeding zealot with 50 pounds of TNT in the trunk of his car. Concerns are being voiced by some oil experts that Saudi Arabia and other producers may, in the near future, be unable to meet rising world demand. Their decades-old reservoirs are not as full and geologically spry as they used to be, and they may be incapable of producing, on a daily basis, the increasing volumes of oil that the world requires. ”One thing is clear,” warns Chevron, the second-largest American oil company, in a series of new advertisements, ”the era of easy oil is over.”

In the past several years, the gap between demand and supply, once considerable, has steadily narrowed, and today is almost negligible. The consequences of an actual shortfall of supply would be immense. If consumption begins to exceed production by even a small amount, the price of a barrel of oil could soar to triple-digit levels. This, in turn, could bring on a global recession, a result of exorbitant prices for transport fuels and for products that rely on petrochemicals — which is to say, almost every product on the market.

The impact on the American way of life would be profound: cars cannot be propelled by roof-borne windmills. The suburban and exurban lifestyles, hinged to two-car families and constant trips to work, school and Wal-Mart, might become unaffordable or, if gas rationing is imposed, impossible. Carpools would be the least imposing of many inconveniences; the cost of home heating would soar — assuming, of course, that climate-controlled habitats do not become just a fond memory.

But will such a situation really come to pass? That depends on Saudi Arabia. To know the answer, you need to know whether the Saudis, who possess 22 percent of the world’s oil reserves, can increase their country’s output beyond its current limit of 10.5 million barrels a day, and even beyond the 12.5-million-barrel target it has set for 2009. (World consumption is about 84 million barrels a day.) Saudi Arabia is the sole oil superpower. No other producer possesses reserves close to its 263 billion barrels, which is almost twice as much as the runner-up, Iran, with 133 billion barrels.

But the truth about Saudi oil is hard to figure out. Oil reservoirs cannot be inventoried like wood in a wilderness: the oil is underground, unseen by geologists and engineers, who can, at best, make highly educated guesses about how much is underfoot and how much can be extracted in the future. And there is a further obstacle: the Saudis will not let outsiders audit their confidential data on reserves and production. Oil is an industry in which not only is the product hidden from sight but so is reliable information about it. And because we do not know when a supply-demand shortfall might arrive, we do not know when to begin preparing for it, so as to soften its impact; the economic blow may come as a sledgehammer from the darkness.

For 31 years, Matthew Simmons has prospered as the head of his own firm, Simmons & Company International, which advises energy companies on mergers and acquisitions. A member of the Council on Foreign Relations, a graduate of the Harvard Business School and an unpaid adviser on energy policy to the 2000 presidential campaign of George W. Bush, he would be a card-carrying member of the global oil nomenclatura, if cards were issued for such things. Yet he is one of the principal reasons the oil world is beginning to ask hard questions of itself.

Two years ago, Simmons went to Saudi Arabia on a government tour for business executives. The group was presented with the usual dog-and-pony show, but instead of being impressed, as most visitors tend to be, with the size and expertise of the Saudi oil industry, Simmons became perplexed. As he recalls in his somewhat heretical new book, ”Twilight in the Desert: The Coming Saudi Oil Shock and the World Economy,” a senior manager at Aramco told the visitors that ”fuzzy logic” would be used to estimate the amount of oil that could be recovered. Simmons had never heard of fuzzy logic. What could be fuzzy about an oil reservoir? He suspected that Aramco, despite its promises of endless supplies, might in fact not know how much oil remained to be recovered.

Simmons returned home with an itch to scratch. Saudi Arabia was one of the charter members of OPEC, founded in 1960 in Baghdad to coordinate the policies of oil producers. Like every OPEC country, Saudi Arabia provides only general numbers about its output and reserves; it does not release details about how much oil is extracted from each reservoir and what methods are used to extract that oil, and it does not permit audits by outsiders. The condition of Saudi fields, and those of other OPEC nations, is a closely guarded secret. That’s largely because OPEC quotas, which were first imposed in 1983 to limit the output of member countries, were based on overall reserves; the higher an OPEC member’s reserves, the higher its quota. It is widely believed that most, if not all, OPEC members exaggerated the sizes of their reserves in order to have the largest possible quota — and thus the largest possible revenue stream.

In the days of excess supply, bankers like Simmons did not know, or care, about the fudging; whether or not reserves were hyped, there was plenty of oil coming out of the ground. Through the 1970’s, 80’s and 90’s, the capacity of OPEC and non-OPEC countries exceeded demand, and that’s why OPEC imposed a quota system — to keep some product off the market (although many OPEC members, seeking as much revenue as possible, quietly sold more oil than they were supposed to). Until quite recently, the only reason to fear a shortage was if a boycott, war or strike were to halt supplies. Few people imagined a time when supply would dry up because of demand alone. But a steady surge in demand in recent years — led by China’s emergence as a voracious importer of oil — has changed that.

This demand-driven scarcity has prompted the emergence of a cottage industry of experts who predict an impending crisis that will dwarf anything seen before. Their point is not that we are running out of oil, per se; although as much as half of the world’s recoverable reserves are estimated to have been consumed, about a trillion barrels remain underground. Rather, they are concerned with what is called ”capacity” — the amount of oil that can be pumped to the surface on a daily basis. These experts — still a minority in the oil world — contend that because of the peculiarities of geology and the limits of modern technology, it will soon be impossible for the world’s reservoirs to surrender enough oil to meet daily demand [see flow rate]

”Peak oil” is the point at which maximum production is reached; afterward, no matter how many wells are drilled in a country, production begins to decline. It begins when producers are unable to continue increasing their output to meet rising demand. Crunch time comes long before the last drop.

”The world has never faced a problem like this,” the report for the Energy Department concluded. ”Without massive mitigation more than a decade before the fact, the problem will be pervasive and will not be temporary. Previous energy transitions (wood to coal and coal to oil) were gradual and evolutionary; oil peaking will be abrupt and revolutionary.”

Reservoirs are extremely temperamental. If too much oil is extracted too quickly or if the wrong types or amounts of secondary efforts are employed, the amount of oil that can be recovered from a field can be greatly reduced; this is known in the oil world as ”damaging a reservoir.” A widely cited example is Oman: in 2001, its daily production reached more than 960,000 barrels, but then suddenly declined, despite the use of advanced technologies. Today, Oman produces 785,000 barrels of oil a day. Herman Franssen, a consultant who worked in Oman for a decade, sees that country’s experience as a possible lesson in the limits of technology for other producers that try to increase or maintain high levels of output. ”They reached a million barrels a day, and then a few years later production collapsed,” Franssen said in a phone interview. ”They used all these new technologies, but they haven’t been able to stop the decline yet.”

The vague production and reserve data that gets published does not begin to tell the whole story of an oil field’s health, production potential or even its size. For a clear-as-possible picture of a country’s oil situation, you need to know what is happening in each field — how many wells it has, how much oil each well is producing, what recovery methods are being used and how long they’ve been used and the trend line since the field went into production. Data of that sort are typically not released by state-owned companies like Saudi Aramco.

As Matthew Simmons searched for clues to the truth of the Saudi situation, he immersed himself in the minutiae of oil geology. He realized that data about Saudi fields might be found in the files of the Society of Petroleum Engineers. Oil engineers, like most professional groups, have regular conferences at which they discuss papers that delve into the work they do. The papers, which focus on particular wells that highlight a problem or a solution to a problem, are presented and debated at the conferences and published by the S.P.E. — and then forgotten.

Before Simmons poked around, no one had taken the time to pull together the S.P.E. papers that involved Saudi oil fields and review them en masse. Simmons found more than 200 such papers and studied them carefully. Although the papers cover only a portion of the kingdom’s wells and date back, in some cases, several decades, they constitute perhaps the best public data about the condition and prospects of Saudi reservoirs.

Ghawar is the treasure of the Saudi treasure chest. It is the largest oil field in the world and has produced, in the past 50 years, about 55 billion barrels of oil, which amounts to more than half of Saudi production in that period. The field currently produces more than five million barrels a day, which is about half of the kingdom’s output. If Ghawar is facing problems, then so is Saudi Arabia and the entire world.

Simmons found that the Saudis are using increasingly large amounts of water to force oil out of Ghawar. Most of the wells are concentrated in the northern portion of the 174-mile-long field. That might seem like good news — when the north runs low, the Saudis need only to drill wells in the south. But in fact it is bad news, Simmons concluded, because the southern portions of Ghawar are geologically more difficult to draw oil from. ”Someday (and perhaps that day will be soon), the remarkably high well flow rates at Ghawar’s northern end will fade, as reservoir pressures finally plummet,” Simmons writes in his book. ”Then, Saudi Arabian oil output will clearly have peaked. The death of this great king” — meaning Ghawar — ”leaves no field of vaguely comparable stature in the line of succession. Twilight at Ghawar is fast approaching.” He goes on: ”The geological phenomena and natural driving forces that created the Saudi oil miracle are conspiring now in normal and predictable ways to bring it to its conclusion, in a time frame potentially far shorter than officialdom would have us believe.” Simmons concludes, ”Saudi Arabia clearly seems to be nearing or at its peak output and cannot materially grow its oil production.”

Simmons says that there are only so many rabbits technology can pull out of its petro-hat. He impishly notes that if the Saudis really wanted to, they could easily prove him wrong. ”If they want to satisfy people, they should issue field-by-field production reports and reserve data and have it audited,” he told me. ”It would then take anybody less than a week to say, ‘Gosh, Matt is totally wrong,’ or ‘Matt actually might be too optimistic.”’

The onset of triple-digit prices might seem a blessing for the Saudis — they would receive greater amounts of money for their increasingly scarce oil. But one popular misunderstanding about the Saudis — and about OPEC in general — is that high prices, no matter how high, are to their benefit.

Although oil costing more than $60 a barrel hasn’t caused a global recession, that could still happen: it can take a while for high prices to have their ruinous impact. And the higher above $60 that prices rise, the more likely a recession will become. High oil prices are inflationary; they raise the cost of virtually everything — from gasoline to jet fuel to plastics and fertilizers — and that means people buy less and travel less, which means a drop-off in economic activity. So after a brief windfall for producers, oil prices would slide as recession sets in and once-voracious economies slow down, using less oil. Prices have collapsed before, and not so long ago: in 1998, oil fell to $10 a barrel after an untimely increase in OPEC production and a reduction in demand from Asia, which was suffering through a financial crash. Saudi Arabia and the other members of OPEC entered crisis mode back then; adjusted for inflation, oil was at its lowest price since the cartel’s creation, threatening to feed unrest among the ranks of jobless citizens in OPEC states.

”The Saudis are very happy with oil at $55 per barrel, but they’re also nervous,” a Western diplomat in Riyadh told me in May, referring to the price that prevailed then. (Like all the diplomats I spoke to, he insisted on speaking anonymously because of the sensitivities of relations with Saudi Arabia.) ”They don’t know where this magic line has moved to. Is it now $65? Is it $75? Is it $80? They don’t want to find out, because if you did have oil move that far north . . . the chain reaction can come back to a price collapse again.”

It can be argued that in a nation devoted to oil, Husseini knows more about it than anyone else. Born in Syria, Husseini was raised in Saudi Arabia, where his father was a government official whose family took on Saudi citizenship. Husseini earned a Ph.D. in geological sciences from Brown University in 1973 and went to work in Aramco’s exploration department, eventually rising to the highest position. Until his retirement last year — said to have been caused by a top-level dispute, the nature of which is the source of many rumors — Husseini was a member of the company’s board and its management committee. He is one of the most respected and accomplished oilmen in the world.

We spoke for several hours. The message he delivered was clear: the world is heading for an oil shortage. His warning is quite different from the calming speeches that Naimi and other Saudis, along with senior American officials, deliver on an almost daily basis. Husseini explained that the need to produce more oil is coming from two directions. Most obviously, demand is rising; in recent years, global demand has increased by two million barrels a day. (Current daily consumption, remember, is about 84 million barrels a day.) Less obviously, oil producers deplete their reserves every time they pump out a barrel of oil. This means that merely to maintain their reserve base, they have to replace the oil they extract from declining fields. It’s the geological equivalent of running to stay in place. Husseini acknowledged that new fields are coming online, like offshore West Africa and the Caspian basin, but he said that their output isn’t big enough to offset this growing need.

”You look at the globe and ask, ‘Where are the big increments?’ and there’s hardly anything but Saudi Arabia,” he said. ”The kingdom and Ghawar field are not the problem. That misses the whole point. The problem is that you go from 79 million barrels a day in 2002 to 82.5 in 2003 to 84.5 in 2004. You’re leaping by two million to three million a year, and if you have to cover declines, that’s another four to five million.” In other words, if demand and depletion patterns continue, every year the world will need to open enough fields or wells to pump an additional six to eight million barrels a day — at least two million new barrels a day to meet the rising demand and at least four million to compensate for the declining production of existing fields. ”That’s like a whole new Saudi Arabia every couple of years,” Husseini said. ”It can’t be done indefinitely. It’s not sustainable.’

Experts like Husseini are very concerned by the prospect of trying to produce 15 million barrels a day. Even if production can be ramped up that high, geology may not be forgiving. Fields that are overproduced can drop off, in terms of output, quite sharply and suddenly, leaving behind large amounts of oil that cannot be coaxed out with existing technology. This is called trapped oil, because the rocks or sediment around it prevent it from escaping to the surface. Unless new technologies are developed, that oil will never be extracted. In other words, the haste to recover oil can lead to less oil being recovered.

Even if the Saudis are willing to risk damaging their fields, or even if the risk is overstated, Husseini points out a practical problem. To produce and sustain 15 million barrels a day, Saudi Arabia will have to drill a lot more wells and build a lot more pipelines and processing facilities. Currently, the global oil industry suffers a deficit of qualified engineers to oversee such projects and the equipment and the raw materials — for example, rigs and steel — to build them. These things cannot be wished from thin air or developed quickly enough to meet the demand.

”Capacity is not just a function of reserves. It is a function of reserves plus know-how plus a commercial economic system that is designed to increase the resource exploitation. For example, in the U.S. you have infrastructure — there must be tens of thousands of miles of pipelines. If we, in Saudi Arabia, evolve to that level of commercial maturity, we could probably produce a heck of a lot more oil. But to get there is a very tedious, slow process.”

The most worrisome part of the crisis ahead revolves around a set of statistics from the Energy Information Administration, which is part of the U.S. Department of Energy. The E.I.A. forecast in 2004 that by 2020 Saudi Arabia would produce 18.2 million barrels of oil a day, and that by 2025 it would produce 22.5 million barrels a day. Those estimates were unusual, though. They were not based on secret information about Saudi capacity, but on the projected needs of energy consumers. The figures simply assumed that Saudi Arabia would be able to produce whatever the United States needed it to produce.

In the political and corporate realms of the oil world, there are few incentives to be forthright. Executives of major oil companies have been reluctant to raise alarms; the mere mention of scarce supplies could alienate the governments that hand out lucrative exploration contracts and also send a message to investors that oil companies, though wildly profitable at the moment, have a Malthusian long-term future.

Back in the 70’s, President Carter called for the moral equivalent of war to reduce our dependence on foreign oil; he was not re-elected. Since then, few politicians have spoken of an energy crisis or suggested that major policy changes are necessary to avert one. The energy bill signed earlier this month by President Bush did not even raise fuel-efficiency standards for passenger cars. When a crisis comes — whether in a year or 2 or 10 — it will be all the more painful because we will have done little or nothing to prepare for it.

 

Twilight in the Desert: The Coming Saudi Oil Shock and the World Economy

August 6, 2005 Matthew R. Simmons, President Simmons & Company International

JIM PUPLAVA:  Joining me on the program is Matthew Simmons. He’s Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Simmons & Company International, a Houston-based investment bank that specializes in the energy industry. Mr. Simmons serves on the boards of Brown-Forman Corporation, The Atlantic Council of The United States, he’s also a member of the National Petroleum Council and The Council of Foreign Relations. He has an MBA from Harvard University. And he’s here to discuss his new book Twilight in the Desert: The Coming Saudi Oil Shock and the World Economy.

Matt, I want to start out the discussion from the back of your book in Appendix B. Several years ago you did a study of the world’s major oil fields. What did you find?

MATTHEW SIMMONS:  It was really an incredible exercise of trying to collect the data no one had ever actually thought of doing before, and that’s, what are the top oil fields in the world – field by field. And the background for me doing this is that I’ve participated 2 years in a row in an energy supply workshop, conducted by the energy analysts of the CIA in Washington, where they got about 10 of the best oil experts together, and we’d spend a day doing a discussion of all the key countries, and how much oil capacity they had in place over the course of the coming 3 years. I sat there listening aghast at all of these experts with their laptops that kept looking at their supply models, and it’s how China will be producing 3,217,000 barrels/day this year, and 3,281,000 barrels/day. And I basically said: “how do you all even know that. What are the 3 or 4 top fields in China?” And no one had any answers.

So I decided it would be interesting and educational to see if you could actually put together a list of the top 20 oil fields by name. And I thought somebody must have done this before, and the more I dug the more I realized that no one ever had. So I basically decided – arbitrarily – 100,000 barrels per day [bpd] production was my cutoff of what constituted a giant oil field and all Fall of 2000, I believe this was, I basically took data from various areas and kept trying to hone in on the total list, and I decided once I got it done, I would circulate it widely to the 4 or 5 or 6 hundred people who really ought to know the areas a lot better, and that would flush out the real data. What I came up with was finding that there are about 120 oil fields in the world that still produced over 100,000 bpd, and that they collectively were 49% of the world’s oil supply. What I also found is that the top 14 fields that still produce over 500,000 bpd each, were 20% of the world’s oil supply, and on average they were 53 years old. The next thing I found was that in the Middle East you had basically, somewhere between 3-5 oil fields in each of the major Middle East oil producers that made up about 90% of their supply –  and until I did that I had just assumed the Middle East had hundreds of oil fields – and all these oil fields were old. And then what I found was – because we made it clear that anyone who wanted a copy could get one, but the caveat was that if you have any better information, let me know –  I probably shipped over a thousand of these copies out to people and I had about 5 responses of “here’s a field you missed, here’s a field you misspelled or here’s a field you said it was producing X, and I believe it’s probably producing Y.” Only about 5 responses, out of over a thousand people who got this. What I got from hundreds of people was “this is amazing, I’ve never thought about this before.” And these aren’t just sort of random people, these are people that are all passionate energy analysts. So that gave me the background, when I finally had my only trip I’ve ever taken to Saudi Arabia.  I knew ahead of time that they had these 5 key fields that must still be producing 90% of their oil, and it was that knowledge and data that allowed me to just peer into presentations we were having, so that I came away saying, “you know I really wonder whether in fact we’re sitting on an illusion that Saudi Arabia has all this vast amount of producible oil.” And I also then had an idea of what issues I should start trying to research, and within months I had discovered this phenomenal database of technical papers at the Society of Petroleum Engineers, that I spent all Summer, two years ago in Maine, plowing through, and it was at the end of that exercise that I decided I was going to write a book.

JIM:   It’s incredible, because every energy supply model starts with the assumption that Saudi oil is plentiful. It’s inexpensive to produce and supply can expand to meet demand. I mean, whether you’re looking at the IEA or the USGS, that’s not necessarily the case.

MATT:   Yes. What’s interesting is that we’ve based all of this assumption on no data. I mean, it would be like someone assuming General Electric could basically grow by 30% per annum, and that by 20 years from now they’d have a company that was bigger than the economy of the United States, because they needed to do that to support their stock price, and no one ever saying, “Wait a sec, how could a single company ever grow beyond the economy of the United States.” But this is far more important in the unforeseen consequences: that we’ve effectively built a world economy on the illusion that Middle East oil would last forever at inexpensive cost.

JIM:   You know last year, Matt, the Saudi Oil Minister announced they could expand their oil reserves by 77% to 461 billion barrels. Is that a political statement, because there doesn’t seem to be – from looking at your data in terms of how their reserves were compiled – where do they get that number?

MATT:   They assume it! What’s really astonishing is that I had a suspicion 2 years ago, when I’d finished going through 150 of these technical papers, that I might well have done an exercise no one in the world had ever done before, and that’s piece together these individual study-area problems and put them together until you had basically done a forensic pathology of their oil system. And I wondered whether anyone in Saudi Arabia had ever actually done the same amount of research. And now it turns out, I was apparently the first person in the world to ever actually challenge the assumptions of the unlimited amount of their oil supplies. And it hit a nerve I would never ever have expected because I wasn’t a household name – I think I am today in Saudi Arabia – I was just an investment banker in Houston. It was the same sort of reaction if someone went to the Vatican and said, “I hate to tell you all this, but there really isn’t a God, and there isn’t a Pope.” And out of that came a massive public relations campaign by the senior management of Saudi Aramco, the state oil company, and the Petroleum Ministry that effectively has said, “we can produce 10 million or 12 million or 15 million barrels a day for 50 to 100 years. Our 260 billion barrels of proven reserves, there’s this conservative number we can easily add another 200 billion, and we can still add another 200 billion we have yet to discover”. And I actually think that they believe that, which is far more dangerous than “it’s just a political statement.

JIM:   Now the thesis of your book is Saudi production is very near its peak…

MATT:   I decided that this book was going to be so controversial that I really tried my darnedest to avoid a bunch of very specific conclusions that people could shoot holes in: “how would you know that?” But I’ve had enough time now to reflect on everything I wrote about, and also feedback from lots of technical people that said, “you know what, what you triggered is the memory of what was going on in the 70s”, and etc, etc. I think it’s highly likely that they’ve actually exceeded sustainable peak production already. And I think at the current rates they are producing these old fields, each of the fields risks entering into a rapid production collapse.

JIM:   If this is indeed the case then, by assumption, we have to assume global peak is at hand then.

MATT:   Absolutely. Once it’s clear that Saudi Arabia cannot sustain increases in its production on a sustained basis, then in my opinion, with a certainty of 99.9% the world has actually passed sustainable peak production. Because one of the reasons all of these supply models always have Saudi Arabia producing 25 million bpd by 2025 is that there isn’t another country on earth that has the potential to raise their production more than 1 or 2 million bpd at best.

JIM:   Why is it, do you think, there’s only been 2 groups that have been concerned with this: you have the oil company executives, because they are obviously looking around the globe and they’re not finding major elephants on a yearly basis; and then we’ve had environmentalists who have also been concerned about this. Those have been the main 2 groups, but aside from that, you have a third group, the economists, who basically just say, “as the prices of oil goes up the production goes up to meet it.

MATT:   Yes, and they say it with a passion and a vengeance. What I’ve also found so interesting is that the concept of peak oil which is finally getting some serious traction as a discussion item gets scorned by economists – energy economists. What they hear is the world is running out of oil, they don’t understand the concept of peak oil. And I continue to remind people that the difference between oil supply peaking and running out of oil is as profound as someone saying, “I’m getting a little bit hungry,” and someone saying, “I have about 2 more minutes to live before I starve to death.” And we will never run out of oil, in our lifetime, our children’s lifetime, our grandchildren’s lifetime. But by 2030 we could easily have a world that can only produce 10 or 15 or 20 million barrels per day, and the shortfall from what we thought we were going to produce is only a modest 100 million barrels per day. So this is really a major, major, major global issue.

JIM:   It’s not only a major issue, but if you look at Wall Street, the day you and I are speaking, oil is over $62/barrel and the standard response is – in fact, one of the questions given to one of the analysts this morning is “when is it coming down?”… You gave an analogy in terms of how cheap oil is at $60/barrel, I wonder if you might share that with our listeners?

MATT:   Sure. Because every time I get into a discussion now about the future of oil I always get asked, “well, where will oil prices be?” And my response is, “I don’t have any idea where they’re going to be, other than the fact I think on a secular move, we are still at a very, very cheap level of oil prices.” And that immediately gets a response, “Cheap?! Oil’s at $60 a barrel!” And one of the things I’ve observed is that people don’t really understand what a barrel is. They can kind of conceive what a barrel might look like. But when you put it in terms people can understand, I say “what $60 per barrel is, is 18 cents a pint. And then I get a response, “How did you do that?!

“Well, you divide 60 by 42, to get a gallon of oil, and you divide a gallon by 8 to get a pint of oil, and that just happens to be 18 cents a pint.

And then they say, “ Oh, that’s really cheap, isn’t it?

And obviously it’s cheap. I don’t know what’s the next cheapest liquid we actually sell in any bulk is, that has any value. I suspect there are places around the United States where municipal water costs more than 18 cents a pint. And yet for some reason, we created a society that was built on a belief that oil prices in a normal range were some place in the $15-20 level. It turns out $15/barrel, which is the average price of oil – in 2004 dollars –  it sold for, for the last 140 years, is less than 4 cents a pint. So we’ve basically used up the vast majority of the world’s high flow rate, high quality sweet oil at prices that were effectively so cheap, you basically couldn’t sustain an industry. And now we’re left with lots of oil. But it’s heavy, gunky, dirty, sour, contaminated with various things oil, it doesn’t come out of the ground very fast, is very energy intensive to get out of the ground and we’re going to pay a fortune for it.

JIM:   Why don’t you take us back, as we talk about this peak in oil in Saudi Arabia, to when oil was first discovered. Give us a little bit of background about Saudi Arabia, because up until 1930 there really wasn’t an issue in Saudi Arabia. How did they emerge as a global energy power?

MATT:   First of all, just a real quick history of oil because I think it’s actually interesting to put into present context.

A year before the Civil War, Col. Drake effectively was the ‘Thomas Edison’ of discovering oil in Western Pennsylvania. But the oil fields there were tiny oil fields, and the stuff didn’t come out of the ground very fast, but it was fabulously high quality. You know, Quaker State motor gasoline oil quality. So simple refining processes could make it usable. And over the course of the next 40 years oil was effectively a substitute for kerosene and coal gas as a way to create lamp oil. And then in 1901, we discovered the great Spindletop field in Beaumont, Texas, and that was the world’s first giant oil field that could produce vast amounts of oil; and after that and a few years later we discovered the Golden Alley in Mexico; we discovered oil in Iran. And by 1930 we had a concept – we had just discovered the great oil field in Kirkuk, in Iraq, ironically about 2700 yards from the burning oil fires that were mentioned in the Bible, in the time of Nebuchadnezzar – and in 1934 Abdul Azziz, who had just finally consolidated the kingdom that became known in 32 as Saudi Arabia, who’s the father of King Fahd who was buried yesterday, granted a concession to Standard Oil Company of California to begin looking for oil in Saudi Arabia. And in 1938, when the world economy was so fragile that we were still closing banks, they were just about to shut down their efforts  after a very disappointing series of dry holes, when they hit discovery of Prosperity Well #7, and ushered in the oil kingdom of Saudi Arabia. By 1970, Saudi Arabia was producing 3 million bpd; by 1974 they were producing 8 million bpd; by 1980 – because of Iran collapsing and then the Iran-Iraq war – they hit their peak at 10 ½ million bpd and by then they were terrified they were producing oil at rates that couldn’t be sustained, and were going to destroy these great fields, because it was coming from 4-5 fields. And yesterday was not just the day we buried King Fahd. Yesterday was also, ironically, the 15th anniversary of when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait.

And it was that event that actually started to profoundly change the world, because within a week of that invasion – and the Republican Guard poised on the Saudi Arabian border to hit the South and to do the same thing to Saudi Arabia they’d just done to Kuwait – President Bush and his chief advisors decided to embargo Iraq and Kuwait, and they convinced King Fahd to station troops in Saudi Arabia to prevent the Republican Guard from taking over Saudi Arabia. Because had that happened, by the end of August, 15 years ago, Saddam Hussein would have controlled 15 million barrels of oil per day and would have been the emperor of the world. So this was really a profound series of changes. And then everyone in the world had to ramp their oil supplies up. And Saudi Arabia took great pride, as they saw, in 90 days, they could go from five back to eight million bpd, and stabilize the world oil markets to keep oil prices from going to $100.

And out of that decision came an accidental move back into a concept that they had no rate-sensitive production, and that is when all of the water problems that were starting to worry them so profoundly in the 70s started coming back. And they’ve effectively spent the last 15 years trying to fight these problems, and figure out how to get out of this box, while they were pretending to each other that their oil fields had no rate-sensitivity of how they were being produced, and what they did for 70 years they could do for another 70 years. So I thought the irony of burying the King yesterday, on the 15th anniversary of Saddam’s move into Kuwait happening at the same time, was really unbelievable.

JIM:   As we take a look at some of the facts as we know them today, the Arabian Peninsula  – as you pointed out in your book – has been very heavily explored, contrary to opinions otherwise.

MATT: Using the very best technology known to man.

JIM:   We’ve got 5 fields that are super giants that account for 90% of the oil. Of these fields, many of them have been in production 50 years or more, and there’s been very few fields discovered since 1980 that produce more than 250-300,000 bpd.

MATT:   In fact, the record actually is, that in 1967 they discovered the last great field that has ever been discovered in Saudi Arabia. And the only field of any significance since then, has been in 1989 the Hawtah field – the Hawtah field and 5 satellite fields – peaked at 200,000 bpd. Now, some of the people that are skeptical of my views say, “how could you say 200,000 bpd isn’t a great oil field?” Well, 200,000 bpd in Saudi Arabia, as the best you’ve done in 35 years, is a very scary number.

JIM:   Why don’t you give us a bit of a history, because I don’t think most people realize we may be driving around here in Southern California with a gallon of gasoline in our tank that came from one of these fields.

MATT:   Of the 10-11 million bpd that we import into the United States, 1.5 of that is Saudi Arabian oil, so statistically there is probably a pretty good likelihood that 1 out of 10 motorists in California have Saudi Arabian  oil in their tank.

JIM:   Matt, give us a bit of a history, because most people know oil wells don’t last forever, but some of these in Saudi Arabia have been around for 50 years. I like the analogy that you use of the chess board and I wonder if we might start with that analogy, as we get to the Saudi fields.

MATT:   Yes. The French Petroleum Institute did a major study a couple of decades ago, about the distribution of oil fields by basin. And what they found was that what seems to happen with phenomenal regularity is that within about 5-7 years of moving into a new area of prospective hydrocarbon, you tend to find the queen first, which is the second largest field you’re going to find; you then calibrate in on the knowledge of how you found that and within a handful of years you find the king; and then over the next decade, you find there too, the next 8-10 lords. And once you’ve found the royal family, the rest of everything you’ll ever find are basically peons in size.

And if you then say, “how did that work in Saudi Arabia?” In 1940 they basically found Abqaiq which was the best, in reservoir quality and quality of oil, field they’ve ever found, and Abqaiq peaked at about 1.2 million bpd in 1972. And then they had a hiatus during World War II when they really weren’t exploring. So had they not had a hiatus, they would probably have fast-forwarded this 4 years. In 1948 they discovered Ghawar which is the world’s largest oil field. In 1951, Ghawar came on production. In 1951 they discovered Safaniya which is basically the largest offshore oil field ever, and in terms of output was bigger than Abqaiq, but basically 40% of Ghawar. And then over the course of the next 15 years they found the rest of the royal family. And from 1967-2005 they’ve actually found an accumulation of little deposits they’ve never produced, even though they were always worried about too little diversification of supply. But for some reason or other they just couldn’t produce these fields. Now they’re going back and trying to rehabilitate a bunch of fields that were crummy fields in the 60s and 70s, that couldn’t ever sustain much production, and they’re claiming these fields can easily get up to 500,000 bpd and last 30-50 years. There is no technical support that that can be possible. You can’t say it’s impossible, but the fact that these fields couldn’t produce in the 70s gives rise to real caution that basically they’re deluding themselves that through the use of modern oil field technology they will be able to do something no one in the world has been able to do.

JIM:   In the history of Saudi oil exploration there’s certainly been a great effort, they’ve used great technologies – state-of-the-art technologies – but simply the oil hasn’t been there to the extent they were discovering it in the 40s, 50s and maybe early 60s.

MATT:   All the great fields, ironically too, were discovered by eyesight, as opposed to seismic.

JIM:   Now, if we take a look at Saudi oil production at 3 million at the time that US oil production peaked in 1971 – you know, Matt, as I look at energy over the centuries we’ve been very lucky as a human race: we’ve had wood as a source of energy; that was replaced by coal; then we had oil that replaced coal and gave us our industrial society –  but more importantly, as US oil production peaked in 1971 Saudi Arabian oil production was able to take off and take our place. There’s nothing out there!

MATT:   With fabulous ease too. Also ironically in the last 3 years of the 1960s, we discovered the last 3 great provinces of brand new oil when we found oil in Alaska in 1967,68; we found oil in Siberia about the same period of time; and we found oil in the North Sea in 1969. And Siberian, Alaskan, and North Sea oil, effectively combined to produce: the North Sea peaked in 1999 at a little over 6 million bpd, it’s already down 25%; Alaskan oil peaked in the 1990s at 2 million bpd it’s now at about 900,000 bpd; Siberian oil peaked at about 9 million bpd and it’s about 5 million bpd. And we haven’t basically found another province since the late 60s.

JIM:   How are we able to keep production up, because if you take a look at the increase in demand now coming from emerging countries such as China and India, oil production has increased for decades? How are we able to do that with many of these fields going into decline?

MATT:   Well, we continue to pull more and more out of the North Sea, and then we found deep water which was a fabulous last shot from the basins we already had shallow water production. And we took the Middle East oil back up to unsustainably high levels of production. So probably, we’re sweeping the cupboard bare. People looked at the way we were able to do this and thought, “wow! this is actually easy,” without realizing what we were actually doing was totally non-sustainable.

JIM:   If I was to use the analogy to advances in technology, were we just using bigger straws in effect to get the oil out?

MATT:   Absolutely. But so many oil experts got giddy, by seeing the return to high flow rates, they started believing that we were actually now finally getting a vastly higher amount more oil out of these fields than we could produce before, and therefore we were headed to an era of unbelievably plentiful oil, at unbelievably low prices. And I’ll tell you, as we speak right now, ironically the same week that Twilight in the Desert began shipping, Cambridge Energy Research Associates, Daniel Yergin, who, I think, a lot of people think is one of the more respected – or maybe most respected – oil analysts on Earth, began producing a report saying effectively – and there was a big editorial piece in the Washington Post this Sunday – that the world, between now and 2010 – which is not very long away – is going to add 16.4 million bpd more oil, and create a massive oil glut, and collapse the price again. Now, I’ve read carefully through Daniel Yergin’s detailed field-by-field bottom-up report, and basically, it is a really flawed piece of analysis in my opinion. But the fact that they obviously believe it’s correct – they’re doing talk shows – shows you the depth of limitation of people that really understand how serious this is. Cambridge Energy Research Associates also, in 2001, were unbelievably pooh-poohing the idea that the United States had now entered a major natural gas crisis. But by 2004 they got the religion. I expect by 2009 they’ll issue a magnificent tome saying, “gosh! it looks like the world is now past sustainable peak oil supply.

But what’s dangerous is how many of the optimists really believe we won’t ever have any oil problems. I hope I’m actually wrong in my dire predictions, but I hope people actually take them seriously and figure out a way to prepare for them, since if we do that we win either way.

JIM:   Let’s talk about this, especially the downside of Saudi oil production which is increased to meet some of the demands in this new century. How is it achieved, and then, I’d like you to address the dangers of over production in terms of what they’re doing today?

MATT:   What Saudi Aramco effectively pioneered in the 60s was a method of injecting water into the flanks of these highly pressurized reservoirs, so that every time you  produced a barrel of water you injected a barrel plus. So you never had reservoir pressure declines. And what they were effectively doing, if you could visualize this on a sort of 3D screen, is that the injected water was basically a giant battering ram, squeezing the oil column up higher and higher, preventing the reservoir pressure from ebbing, and also secondarily, sweeping the oil from the flanks of the field to the center. So the water was basically creating the drive to get the oil out, at very high flow rates, without having to resort to artificial lift. And over the years the amount of water injection has risen to where today – this is again one of those numbers that’s a state secret but you can backend to the fact where, now – to get 8-9 million bpd out of the ground, they’re injecting somewhere between 14 and 18 million barrels of highly salinic water into the oil fields to maintain that rate.

Once the sweep is finished, and they get all of the easily recoverable oil out, the reservoir pressures will collapse just like clockwork – you just don’t know when they’re going to collapse – and once oil pressures collapse, the production of fluids might stay the same, but the vast amounts of fluid will be water as opposed to oil. And then they’ll go into the era of the relentless challenge of pulling oil that is still there out of the ground through artificial lift, just like the United States had to do once we peaked. And the majority of what they will be lifting out of the well bores will be water, not oil. And that statement is just as basic as a doctor saying, “you know, these 70 year old people, twenty years from now, will be a lot older, and most of them will be way, way slower in their physical movements and the quality of life will have diminished, and the cost of life will have risen, but we’ll still have them alive.

JIM:   Talking about the dangers of over production, there was this Senate hearing in 1974 with various Aramco executives, later Seymour Hirsch at the Washington Times talked about the significance of this. I wonder if you might explain the smoking gun?

MATT:   It is a really interesting footnote of history, that almost nobody knows anything about. And I actually had a little bit of understanding, and the book was already at John Wiley & Sons as a finished manuscript, when I finally got the reference points to go back and find that these Senate hearings, and all that’s been in papers, has been residing in the Library of Congress for the last 35 years.

What happened was right at the height of the 73 oil crisis, in early January 74 – when we had gas lines, people were just panicked – Jack Anderson, one of the leading muckrakers of the day published in the Washington Post three back to back articles, saying that he was in possession of secret papers from someone within the Aramco companies, that they had made the conscious decision to convince Saudi Arabia that the fields could be produced at any rate, so that they could get every saleable drop of oil out; and at the rates they were now producing, they had such massive problems that they were going to have to throttle back their oil, and the embargo let them off the hook.

And the Washington Post articles caused enough of a sensation in Washington that the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, who had a subcommittee they had just recently created, called the Subcommittee on Multinational Corporations and Their Influence on US Foreign Policy, decided to ask Jack Anderson to come in on closed hearings and describe what this was all about. So, on January 28th 1974, the hearings commenced and Jack Anderson asked to be sworn in, and then he begins his hearings by saying, “I want to tell you all that I asked to be sworn in so that everything I tell you is under oath, because Aramco is already saying I am just making this stuff up.” He tells the stunning story about the whistleblowers who have given these papers because they think the Aramco companies are now operating against the best interests of the United States of America. And because he won’t disclose who his sources are  – déjà vu the sort of current reporters’ confidentiality – they decide to go ahead – they being five key senators: Frank Church, Ed Muskie, Stuart Symington, Chuck Percy, and Clifford Case – and subpoena all four of the Aramco companies – this is Exxon, Chevron, Texaco, and Mobil – and out of that come a sheaf of papers and memos, that if you know how to properly analyze this stuff effectively said this was a true story. But because the hearings go on – there are 4 hearings, the last hearings on June 20th, where they have 7 or 8 of the senior executives of the oil companies come in. And only one guy, Bill Messick who’s the chief reservoir engineer at Chevron, who under oath says: “absolutely we were over producing these fields. We could never have sustained these rates. And yes, we were damaging the reservoirs.

The rest all disagree with him, “No, there weren’t any problems. No, this is unbelievable. No, we didn’t worry about getting nationalized.

And what’s amazing when you read through the memos these people were sending to each other, they either didn’t understand what they were writing, or they were fibbing to the United States Senate. Then, in 1979, an event happened. And this is where it gets into more hearsay, because of the fact that the only documentation out of the 1979 subpoenas is a very odd staff report from the same Senate subcommittee, that’s 33 pages long, that effectively documents that Aramco has just lowered their production targets from what used to be 20-25 million bpd, then it was 16 million bpd, then it was 12 million bpd, because they’ve lopped off 70 billion barrels of proven reserves as unrealistic. They said, “if we produce 9.8 million bpd for the next decade and a half, in the early 90s, North Ghawar, Abqaiq and Berri, the finest oil Saudi Arabia has ever produced, it’s 75% of the oil production, will go into irreversible decline.” And what’s interesting is that this 33 page staff report is very garbled. You have to really almost take notes and piece this stuff together. The subpoenaed papers they got from these were basically, for some reason or other, deemed to be so sensitive they were put under lock and seal for a 50 year period of time. And there was a debate about what material to disclose, and so they decided to produce this staff report and dummy it down. Had that gotten the attention it deserved, the world would have known 30 years ago, or 35 years ago, that the Middle East didn’t have unlimited amounts of oil, and we would have had a totally different long term energy plan in place today. And instead, we operated for the next three decades under the illusion that was intentionally created in the early 70s, that the Saudi Arabian oil fields would last forever.

JIM:   Speaking of that period of time, you have a different take on the oil crisis in 1974. You believe that the brief oil embargo was not the problem. It was the lack of spare oil capacity while demand was a runaway freight train between, let’s say, 69 and 78, where we went from demand of 45 million bpd to 65 million bpd – that’s a 44% increase.

MATT:   Yes. We ran out of capacity, and when we started creating shortages then motorists in particular hoarded, and that creates a run on the bank – and if you ever have a run on the bank, banks can’t keep money or cash on hand to equal the deposits they hold – and so the shortages begat more shortages, and that’s what created the 73 crisis and the 79 crisis.

JIM:   Isn’t that where we are, in effect, today. Demand has gone up once again, it has increased, even since the beginning of the new century. There aren’t any notable new sources of supply.

MATT:   Let me give you some really interesting déjà vu numbers that I pulled out earlier this morning while I was thinking about the irony of the 15th anniversary of Kuwait’s invasion by Iraq. I had just produced a paper called the Coming Domestic Oil Embargo –  and it got enough notoriety that Forbes magazine was in preparation for doing a major article that came out a week after Saddam’s invasion, called the Coming Domestic Oil Embargo, and they had a fabulous illustration of Uncle Sam filling up his car at a gas station and accidentally stepping on the hose – and what the story was all about was my concern that unless we started a totally different energy policy of using less energy, or a policy of expanding our oil supply through removing the drilling bans in the inner Continental Shelf, and finding a way to jumpstart creating more drilling rigs, and bringing more people back in, we’d wake up some day – and I never thought it would be that day, or anytime in the 90s, but I knew it would take 10 years to make this happen – we would find we had actually embargoed ourselves.

Let me tell you what the numbers were all about, because I had not thought about this until yesterday and today. In 1990 the United States was still producing 7.3 million bpd of crude oil, today it’s 5.1; the 7.3 was after a drop over the previous 5 years of 1.6 million bpd; our refineries only needed to run at 13.5 million bpd; and we only needed to import 5.8 million bpd of crude oil imports to balance our system. Today we have to run our refineries at 100% or we have major product shocks; today, we have to import 10-11 million bpd, or we lose crude oil stocks; we have to basically create almost 3 million bpd of finished product imports; we have to run the system on a 24-7, all Summer long. And we still liquidate stocks.

So we have actually now created a pending domestic embargo, and we’re going to be lucky to get through the Summer without some periodic shortages. We probably will, but the odds are probably as high we will have some shortages, and then if we get through the Summer we have a fabulous respite from Labor Day to Thanksgiving, until we hunker to try to figure out how the world gets through the Winter of 2005 and 2006 because oil demand globally could easily go to 86-88 million bpd during the Winter, and that could easily exceed supply by 2-5 million bpd.

JIM:   If that was to happen we would almost be looking at $75-80 oil, I suspect.

MATT:   No, no, no. Oil prices could easily go up 5-10 times.

JIM:   Wow! Matt, let’s take people on a sort of trip to the past, and I want you to explain Aramco. What was Aramco, how did it start? And then from Aramco becoming the Saudi Aramco, explain how reserves increased substantially without oil discoveries, and they remained there the same.

MATT:   First of all, Aramco used to be called Casco, when it was 100% owned by Chevron, and then they brought in Texaco as a partner, and that’s actually when they changed the name to the Arabian American Oil Company – Aramco – and Texaco came in as a partner as more of a marketing arm, to help them get rid of this Saudi Arabian oil because Saudi Arabia didn’t need any oil. And then after World War II they invited Exxon and Mobil to come in as partners. And so those were the four owners of Aramco, with Saudi Arabia being the host government getting production sharing payments – sort of rents – for this oil. Then in the early 70s the Saudi Arabians took over 25% ownership, even though everyone said, “No, they’ll never take us over.” But by the end of 1979 they had bought out the four owners. And that’s when they kept the name Aramco until, I think, 1988-89. But from 1980 on, Aramco was basically run by the Saudi Arabian petroleum ministry.

In 1979, when these Senate hearings were being held and under subpoena, what the last year Aramco was being managed by the best technicians within Exxon, Texaco, Mobil, they told the Senate investigators that under proven reserve methodologies required by the SEC, Saudi Arabia had 110 billion barrels of proven reserves, but interestingly enough they said 61% of those, say 65 billion barrels, were coming from the 4 fields that created 87% of the production. And the other 39% were the other 13% of production, which raises in my mind how valid the 110 even was. Probably overstated. They said that if you add proven and probable together you get to 177 billion barrels. And if you take proven, probable and possible you get till 246 billion barrels.

By 1987 those same fields’ proven reserves had escalated to 260 billion barrels and they’ve stayed there ever since, and they found only one other significant field. Now, what I found amazing is, there are quite a few people that basically tell me with some conviction that they really believe the 260 billion barrels is a real number – conservative – and they real believe somehow or other, regardless of how much oil Saudi Arabia has produced over that period of time, they’ve found a way to just continue to add because these fields are so big. I happen to think there is very, very good, solid evidence, to say that the guys doing reserve estimation in 1979 were far more knowledgeable about how the art-form is needed to do that analysis, than the new generation of computer jocks who just enter assumptions into a computer and the computer does the thinking for them. So, I would suspect that the real, easily recoverable high quality proven reserves were probably about 70 billion barrels in 1979, and that they’ve now produced 55 billion of those, which gives rise to one more triangulation of the fact that we should be prepared for, and not totally surprised when the five key fields of Saudi Arabia go into irreversible collapse. And they could fall over a 30 month period of time by 50-70%. Hopefully, that’s a draconian estimate but the fact that that has at least a 35-40% probability shows you how unbelievably dangerous it became to have no data and such strong beliefs.

JIM:   One of the things that struck me about reading your book is once the Saudi government took over Aramco they immediately increased the reserves, without any oil discovery to back that. And then in 1988 – I believe this was all done politically – there was another significant increase in reserves so…

MATT:   They jumped from 110 to 160, from 1979-1980, and then at the end of 87, starting with the number they reported in 88, the 160 became 260. They were called paper barrels at the time.

JIM:   And wasn’t that the case with a lot of OPEC countries, that all of a sudden, overnight, everybody increased their reserves.

MATT:   They all got into arguing that they should have production quotas based on the number of proven reserves. And so Kuwait, and Iraq, and the UAE went from 30 billion each to 90 billion, and actually, to give Saudi Arabia credit, they were the last to fall in line of the Middle East producers and also triple their reserves. But why anyone ever  believed it is what I find so amazing. Any time you see a static number for twenty years, people should obviously start saying, “that obviously isn’t a real number.

JIM:   This is surprising too, because what does OPEC produce, anywhere from 22 million to what, 27 or 28 million?

MATT:   If you include all of OPEC today they basically produce somewhere between 27 and 31. And the fact that we don’t actually know that is scary.

JIM:   And yet they’re producing 27-31 million bpd…

MATT:   Of the world’s 85.

JIM:   And their reserves never go down. And nobody questions it?

MATT:   And knowledgeable people! I was on Canadian broadcasting Corporation’s morning radio program yesterday and they quoted a friend of mine that they’d interviewed the day before, Professor Michael Economides of the University of Houston, and Michael said something to the tune of, “I have a high degree of admiration for Matt, but he is totally wrong on his views of Saudi Arabian oil. I’ve done the numbers and the 260 billion barrels is very conservative, and they can easily add another 200 billion barrels, and adding 5 or 6 million bpd for the next 50 years is very easy for them.” And I thought to myself, “How does a person actually say, ‘I’ve done the numbers’, when there are no numbers to do.” But he obviously believes them, otherwise he wouldn’t have been quoted on Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. He’s written a book called the Color of Oil, and he was a Schlumberger technician before he became a Professor at Texas A&M, and then U of H. So you know he’s not a shoeshine guy or a novice, he obviously believes that it’s a conservative number. I don’t have any idea how he comes up with that concept.

JIM:   Well, the same is true, is it not, of Daniel Yergin, where they came up with the same kind of story?

MATT:   The presumption I have is, if you actually ask them the pregnant question, “tell me, within your top 5 clients, does Saudi Aramco happen to be one of them. I think you’d have both of them, if they were telling the truth, say ‘Oh, yes’.

JIM:   Now in your view and study of these oil fields, you believe – and we need to emphasize again that many of these fields have been around 45,50 years producing oil – that a lot of these major fields are close to tipping points.

MATT:   Yes. And I also believe that – Ghawar, for instance, which is really the whole 9 yards, because that is 60% of their production – that North Ghawar, which is the top 20% of the field, has a productivity index that is about 25 times the productivity index of the rest of Ghawar, and that’s the area that is almost depleted now. And when that drops, you could basically see Ghawar go from 5 million down to 2 million bpd in a very short period of time.

JIM:   So, based on your study – and in fact you state this in your book – you believe there is no way that Saudi Arabia is going to be able to produce 20-25 million barrels.

MATT:   No, that’s impossible. What’s interesting is that now there are a number of people within Saudi Arabia that are starting to say publicly, “No, that’s impossible.” Dr. Sadad Al-Husseini who was eased out of being Executive Vice-President of Saudi Aramco a year ago February, because I’m told, he was actually starting to scold people for being naive about how much they could produce, has been on record in several different places as saying that Saudi Arabia could never produce over 12 million bpd. It is just not in the cards. And he was known by everyone who counted as the brains of Saudi Aramco. So we should be listening carefully, and I’m going to be very curious to see in the new regime change whether there’s some jobs that start to change, because I have a sneaking suspicion that my book is going to educate some people in Saudi Arabia to what the real issues were. And maybe some heads were going to roll – not literally – of people that have been promoting this concept of ‘don’t worry about our oil’. And we’re going to go back to a return to the conservationists within Saudi Arabia, and see them lower their rates of production, so they can sustain it for a longer period of time. And if that happens, I think I’ve done Saudi Arabia a great favor because I’ve given them grounds to do that, without the world thinking, “these crazy people in the Middle East are trying to blackmail us.

JIM:   Let me throw something that typically comes out – and maybe this is just a natural phenomenon being an American – is our great belief in technology, Matt, and anytime you talk about oil shortages, or higher oil  prices, the technology factor comes to the forefront and, “Hey, we’ve got all this great technology, we have better technology today than we had a decade ago and this technology is going to save us.” But you don’t believe that’s the case.

MATT:   I know it’s not the case. The one thing our firm is really good at is understanding the oil services industry, that’s the one part of the oil energy investment business we’ve really had a dominant investment banking position. During the 80s, when the industry was under such duress and struggling to survive, we got involved in so many of the rescue projects of these companies, that it really effectively ended up saving the day for horizontal drilling, multilateral well completion, 3D seismic, subsea completion systems, and I know that stuff inside out, as to what it really actually does, because we had to, to get our jobs done. I watched with utter amazement in the decade of the 90s, one oil company after another, starting to go to conferences and say, “the rig of today is like 8 rigs of the past, because it’s new technology. 3D seismic has eliminated the need to drill dry holes. We are now recovering twice as much oil as we used to get out.” These guys are hallucinating. They have no idea what they’re talking about. In 1995-96, I started talking about giving speeches in Aberdeen and Stavanger at the North Sea Oil Show saying, the North Sea is just about to peak and go into irreversible decline and I get these astonished looks by senior executives of the major oil companies saying, “Matt, you don’t understand technology.” Well, it turned out that I didn’t ever say 1999, I said in the next two or three years. 1999 was the high water mark for the North Sea, and it is already down 25%. So it turned out everybody that started using these tools got mesmerized by the high flow rates that got created at the well head, and thinking that they had discovered the fountain of youth. And that’s just what’s going on inside of Saudi Arabia today. They are going through the same hallucinatory process that all our major oil companies did 5 years ago.

JIM:   Based on reading your book, and the extensive studies – as  you said many of these major oil wells are now at tipping points – we’re likely to wake up one day and find out that oil is over $100/barrel, we can’t meet…

Matt: It’s still cheap at $100!

JIM:   Yeah, at $120 it’s 36 cents a pint, which is still cheap.

MATT:   What the economists ought to be trying to figure out is: what constitutes a fair price for oil versus their belief that oil prices are really expensive today. I would argue that probably a number in the $5-10/gallon is a real bargain.

JIM:   Matt, what comes afterwards? One day, as I mentioned, we’re going to wake up and find out that peak oil is here, we’re going to be dealing with it. Do we go to oil rationing? Do we go to a major, national conservation program? And I guess even more importantly than that, given the high demand on oil today – not only just from the United States and Europe, but India and China – how do we ration oil without going to war?

MATT:   We have to figure out a way to do that because if we go to war, it will actually be the worst war we’ve ever fought. And if we don’t address the problem, we will be in an energy war. What I find interesting is I actually think we can solve this problem, but I also think if we ignore it, you can’t create a scenario that is too awful. What we have to do is first of all, long term, create some new forms of energy that don’t exist today. That might or might not be possible. I suspect that actually it will be possible because we haven’t worked on it for a hundred years. While we’re doing that though, we have to figure out a way that allows the world to prosper and not shrivel up while we’re using a lot less oil per capita. And figure this out quickly enough so we educate the China and India’s of the world on how to create a sustainable society so they don’t build a society like ours. Because it’s going to be easier for them to do some of these things than it is for us.

And I’ll give you just a quick shopping-list of some of the things that we are actually going to need to do. In the shipment of goods, we use worldwide about as much, or a little bit more, diesel fuel than we do motor gasoline, and most of the diesel fuel is used by the truck fleets moving goods. If you could wave a magic wand and in a 5 year period of time and get all of the goods off the highway system going long distances by trucks, and put them on either railbeds or water transportation: on the railbeds – railroads – as long as you have long distance transportation, and long trains versus short trains, and short distances, you can get an energy efficiency savings of somewhere between 3 and 10 times – that’s not 3 and 10%, that’s 3 and 10 times; if you can get them on boats versus trains, it has an additional energy efficiency savings of another 2 to 5 times. So by getting trucks off our highway system we have a major impact on removing traffic congestion. And traffic congestion is public enemy number 1 through 5 on passenger car fuel efficiency. So it’s a real win, win, win.

At the same time we have to alter our distribution of food. You know, the average thing we eat today comes from, I believe, an average of 1500-2000 miles. But there are a lot of items, like the first time I ever heard of this concept of food miles was a speaker in London, last Spring, who pointed out that in the Summer in the UK, almost all the apples come from New Zealand, and they have embedded in them 22,000 miles of travel of a vessel, half coming from New Zealand, and the others going back. When they’re onboard the vessel they’re refrigerated. So it’s a very energy intensive process. We actually can grow stuff close to home in most parts of the world. We just got lazy and thought it was really fun to just go into a grocery store and see all this produce: it doesn’t taste very good, but it looks nice.

And then finally we can basically go to distributed work. Because I found being in Maine in the Summer is a lot more pleasant than being in Houston, I taught myself 10 years ago how to be up here and be more efficient than when I’m in Houston. I think there are lots of corporations that have a thousand people working together; there’s no need for a thousand people to be working together, other than the fact it was just a historical coincidence. We now have the technology that people can actually either work at home or work in their village, and by saving 2-4 hours of commuting they will be far more productive. And then we basically end globalization as we know it today, which is effectively a really flawed plan of breaking manufacturing components down into their smallest parts, and finding the cheapest place in the world to manufacture the parts, and then zinging them around the world to be assembled into bigger, and bigger units, until they finally arrive on the showroom as a piece. If you make stuff close to home, you can have a major savings in fuel efficiency. That sort of a plan put in place over 5-7 years would take a lot of coordination; not a single one of those things are impossible to do. We could literally end up cutting oil consumption by 20-40%, by doing all of those. [56:04]

JIM:   You know, the only problem with that, Matt, as we speak right now, with $62 oil, we have, as you say in your book, no plan B.

MATT:   Nope. While we’re doing Plan B by the way, we jumpstart the largest energy R&D program ever envisioned, and just pray that over 5-7 years it has the same impact as when people got serious about developing radar, and developing nuclear power, so that we could actually win World War II. But if we don’t do these things, then this really ends up being a very dark world – no  pun intended.

JIM:   The problem is, even as you and I are speaking today, we still have, you know,  Economides saying there is plenty of oil that Saudi Arabia can produce…

MATT:   Yup, Dan Yergin says we are going to have an oil flood. But you know what, I really love the study of history, I think you can learn so much about history, and on August 3rd 1939, we were down to 28 days left before we officially entered World War II. Basically, Hitler had conquered a whole bunch of places, and yet there was still one loud voice in the world, Winston Churchill, saying, “this is madness!”  99% of the other people that observed were basically saying, “You know, I’m so glad we never ever going to have a war again because war is so awful that we should just never have another war again.” And we got a rude awakening on September 1st 1939, that in fact we were at war. And in a 6 year period of time – 5 ½ year period of time – England, Canada, the United States, Australia and New Zealand built a war machine that was so powerful we destroyed Europe and Japan. And I think if we take this as seriously, when we have a wake-up call, that we can actually end up with not having to basically destroy the world as we know it today before we rebuild it, but doing it before it gets destroyed.

JIM:   What is it going to take to get us to that point? Is it $100 oil, gas lines…

MATT:   A shortage. I hate to say it, but I just think if we are where we are today – where things are so unbelievably crystal clear for me – there was a program in Washington, DC where 5 of us spoke at the Hart Senate Office Building for 2 ½ hours, from 2:30 to 5:00 in the afternoon on peak oil. And of the 5 of us, I was the only one who didn’t have a Phd. And the first one who spoke was Roscoe Bartlett from Maryland, who has his Phd in science, became a Congressman when he was 66 years old, has 40 or 50 patents to his name, and he gave the most impassioned speech I ever heard anyone give on peak oil being the biggest risk the world has ever faced. And you know, this conversation should have happened a decade ago, but thank heavens it’s happening today. But I also think we’re going to have to have a shortage before we realize that this was effectively Poland being invaded by Hitler.

JIM:   Matt, what has been the response to your book – not only in Congress, but also let’s say in the White House – because it’s going to take leadership from the top down to get this country moving in that direction?

MATT:   First of all, I don’t know and I haven’t tried to call people and say, “How did you like the book!” I know from being in Washington twice last week, a lot of people in government are in the middle of reading the book. It’s not a hard book to read, but it’s not a book you sit down in the evening and say I’m going to do this from cover to cover. And so my guess is – what I was told yesterday by the publishing firm, they just did their July wrapup, they are now in their third printing, it has sold 44,500 copies, which is a really tremendous amount of books in their experience for a book that has not had really a ton of publicity yet – I think it will be Labor Day before I start getting really good, widespread feedback. But from the letters and emails I’ve had so far, which range in the hundreds, I’d say 1 out of 20 people are raising questions or suggesting I should’ve done something different, and about the other 19 are saying the nicest compliments I could ever imagine. I would’ve actually thought, getting closer and closer to the publication date, that by about 6 or 8 eight weeks into it, somebody would have launched an attack of some argument I would never have thought of, to really try to discredit the effort. But so far the arguments have been a handful of people who work for Aramco as clients, and all saying the same thing, “technical papers are a stupid way to do analysis because they just deal with problems; investment bankers don’t know how to read technical papers; and they’ve technically proven they don’t have any problems by their ‘trust me’ statements.

JIM:   Matt, if you were to talk to a reader of your book, and have that reader walk away with one important concept, what would that be?

MATT:   That we’ve probably exceeded sustainable peak oil, and read the book and you’ll see why.

 

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Why neoclassical economics is wrong about energy (and just about everything else)

The Need to Reintegrate the Natural Sciences with Economics

Neoclassical economics, the dominant form of economics today, has at least 3 fundamental flaws from the perspective of the natural sciences, but it is possible to develop a different, biophysical basis for economics that can serve as a  replacement for neoclassical economics

Charles Hall, et al.

[I’ve excerpted some of this very long technical paper mainly to show how absurd, outrageous, and crazy traditional economists are].

Economics is the foundation on which most decisions affecting agriculture, fisheries, the environment, and most aspects of our daily lives are based. Few question the legitimacy of economics as a tool. We believe that, paraphrasing the great Prussian military historian Carl von Clausewitz, economics is too important to leave to the economists.

It is essential that economics be based on sound principles and that the policies generated from it have a solid foundation. Neoclassical economics, the form of economics derived in the mid-19th century that prevails today, focuses on problems related to value decisions, the behavior of economic actors, and the working of markets. These problems belong to the sphere of the social sciences. But the wealth that is distributed in the markets must be produced in the hard sphere of the material world where all operations must obey the laws and principles of physics, chemistry, and biology. Our concern is that most production models of economics are not based on these biophysical laws and principles; in fact, they tend to ignore them (Georgescu-Roegen 1971, Daly 1973, 1977, Kümmel et al. 1985, Leontief 1982, Cleveland et al. 1984, Hall et al. 1986, Hall 1992, 2000).

This disregard of the biophysical aspects of production by economists was not the rule historically. Quesnay and other members of the 18th-century French physiocrat school focused on the use of solar radiation by biotic organisms and the role of land in generating wealth by capturing this energy through agricultural production. The classical economics of Adam Smith, David Ricardo, and Karl Marx encompassed both the physical origin and the distribution of wealth (Ricardo 1891, Marx 1906, Smith 1937). Podolinsky, Geddes, Soddy, and Hogben were biological and physical scientists of the 19th and early 20th centuries who thought deeply about economic issues (Martinez-Alier 1987, Christensen 1989, Cleveland and Ruth 1997). Thus we find the degree to which neoclassical economics has displaced classical economics curious, almost a historical accident. The primary reason for this displacement was the superior mathematical rigor of neoclassical economics and the development of the marginal utility theory. But the underlying biophysical perspective of Smith and Ricardo was not incorporated into the new mathematical elegance of the “marginal revolution.”

Consequently, major decisions that affect millions of people and most of the world’s ecosystems are based on neoclassical economic models that, although internally consistent and mathematically sophisticated, ignore or are not sufficiently consistent with the basic laws of nature.

This leads to the failure of those economic policies that run counter to these laws and endanger sustainable development. In this article we make a case for including the laws of nature in economic theory and analysis, and in the policies derived from this theory, as carefully and explicitly as the assumptions on human preferences and choices. Both natural scientists and even many economists have been leveling severe criticisms at the basis of neoclassical economics for many years (Soddy 1926, Boulding 1966, Georgescu-Roegen 1966, 1971, Daly 1973, Binswanger and Ledergerber 1974, Cleveland et al. 1984, Hall et al. 1986, Ayres 1996, 1999). These criticisms, however, are largely ignored by neoclassical economists, and the rest of the scientific community seems to be largely unaware of them.

Past criticisms of neoclassical economics from the perspective of natural scientists can be summarized as three fundamental arguments: (1) The basic conceptual neoclassical model is unrealistic because it is not based on the biophysical world and the laws governing it, especially thermodynamics (Figure 1a); (2) the boundaries of analysis are inappropriate because they do not include the real processes of the biosphere that provide the material and energy inputs, the waste sinks, and the necessary milieu for the economic process (Figure 2); and (3) the basic assumptions underlying the models used have not been put forth as testable hypotheses but rather as givens.

Figure 1.

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Figure 1.

Two views of the economy. (a) The neoclassical view of how economies work. Households sell or rent land, natural resources, labor, and capital to firms in exchange for rent, wages, and profit (factor payments). Firms combine the factors of production and produce goods and services in return for consumption expendi tures, investment, government expenditures, and net exports. This view represents, essentially, a perpetual motion machine. (b) Our perspective, based on a bio physical viewpoint, of the minimum changes required to make Figure 1a conform to reality. We have added the basic energy and material inputs and outputs that are essential if the economic processes represented in Figure 1a are to take place. (redrawn from Daly 1977)

Figure 2.

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Figure 2.

A more comprehensive and accurate model of how economies actually work. The second column of this diagram represents the entire global ecosystem  within which the rest of the global economy operates. Natural energies drive geological, biological, and chemical cycles that produce natural resources and public service functions and maintain the milieu essential for all other economic steps. Extractive sectors use economic energies to exploit natural resources and convert them to raw materials. Raw materials are used by manufacturing and other intermediate sectors to produce final goods and services. These final goods and services are distributed by the commercial sector to final demand. Eventually, nonrecycled materials and waste heat return to the environment as waste products. We believe this diagram to be the minimum model of how a real economy works

We substantiate these three criticisms below and present a new model of industrial production that we believe further supports our criticisms and our assessment of the importance of energy. In this new model, the output of the economic system and the maintenance of its components depend upon continuous input of energy into the system, as is true for all organisms and ecosystems.

Critique of neoclassical economics

“Anything as important in industrial life as power deserves more attention than it has yet received from economists…. A theory of production that will really explain how wealth is produced must analyze the contribution of the element energy” (Tryon 1927). “The decisive mistake of traditional economics…is the disregard of energy as a factor of production” (Binswanger and Ledergerber 1974).

Argument 1: Thermodynamics

Contemporary economics pays only marginal attention to the first and second laws of thermodynamics. This is a serious conceptual flaw and an obstacle to the design of economic policies that can successfully meet the challenges of pollution, resource scarcity, and unemployment. The two laws say that nothing happens in the world without energy conversion and entropy production, with the consequence that every process of biotic and industrial production requires the input of energy. Because of unavoidable entropy production, the valuable part of energy (exergy) is transformed into useless heat at the temperature of the environment (anergy), and usually matter is dissipated, too. This results in pollution and, eventually, exhaustion of the higher grade resources of fossil fuels and raw materials. Human labor, living on food, has been and continues to be replaced (at least in part) by energy-driven machines in the routine production of goods and services.

Although the first and second laws of thermodynamics are the most thoroughly tested and validated laws of nature, and they state explicitly that it is impossible to have a perpetual motion machine—that is, a machine that performs work without the input of energy—the basic neoclassical economic model is a perpetual motion machine, with no required inputs or limits (Figure 1a). Most economists have accepted that incomplete model as the basis for their analyses and have relegated energy and other resources to unimportance in those analyses (e.g., Denison 1979, 1984). This attitude was fixed in the minds of most economists by the analysis of Barnett and Morse (1963), who found no indication of increasing scarcity of raw materials, as determined by their inflation-corrected price, for the first half of the 20th century (Smith 1989).

Their analysis, although cited by nearly all economists interested in the depletion issue, was nonetheless seriously incomplete. Cleveland showed that the only reason that decreasing concentrations and qualities of resources were not translated into higher prices for constant quality was because of the decreasing price of energy and its increasing use in the exploitation of increasingly lower-grade reserves in the United States and elsewhere (Cleveland 1991). Thus, although economists have argued that natural resources are not important to the economy, the truth is that it is only because of the abundant availability of many natural resources that economics can assign them low monetary value, despite their critical importance to economic production.

The perspective of Nobel laureate in economics Robert M. Solow is interesting. In 1974 he considered the possibility that “the world can, in effect, get along without natural resources,” because of the technological options for the substitution of other factors for nonrenewable resources; he noted, however, that if “real output per unit of resources is effectively bounded—cannot exceed some upper limit of productivity which in turn is not too far from where we are now—then catastrophe is unavoidable” (Solow 1974, p. 11). More recently, Solow stated, “It is of the essence that production cannot take place without some use of natural resources” (Solow 1992, 1993). Clearly there is need for more analytical and empirical work on the relation between production and natural resources, especially energy but also all aspects of the supportive contributions of the biosphere. We believe that the attempt to simply put a monetary value on these services, although useful in some respects, is insufficient to resolve the issue, if only because such values are based on human perceptions that, in turn, are developed on the basis of imperfect information and—all too often—myopia.

Why does neoclassical economics assign a low value to natural resources?

The conventional neoclassical view of the low importance of energy and materials dates back to the first stages in the development of neoclassical economics. Initially the focus was not so much on the generation of wealth as on its distribution and the “efficiency of markets.” Consequently, the early thinkers in economics started with a model of pure exchange of goods, without considering their production. With a set of mathematical assumptions on “rational consumer behavior,” it was shown that, through the exchange of goods in markets, an equilibrium results in which all consumers maximize their utility, in the sense that it is not possible to improve the situation of a single consumer without worsening the situation of at least one other consumer (the so-called Pareto optimum). This benefit of (perfect) markets is generally considered as the foundation of free-market economics. It shows why markets, where “greedy” individuals meet, work at all. But later, when the model was extended to include production, the problem of the physical generation of wealth was coupled, inseparably, to the problem of the distribution of wealth as a consequence of the model structure: In the neoclassical equilibrium, with the assumption of profit-maximizing entrepreneurial behavior, factor productivities by definition had to equal factor prices. This means that in the resulting model the weights with which the production factors contribute to the physical generation of wealth are determined by the cost share of each factor. In other words, observations on contemporary social structure and entrepreneurial behaviors are used to draw inferences concerning the physical importance of production factors.

Here lies the historical source of the economists’ under estimation of the production factor energy, because in advanced industrial market economies the cost of energy, on the average, is only 5% to 6% of the total factor cost (Baron 1997). Therefore, economists tend to either neglect energy as a factor of production altogether or they argue that the contribution of a change of energy input to the change of output is equal only to energy’s small cost share of 5% to 6% (Denison 1979, 1984). However, it can be argued that energy has a small share in total production costs not because it is relatively less important than capital or labor as a production factor, but rather because of the free work of the biosphere and the geosphere, it has been abundant and cheap; moreover, not all costs of its use are reflected in its market price (i.e., the problem of “externalities”). That energy actually has much more leverage was demonstrated by the impact of the two energy price explosions in the periods 1973–1975 and 1979–, which had significant impacts on economic growth (Cleveland et al. 1984, Jorgenson 1984, 1988).

Neoclassical models that do not include energy cannot explain the empirically observed growth of output by the growth of the factor inputs labor and capital. There always remains a large unexplained growth residual that formally is attributed to what economists call “technological progress.” “This…has led to a criticism of the neoclassical model: it is a theory of growth that leaves the main factor in economic growth unexplained” (Solow 1994). The finite emission-absorption capacity of the biosphere is vastly more important to future economic production than its present (often zero) price indicates.

The human economy uses fossil and other fuels to support and empower labor and to produce and utilize capital, just as organisms and ecosystems use solar-derived energy to produce and maintain biomass and biotic functions. Labor productivity has been correlated highly with increasing energy use per worker. This has been especially critical in agriculture (Hall et al. 1986).

Energy, capital, and labor are combined in human economies to upgrade natural resources (generated by natural energy flows) to useful goods and services. Therefore economic production, like biotic production, can be viewed as the process of upgrading matter into highly ordered (thermodynamically improbable) structures, both physical structures and information. Where one speaks of “adding value” at successive stages of production, one may also speak of “adding order” to matter through the use of free energy (exergy). The perspective of examining economics in the hard sphere of physical production, where energy and material stocks and flows are important, is called biophysical economics. It must complement the social sphere perspective.

Argument 2: Boundaries

Another problem with the basic model used in neoclassical economics (Figure 1a) is that it does not include boundaries that in any way indicate the physical requirements or effects of economic activities. We believe that at a minimum Figure 1a should be reconstructed as Figure 1b, to include the necessary resources, the generation of wastes, and the necessity for the economic process to occur within the larger system, the biosphere (Daly 1977, Cleveland et al. 1984, Dung 1992, Ayres 1996, Dasgupta et al. 2000). Taking this assessment one step further, we believe that something like Figure 2 is the diagram that should be used to represent the actual physical aspects of an economy’s working. It shows the necessity of the biosphere for the first steps of economic production and as a milieu for all subsequent steps. Figure 2 further emphasizes the flow of energy and matter across the boundary separating the reservoirs of these gifts of nature from the realm of cultural transformation within which subboundaries indicate the different stages of their subsequent transformation into the goods and services of final demand. Some such diagram should be presented to every student in an introductory economics course so that the way in which the economic process operates in the real world is properly understood.

Argument 3: Validation

Natural scientists expect theoretical models to be tested before they are applied or developed further. Unfortunately, economic policy with farreaching consequences is often based on economic models that, although elegant and widely accepted, are not validated (Daly 1977, Cleveland et al. 1984, Dung 1992, Ayres 1996). Empirical tests to validate economic models are undertaken even less frequently in the developing countries, where these models are followed regularly (e.g., Kroeger and Montagne 2000). As Nobel laureate in economics Wassily Leontief noted, many economic models are unable “to advance, in any perceptible way, a systematic understanding of the structure and the operations of a real economic system”; instead, they are based on “sets of more or less plausible but entirely arbitrary assumptions” leading to “precisely stated but irrelevant theoretical conclusions” (Leontief 1982).

Most noneconomists do not appreciate the degree to which contemporary economics is laden with arbitrary assumptions. Nominally objective operations, such as determining the least cost for a project, evaluating costs and benefits, or calculating the total cost of a project, normally use explicit and supposedly objective economic criteria. In theory, all economists might come up with the same conclusions to a given problem. In fact, such “objective” analyses, based on arbitrary and convenient assumptions, produce logically and mathematically tractable—but not necessarily realistic—models.

Where there have been empirical analyses (of, for example, consumer choice), the results frequently have shown that the behavior of real people in experimental or laboratory situations was quite different from the assumptions of a given neoclassical model (Schoemaker 1982, Smith 1989, Hall 1991). On the one hand, this is not surprising, because social science models of human behavior sometimes apply, and sometimes they do not, depending upon which modeled subset of the infinite set of human behavioral patterns is matched by the actual group of people to which the model is applied. On the other hand, the authority economists often assign to their models is perplexing, because unavoidably fuzzy economic models do not become precise just because they emulate the mathematical rigor of physics.

For example, Hamiltonians are used in economics in analogy to the Hamiltonians in physics. In fact, in physics a Hamiltonian is an energy function representing the sum of kinetic and potential energy in a system from which one can derive the equations of motion of the particles of the system. In neoclassical production theory, the price vector is given by the gradient of the output in the space of the production factors. This corresponds formally to the vector of a conservative physical force, which is given by the gradient of potential energy in real space (Mirowski 1989). This formal analogy would result only in an appropriate description of economic situations if the economy evolved in a state of equilibrium characterized by a profit maximum that lies in the interior—not on the boundary—of the factor space accessible to the production system, according to its state of technology. However, as we show in the next section, this equilibrium has not been satisfied during three decades of industrial evolution in the United States, Japan, and Germany under the reign of low energy prices. Rather, the economies have been sliding downhill on the slope of the cost mountain inclined toward the cost minimum in the state of total automation. This state is characterized by minimum inputs of expensive labor and maximum inputs of cheap energy combined with highly automated capital. Because of technological constraints, this cost minimum has not yet been reached (Kümmel and Strassl 1985).

Validation also proves difficult or impossible because both classical and neoclassical theories were originally developed using concepts of production factors as they existed in agrarian societies. These theories have been transferred more or less unchanged to applications in the modern industrial world. Very often no provisions have been added to the basic theory for industrialization and its consequences.

The importance of energy to economic production

In industrial economies the capital stock consists of all energy conversion devices and the installations and buildings necessary for their operation and protection. Its fundamental components are heat engines and transistors (formerly mechanical switches, relays, and electronic valves), activated by energy and handled by labor. They provide the average citizen of the industrially developed countries with services that are energetically equivalent to those of 10 to 30 hard-laboring people—“energy slaves,” if you will. These numbers would more than triple if one included energy for room and process heat. In 1995 primary energy consumption per capita per day was 133 kWh in Germany and 270 kWh in the United States. This would correspond numerically to about 44 and 90 energy slaves per capita in Germany and in the United States, respectively, each one delivering about 3 kWh per day. Huge armies of energy slaves create our wealth.

In order to demonstrate the economic importance of energy quantitatively, we present an econometric analysis of economic growth over three decades for the United States, Japan, and Germany. This analysis shows how the proper inclusion of energy removes most of the unexplained residual encountered by neoclassical theory.

Some social implications of our analysis

If one accepts the importance of a biophysical basis for economics, then our analysis has some important implications for economics and for society.

The replacement of expensive labor in routine jobs with the combination of cheap energy and capital stock is likely to continue under the present incentive structure. This combination also reinforces the trend toward globalization, because goods and services produced in low-wage countries can be transported cheaply to high-wage countries. Thus, high unemployment (in most high-wage countries) will continue if the disparities between the productive powers and cost shares of labor and energy are not removed (for example, by adjusting fiscal policy). Certainly, the low price of fossil fuels relative to their productive power generates large profits. But, as is well known, it also prevents the market penetration of large-scale energy-conserving and nonfossil energy technologies, which could lower the demand for fossil fuels and relieve some of the burden of pollution. We believe that the problems of unemployment, resource depletion, and pollution can be attacked successfully only if the pivotal role of energy as a factor of production is properly taken into account in economic and social policy.

Price does not always reflect scarcity and economic importance. Scarcity of a resource must be defined in terms of both short- and long-term resource availability. Price, the economist’s usual metric of scarcity, reflects many important aspects of scarcity poorly because it is often based on short-term market values. Most important, as Norgaard (1990) and Reynolds (1999) show, is that uncertainty about the size of the base of a resource can obscure the actual trend in scarcity of that resource, with the result that “empirical data on cost and price…do not necessarily imply decreasing scarcity” (Reynolds 1999, p. 165). As an example of this phenomenon, in mid-1999 the real price of oil was at nearly its lowest level ever, despite the fact that most estimates of the time at which global oil production will peak range from 2000 to 2020 (Kerr 1998, Cleveland 1999).

The concept and implementation of sustainable development as interpreted and advocated by most economists must be thought through much more carefully, given the requirement for energy and materials for all economic activity (see Hall 2000 for a detailed analysis of Costa Rica). Energy is in fact disproportionately more important in terms of its impact on the economy than its monetary value suggests, as evidenced by the events of the 1970s (i.e., inflation, stock market declines, reduced economic output, and so on), which appear to be reoccurring to some degree in 2000 partly in response to a similar proportional increase in the price of oil. Fundamentally, current societal infrastructure has been built and maintained on the basis of abundant, cheap supplies of high-quality energy—that is, energy characterized by the large amount of energy delivered to society per unit of energy invested in this delivery (through exploration and development or through trade of goods for imported energy [Hall et al. 1986]).

In developing nations, investment policies based on neoclassical economic analyses encourage borrowing from developed countries and hence growing indebtedness. Pressure to service the debt encourages the quick extraction of resources to generate a cash flow so that payments of interest and repayment of principal can be maintained. In the meantime, the long-term productivity of the region may be destroyed. But those assessments are not included in neoclassical analyses; in the rare cases where resources are included in the analysis, their value is heavily discounted. For example, many tropical countries sell their forest products at a price far below their worth (Repetto 1988, Hall 2000), and the Russian government has been talked into abolishing its export tax on fossil fuels, which was the last source of secure revenues for highly indebted Russia. Developing countries and nations in transition to market economies should attribute more importance to their natural resources than they presently do under the influence of the reigning economic theory.

Humans tend to seek political explanations for events that in fact may have been precipitated by biophysical causes. For example, Reynolds (2000) shows how the sharp decline in the former Soviet Union’s oil production may have precipitated the economic crises that led to the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Some biological implications of our analysis

Economies, just like ecosystems—or indeed any system—can be represented as stocks and flows of materials and energy, with human material welfare largely a function of the per capita availability of these stocks and flows.

Present agricultural technologies, most wildlife management and conservation programs, and perhaps biomedical technologies are as dependent on the availability of cheap energy as anything else. For example, most increases in agricultural productivity have not come from genetics alone. In fact, for many crops there appears to be essentially no increase in gross photosynthesis but rather only an increase in the proportion of photosynthate that goes to the parts we eat, often seeds, while the organs and functions of a wild plant (e.g., growing roots to take up more nutrients and water, generating secondary compounds for insect defense) are increasingly supplied by industrially derived inputs from outside the plant (Smil 2000). In addition, the efficiency of agriculture tends to be inversely related to the intensity of use of land area or fertilizer (Hall et al. 1998, Hall 2000, chap. 12).

Human material well-being is derived essentially by redirecting energy stocks and flows from what natural selection and the accidents of geology dictated to ends determined by human needs and, increasingly, desires. Now some 40% to 60% of global primary production is exploited, in one way or another, by the human economy (Vitousek et al. 1986, 1997).

Outlook: The challenge to construct a model that includes the biophysical basis of the economy

Existing “economic” models cannot effectively represent a total economy, because none has a biophysical basis; some attempts to produce such a model have meen made, however. First, there are very detailed and comprehensive models of the flow of energy through each sector of the US economy (Hannon 1982). But these do not include the flows of nature (such as the energy associated with the hydrological cycle, flows of rivers, solar energy, photosynthesis, and other important components of the economic system). Another approach, one that garners considerable controversy, does include the energy flows of nature and the human economy: This is emergy (with an “m”) analysis, which also attempts to give each energy flow a weighting, according to its quality (Odum 1996). This approach has been applied at an aggregated level to national economies and used as the basis for policy recommendations (Brown et al. 1995).

Finally, evolutionary economics looks for ways to model the economic process by combining nature’s principle of self-organization with the growth of human knowledge and innovations8 (Witt 1997, Faber and Proops 1998).

We must conclude, however, that a truly useful and acceptable model that includes the biophysical basis of the economy is probably still far in the future. What then is the utility of bringing a biophysical perspective into economics? We believe that it is overwhelmingly heuristic. By thinking about economies as they actually are (i.e., Figure 1b or 2) instead of how we might conceptualize them for analytic ease and tractability (i.e., Figure 1a), we can teach a new generation of economists about the real operations of human economies and the various links to the “economies” of the natural world. We believe that doing so is especially important because science gives us to understand that there are at least constraints, and possibly even limits, to growth. Future generations of economists probably will not be able to treat such issues as overpopulation, oil and groundwater depletion, and changes in the composition of the atmosphere and the biosphere simply as “externalities” to be given a price and rolled into the larger analysis; these will have to be treated as fundamental components of the total economic model. We do not understand how that can be done without starting from a biophysical basis. We challenge a new generation of economists and natural scientists to think from this perspective.

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Posted in Charles A. S. Hall | Comments Off on Why neoclassical economics is wrong about energy (and just about everything else)

Wind & Solar need thousands of tons of steel, aluminum, cement, concrete, copper but produce little energy

Summary of Sergio Pacca and Darpa Horvath 2002 Greenhouse Gas Emissions from Building and Operating  Electric Power Plants in the Upper Colorado River Basin

ENVIRONMENTAL SCIENCE & TECHNOLOGY / VOL. 36, NO. 14 pp. 3194-3200

As you can see, Wind and PV plants use enormous amounts of materials dependent on oil for their mining, forging, and delivery, yet deliver very little energy:

Pacca Horvath table of alt energy and ff plantsGWE: Global Warming Effect is the Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions in MegaTons of CO2 equivalent, which is calculated by adding CO2 + CH4 +N2O together

MT = MegaTon = 1,000,000 Metric tons.  1 MT = 2,204.62262 pounds

NOTE: the cost in 1992 dollars doesn’t include labor, installation, or maintenance costs.

Photovoltaic Plant 100-W panels of dimensions 1.316 x 0.66 m with array units of 3 x 10 panels, each having its own concrete foundation, for a surface area of 3.9 x 6.6 m, sited at 30° latitude, at a 30-deg tilt (approximately 1.2 m of additional width is needed to account for shading by the array due to the sun’s angle). There is 0.9 m between each of these array units for personnel access. Each adjacent unit covers a land area of 37.44 m2 and has a capacity rating of 3 kW. Some 1,372,500 of these 3 kW units are required.

Wind Farm    location: Southern Utah, at 7,000 feet.  average windspeed 6.5 m/s turbine: 600 kW in 4480 turbines

Hydropower: As the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation has suggested,  “upgrading hydroelectric generator and turbine units  at existing power plants is one of the most immediate, cost-effective, and environmentally acceptable means for developing additional electrical power”.

There is a large area of research devoted to figuring out how much material, energy, and cost is required to build various types of power plants.  To estimate the overall greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions over the life cycle of a plant, Pacca and Horvath used Life Cycle Assessment (LCA), a method that calculates materials extraction, manufacturing and production, operations, and the disposal of the materials at the end of the life of the power plant.

As you can imagine, this isn’t easy. There are two main LCA models — Pacca and Horvath chose the EIOLCA approach, which uses a large commodity matrix that tries to identify the entire chain of suppliers of the raw materials, and then this matrix is multiplied by another one containing emissions and energy use per dollar.

Because dollars fluctuate in value, a better method would be to calculate the energy used at every step of the chain, but still, these dollar amounts give a rough idea of the embedded energy.

The study compares the Glen Canyon dam with four other types of power plants, all figures are scaled to each plant producing 5.55 TWh of energy per year.

This kind of study could help decide which direction a future energy Manhattan project should.   This study rules out a Photovoltaic power plant, which is not possible now — it requires 4118 MW of power, but the total world production of PV modules up to 1997 was only 125 MW, less than 3% of what’s required for just this one plant.  The PV plant also displaces an enormous ecosystem, about 20 square miles.

This study does not cover nuclear power plants.  Another study states “nuclear fission energy requires small inputs of natural resources compared to most other fossil and non-fossil energy technologies. When we consider net electricity generation (e.g., net electricity after subtracting consumption by internal plant loads and by uranium enrichment plants), the life-cycle resource inputs for non-fossil power sources are dominated by construction materials, most notably steel and concrete. The construction of existing 1970-vintage U.S. nuclear power plants required 40 metric tons (MT) of steel and 190 cubic meters (m3) of concrete per average megawatt of electricity (MW(e)) generating capacity. For comparison, a typical wind energy system operating with 6.5 meters-per-second average wind speed requires construction inputs of 460 MT of steel and 870 m3 of concrete per average MW(e). Coal uses 98 MT of steel and 160 m3 of concrete per average MW(e); & natural-gas combined cycle plants use 3.3 MT steel and 27 m3 concrete” (Peterson, P. F. Will the United States Need a Second Geologic Repository? The Bridge 2003, 33 (3), 26–32).

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The Future of Humanity: a Lecture by Isaac Asimov

The Future of Humanity: a Lecture by Isaac Asimov

Newark College of Engineering, November 8, 1974  http://www.asimovonline.com/oldsite/future_of_humanity.html

[I’ve truncated most of this very long article]

We wouldn’t be in the mess we’re in [if people weren’t stupid, illustrated with humorous examples that were snipped]. Because believe me, we’re in a mess. Now, it isn’t very difficult to see that we’re in a mess, or even to see years ago that we were in a mess.

In 1933, I read a story called “The Man Who Awoke” by Lawrence Manning. In it, the hero wished to see what the world of the future would be like. So he invented a potion, which when he drank it, put him to sleep for five thousand years, and then woke him up a little hoarse, but otherwise OK. He found himself a vault in which he would lie undisturbed for five thousand years. And then woke up unharmed.  And he thought he was going to come out and see a very futuristic world with all kinds of extremely super-modernistic devices flying through the air, and magical food pills and all that. And instead, what did he find? He found a very constricted world. A world in which everybody lived rather…rather not very lavish lives. You know, they dressed in homespun, and they walked everywhere, and they worried a lot about what the next meal would be. And so he said to them “What is this?” he says. “You guys are leading such a constricted lives. What’s all this futurism I expected?” So they said “Oh well, you don’t understand.” He said: “We’re short on energy. Very short on energy because some thousands of years ago there was a generation or two of human beings who burnt up all the coal and oil on Earth, and left nothing for us.” And our hero said “Strange you should say that”. He said “I happen to be from the very generation that did this to you!”

And so they tried to lynch him, naturally. And he got back to the vault just in time, slammed the door, and took another potion to see if anything new happened five thousand years later still.

When I  was thirteen, I started thinking.  Major premise: The Earth’s volume is finite Minor Premise: The total volume of coal and oil on the Earth is less than the total volume of the Earth Conclusion: The volume of coal and oil are finite.

You would think that this was so obvious! Now, let’s start and make this conclusion the major premise of the next syllogism:

Major Premise: The volume of coal and oil are finite Minor Premise: We are burning some every day Conclusion: We will use it all up eventually

Well, I got that in 1933. And so you see how science fiction helps you escape. It helps you escape to the kinds of problems that’ll keep you worried for forty years.

Well, here we are. We have just come through a thirty year period of mankind’s maximum prosperity, on the whole. We’ve done very well since World War Two. We have…the world as a whole has eaten better, has lived better, has had a higher standard of living than it has ever had before. Now, you might tell me that through this entire thirty years there have been millions…hundreds of millions of people always hungry, always starving, with very little, and I’ll say yes; it’s been rotten. My point is that before now, it’s always been rotten-ER. And we haven’t really appreciated how temporary this is.

For one thing, we’ve had ample supplies of food, and part of the reason for that was that we’ve had an extremely good spell of weather for the last thirty years. In fact, there are some people who say that this last thirty years was the best thirty year spell of weather that we have had in the last thousand years. Now you may remember cold spells, and floods, and droughts, and all the rest of this stuff. But there has been less of it the world over than usual. In addition, just as we’ve had this good weather, we’ve also been applying energy at a far greater rate than ever before to farm machinery, to irrigation machinery. In addition, we’ve been using insecticides and pesticides of various sorts, to sort of clobber those little beasties and those weeds who think they’re going to get some of our food. And in addition to that we’ve also developed new strains of grain, so-called “green revolution”, that grow a lot of protein very fast. And what with all these things put together, our food supply has been going up.

But now, look what happens.

The very thing that makes it possible for us to use more and more energy is our industrial technologized world.

It’s getting hard to get energy. Energy is much more expensive than it used to be; oil prices are up. And that means that fertilizer is more expensive than it used to be. And it turns out that the green revolution depends on strains of grain that require…yes, they do what they’re supposed to do…but they require a lot of irrigation; a lot of water, and a lot of fertilizer. And the fertilizer isn’t there. And the irrigation machinery is hard to run now with expensive oil. And, of course, the pesticides are produced in high-energy chemical factories; their price goes up. Everything is combining to cut down on the food supply. And to arrange it so that in years to come, we may have trouble keeping our present level of food, let alone increasing it.

Of course you might say: “Well, heck! Mankind got along thirty years ago, before the good weather spell came, when there were droughts in the midwest, and dust bowls, and when there was comparatively much less farm machinery in use, and irrigation machinery, and there was no green revolution, and we weren’t using pesticides…except Paris Green and other tasty things like that. And when we weren’t worrying, we weren’t worrying about all the other means of improving the food supply either, so we’ll go back to what it was then, and we’ll live the simple life.”

There are always people who think that all we have to do, after all is abandoned, all this foolish technology that we’ve made ourselves slave to, and go back like our ancestors and live close to the soil with the good things of nature. That would be great if we could do it. If we could go back to the way it was before World War II, technologically, we could support all the people that lived on Earth before World War II. The catch is that in these last thirty years one billion and a half people have been added to the population of the Earth. And we have been feeding them largely because of all these things that we have done in these last thirty years, the good weather, the fertilizers, and the pesticides, and the irrigation, and the green revolution, and all the rest of it. If we abandon that, we also have to abandon a billion and a half people; and there are going to be very few volunteers for the job.

Alas, this goes in general. We are in a situation where we cannot go back. We cannot abandon technology. We can’t say “Well, heck! We’ll go back to the good old fireplace with wooden logs! We don’t need this damned central heating!” There’s two things about the fireplace with those good old natural wooden logs. In the first place, it’s a rotten system for heating the house, which is why everyone switched to first the coal furnace, and then the oil furnace. They didn’t do that because they hated nature. They didn’t do that because they turned their backs on things that were nice, and just wanted filthy modern stuff, no.

The wood fire doesn’t work! That’s what it doesn’t!

And the second thing, if all of us decide to have wood fires the way our pioneering ancestors did, we’d better remember that there were maybe three million of our pioneering ancestors, and there are two hundred million of us. And there ain’t enough wood. And the price will go up instantly. And there will be a black market. And the forests will be destroyed.

And the same will be if you substitute for electric lights, candles. There’s something very romantic about studying by candlelight unless you try it.

And if you think studying by candlelight is bad, wait until you try to run a television set by candlelight.

Well then, what are we going to do in the future? Population is still going up. Population right now is higher than it’s ever been in the world’s history; it stands at just under four billion. And the increase, the rate of increase is higher that it’s ever been in world history; two percent a year. Never been anywhere near that high. Right now, the world’s population is going up by two hundred thousand hungry mouths every day. By the year 2000, barring catastrophe, the Earth’s population is going to be seven billion. Nobody thinks the Earth’s food supply is going to nearly double by the year 2000. It may be that our food supply won’t go up much at all. There’s going to be terrific amounts of famine. What can we do about it?

Well, throughout the history of life on Earth, there have been periods where a given species has, for one reason or another, spurted it’s numbers upward temporarily. There’s been a surprisingly good supply of food, the weather has been just right, somehow there have been no predators…something has happened, and the numbers went up. They always went down again, and always the same way; by an increase in the death rate. The large numbers of the species starved when the food ran short. They fell victim to some disease, when as a result of being on short rations they were weaker. They made good marks for predators. It always went down. And the same thing will happen to mankind, we don’t have to worry. The death rate will go up, and we will die off through violence, through disease, through famine.

The only thing is, must we have our numbers controlled in the same way that all other species have them controlled? We have something others don’t; we have brains. We can foresee. We can plan. We can see solutions that are humane. And there is a solution that is humane, and that is to lower the birth rate.

No species in the history of the Earth has ever voluntarily lowered it’s birth rate in order to control it’s population, because they didn’t know what birth rate was, how to control it, that there was a population problem.

There is no need to decide whether to stop the population increase or not. There is no need to decide whether the population will be lowered or not. It will, it will!

The only thing mankind has to decide is whether to let it be done in the old inhumane method that nature has always used, or to invent a new humane method of our own. That is the only choice that faces us; whether to lower the population catastrophically by a raised death rate, or to lower it humanely by a lowered birth rate. And we all make the choice. And I have a suspicion that we won’t make the right choice, which is the tragedy of humanity right now.

But supposing we do? Supposing we imagine that we have entered the 21st century, and that we have survived? Then the question is: what kind of a world will we have survived into? What will the twenty-first century world be? If we survive, if there is a civilization, if there is a technology.

Well, in the first place it’s going to be a low birth rate world. It’ll have to be; that’s the conditions of survival. It’ll have to be a very low birth rate world, because the population will be too high at the beginning of the 21st century, and it may take a century to lower the population to some reasonable value.

So, that throughout the century, the birth rate will have to be lower than the death rate; and the death rate, we hope, will be low. So that babies will be comparatively rare, mothers will be never multiple mothers very much. I imagine that it will be the kind of world where every woman will be expected to have no more than two children. If she has only one child, good. And if she has no children, fine. I mean, people think of that, instantly they think of race suicide. “Oh my goodness! We’re all going to vanish!” We will have billions of people on Earth, more than we have ever had prior to this century! And through all of history before, we’ve had lower populations. No one worried that we’d vanish from the Earth!! And besides, if it looked as though we were going to vanish from the Earth, all that has to happen is the word goes out: have babies. And you’d be surprised how fast we can make it up.

Do you know that through all of the disasters in history, that only one disaster as far as we know has ever actually lowered the world’s population? The Black Death in the 1300’s. Which may have killed off one third of all humanity. Lowered the world population, and took it a century to make it up.

Those were the days when death rates were very high; of course it would take a century to make it up. Nowadays we can make it up in maybe twenty years. And since then, the disasters that have come: World War I, World War II, the Influenza pandemic of 1918…haven’t even made a wiggle in the rise of human population.

So we have great powers of increasing like rabbits. We needn’t worry if we allow the population to drop. God, how easily we could reverse that if we had to. But, there are other things to remember. If we do have a very low birth rate, then what are we going to do with women?

Throughout history, the purpose and function of womankind has been to have lots of children. Now, no sane woman, if she came upon this whole thing cold, would want a lot of children; they’re a lot of trouble, and they’re dangerous to the health…

Seriously! When the germ theory finally came in and people learned how to arrange it so that women could have babies in reasonable safety, the world discovered to their surprise that women had a longer life expectancy than men. This had never been understood before, because throughout history women had, on the average, lived years and years less than men had. With all the dangers men faced, the hard work in the fields, the hunting accidents, the killings in war, everything else, women died faster for one reason and one reason only: childbirth. Every woman had one baby after another until one of them killed her. Usually, it didn’t take long.

Well then, why do women do this? Because they are carefully told that being a wife and mother is the most glorious thing in the world, the one thing they’re fit for, the most noble activity they can possibly have, and…and this is told to them until they believe it. And if they don’t believe it, there’s a lot of trouble made for them.

Well, I won’t go into the whole thing. I suspect that you women know all about this already, and you men would rather not listen.

But notice the difference: once you want women not to have children, you’re going to have to give them something else to do! It is absolutely impossible to tell a woman that she can’t have children, and at the same time that she can’t do anything else either except maybe wash an occasional dish.

Because if you tell a woman that, she’ll figure out some way to have a baby.

I think I know the way, too!

Well then, in the world of the 21st century in order to keep the birth rate down, we’re going to have to give women interesting things to do that’ll make them glad to stay out of the nursery. And the interesting things that I can think of that we give women to do are essentially the same as the interesting things that we give men to do. I mean we’re going to have women help in running the government, and science, and industry…whatever there is to run in the 21st century. And what it amounts to is we’re going to have to pretend…when I say “we”, I mean men…we’re going to have to pretend that women are people.

And you know, pretending is a good thing because if you pretend long enough, you’ll forget you’re pretending and you’ll begin to believe it.

In short, the 21st century, if we survive, will be a kind of women’s lib world. And as a matter of fact, it will be a kind of people’s lib world because, you know, sexism works bad both ways. If the women have some role which they must constantly fulfill whether they like it or not, men have some role which they would have to constantly fulfill whether they like it or not. And if you fix it so that women can do what suits them best, you can fix it so that men can do what suits them best too. And we’ll have a world of people. And only incidentally will they be of opposite sexes instead of in every aspect of their life.

See, I’ve been so shrewd that I fixed it so that I was born in 1920. Which means I’ll be safely dead. Before the crunch comes!

But you guys will see for yourself. I hope you see a world in which mankind has decided to be sane. But I must say in all honesty that I figure that the chances are against it. Thank you.

Posted in Scientists | Comments Off on The Future of Humanity: a Lecture by Isaac Asimov

How can you buy a farm when you’re competing with private equity?

Looks like it will be hard to buy a farm unless you’re wealth.  But in the crisis phase you don’t want to own a large farm anyhow…

Half of U.S. Farmland Being Eyed by Private Equity

February 19th, 2014.  By Carey L. Biron
WASHINGTON  (IPS) – An estimated 400 million acres of farmland in the United States will likely change hands over the coming two decades as older farmers retire, even as new evidence indicates this land is being strongly pursued by private equity investors.
Mirroring a trend being experienced across the globe, this strengthening focus on agriculture-related investment by the private sector is already leading to a spike in U.S. farmland prices. Coupled with relatively weak federal policies, these rising prices are barring many young farmers from continuing or starting up small-scale agricultural operations of their own.
In the long term, critics say, this dynamic could speed up the already fast-consolidating U.S. food industry, with broad ramifications for both human and environmental health [[[not to mention economic and psychological and “spiritual” health]]].
***“When non-operators own farms, they tend to source out the oversight to management companies, leading in part to horrific conditions around labour and how we treat the land,” Anuradha Mittal, the executive director of the Oakland Institute, a U.S. watchdog group focusing on global large-scale land acquisitions, told IPS.***
***“They also reprioritize what commodities are grown on that land, based on what can yield the highest return. This is no longer necessarily about food at all, but rather is a way to reap financial profits. Unfortunately, that’s far removed from the central role that land ultimately plays in terms of climate change, growing hunger and the stability of the global economy.”***
In a new report released Tuesday, the Oakland Institute tracks rising interest from some of the financial industry’s largest players. Citing information from Freedom of Information Act requests, the group says this includes bank subsidiaries (the Swiss UBS Agrivest), pension funds (the U.S. TIAA-CREF) and other private equity interests (such as HAIG, a subsidiary of Canada’s largest insurance group).
“Today, enthusiasm for agriculture borders on speculative mania. Driven by everything from rising food prices to growing demand for biofuel, the financial sector is taking an interest in farmland as never before,” the report states.
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Related IPS Articles
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“Driven by the same structural factors and perpetrated by many of the same investors, the corporate consolidation of agriculture is being felt just as strongly in Iowa and California as it is in the Philippines and Mozambique.”
As yet, the amount of U.S. land owned by private investors is thought to be relatively low. The report points to a 2011 industry estimate that large-scale investors at the time owned around one percent of U.S. farmland, worth between three five billion dollars.
Last year, however, another industry analyst put this figure at around 10 billion dollars, suggesting that the institutional share of farmland ownership is rising quickly.
“We’ve been seeing a decimation of the family farmer for a long time, but now these processes are accelerating,” Mittal says. “We need a tightening at the policy level before we’re swamped by these trends.”
Demographic collision
In the year after food prices suddenly rose in 2008, global speculation in land rose by some 200 percent. With the international financial meltdown coinciding almost simultaneously with this crisis, investors have increasingly viewed agricultural land as a relatively safe place to put their money amidst rising volatility.
In the United States, investors are particularly eyeing potential future returns from mineral prospecting, water rights and strengthening trends in meat consumption. U.S. farmland is also seen as globally desirable due to a combination of high-tech farming opportunities and lax regulations regarding the use of genetically modified crops.
As a result of this new interest, land prices in the United States have risen by an estimated 213 percent over the past decade. This could now play into two trends at once.
***Already, the United States is home to relatively low numbers of farmers, with the country famously home to more prisoners than full-time agriculturalists. But those who do continue to farm are also quickly aging.***
While federal agriculture officials are expected to offer updated demographic information within the coming week, the most recent statistics suggest that just 6 percent of farmers are under 35 of age. Further, some 70 percent of U.S. farmland is owned by people 65 years or older.
***“The older generation needs to cash out because they have no retirement funds, even as the new generation doesn’t have the capital to get into the kind of debt that [starting a farm] requires,” Severine von Tscharner Fleming, a farmer and co-founder of the Agrarian Trust, a group that helps new farmers access land, told IPS.***
“Today there is a huge number of older folks trying to decide what to do with their land, and in many places we don’t have many years to help them make that decision. So in that sense there’s an urgent need, and we don’t have many tools at the federal level to help.”
***For the most part, Fleming suggests, U.S. federal agriculture policy today is not aligned to the country’s best interests, instead pointing away from greater agricultural diversity, regional resilience and greater strengthened opportunity for rural economies. Nonetheless, she says that her organisation is encountering a surge of attention from young people that *want* to start their own farms.*** [emphasis added]
“Over the past seven years, we’ve had an explosion of interest in being trained as a farmer and entering the trade of agriculture, and this is very much related to the crises around the banks and the environment,” she says.

***“The problem we’re facing is not one in which nobody wants to farm, but rather the fact that the U.S. economy is structured in such a way that makes it really hard to start a farm in this country.”***

Posted in Farming & Ranching, Where to Be or Not to Be | Comments Off on How can you buy a farm when you’re competing with private equity?

Mass Destruction from Derivatives HuffingtonPost

The Armageddon Looting Machine: The Looming Mass Destruction From Derivatives

Sep 18, 2013. Ellen Brown.

Increased regulation and low interest rates are driving lending from the regulated commercial banking system into the unregulated shadow banking system. The shadow banks, although free of government regulation, are propped up by a hidden government guarantee in the form of safe harbor status under the 2005 Bankruptcy Reform Act pushed through by Wall Street. The result is to create perverse incentives for the financial system to self-destruct.

Five years after the financial collapse precipitated by the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy on September 15, 2008, the risk of another full-blown financial panic is still looming large, despite the Dodd-Frank legislation designed to contain it. As noted in a recent Reuters article, the risk has just moved into the shadows:

[B]anks are pulling back their balance sheets from the fringes of the credit markets, with more and more risk being driven to unregulated lenders that comprise the $60 trillion “shadow-banking” sector.

Increased regulation and low interest rates have made lending to homeowners and small businesses less attractive than before 2008. The easy subprime scams of yesteryear are no more. The void is being filled by the shadow banking system. Shadow banking comes in many forms, but the big money today is in repos and derivatives. The notional (or hypothetical) value of the derivatives market has been estimated to be as high as $1.2 quadrillion, or 20 times the GDP of all the countries of the world combined.

According to Hervé Hannoun, Deputy General Manager of the Bank for International Settlements, investment banks as well as commercial banks may conduct much of their business in the shadow banking system (SBS), although most are not generally classed as SBS institutions themselves. At least one financial regulatory expert has said that regulated banking organizations are the largest shadow banks.

The Hidden Government Guarantee That Props Up the Shadow Banking System

According to Dutch economist Enrico Perotti, banks are able to fund their loans much more cheaply than any other industry because they offer “liquidity on demand.” The promise that the depositor can get his money out at any time is made credible by government-backed deposit insurance and access to central bank funding. But what guarantee underwrites the shadow banks? Why would financial institutions feel confident lending cheaply in the shadow market, when it is not protected by deposit insurance or government bailouts?

Perotti says that liquidity-on-demand is guaranteed in the SBS through another, lesser-known form of government guarantee: “safe harbor” status in bankruptcy. Repos and derivatives, the stock in trade of shadow banks, have “superpriority” over all other claims. Perotti writes:

Security pledging grants access to cheap funding thanks to the steady expansion in the EU and US of “safe harbor status”. Also called bankruptcy privileges, this ensures lenders secured on financial collateral immediate access to their pledged securities…
Safe harbor status grants the privilege of being excluded from mandatory stay, and basically all other restrictions. Safe harbor lenders, which at present include repos and derivative margins, can immediately repossess and resell pledged collateral.

This gives repos and derivatives extraordinary super-priority over all other claims, including tax and wage claims, deposits, real secured credit and insurance claims. Critically, it ensures immediacy (liquidity) for their holders. Unfortunately, it does so by undermining orderly liquidation.

When orderly liquidation is undermined, there is a rush to get the collateral, which can actually propel the debtor into bankruptcy.

The amendment to the Bankruptcy Reform Act of 2005 that created this favored status for repos and derivatives was pushed through by the banking lobby with few questions asked. In a December 2011 article titled “Plan B – How to Loot Nations and Their Banks Legally,” documentary film-maker David Malone wrote:

This amendment which was touted as necessary to reduce systemic risk in financial bankruptcies… allowed a whole range of far riskier assets to be used… The size of the repo market hugely increased and riskier assets were gladly accepted as collateral because traders saw that if the person they had lent to went down they could get [their] money back before anyone else and no one could stop them.

Burning Down the Barn to Get the Insurance

Safe harbor status creates the sort of perverse incentives that make derivatives “financial weapons of mass destruction,” as Warren Buffett famously branded them. It is the equivalent of burning down the barn to collect the insurance. Says Malone:

All other creditors — bond holders — risk losing some of their money in a bankruptcy. So they have a reason to want to avoid bankruptcy of a trading partner. Not so the repo and derivatives partners. They would now be best served by looting the company — perfectly legally — as soon as trouble seemed likely. In fact the repo and derivatives traders could push a bank that owed them money over into bankruptcy when it most suited them as creditors. When, for example, they might be in need of a bit of cash themselves to meet a few pressing creditors of their own.
The collapse of… Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers and AIG were all directly because repo and derivatives partners of those institutions suddenly stopped trading and ‘looted’ them instead.

The global credit collapse was triggered, it seems, not by wild subprime lending but by the rush to grab collateral by players with congressionally-approved safe harbor status for their repos and derivatives.

Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers were strictly investment banks, but now we have giant depository banks gambling in derivatives as well; and with the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act that separated depository and investment banking, they are allowed to commingle their deposits and investments. The risk to the depositors was made glaringly obvious when MF Global went bankrupt in October 2011. Malone wrote:

When MF Global went down it did so because its repo, derivative and hypothecation partners essentially foreclosed on it. And when they did so they then ‘looted’ the company. And because of the co-mingling of clients money in the hypothecation deals the ‘looters’ also seized clients money as well. . . JPMorgan allegedly has MF Global money while other people’s lawyers can only argue about it.

MF Global was followed by the Cyprus “bail-in” — the confiscation of depositor funds to recapitalize the country’s failed banks. This was followed by the coordinated appearance of bail-in templates worldwide, mandated by the Financial Stability Board, the global banking regulator in Switzerland.

The Auto-Destruct Trip Wire on the Banking System

Bail-in policies are being necessitated by the fact that governments are balking at further bank bailouts. In the U.S., the Dodd-Frank Act (Section 716) now bans taxpayer bailouts of most speculative derivative activities. That means the next time we have a Lehman-style event, the banking system could simply collapse into a black hole of derivative looting. Malone writes:

… The bankruptcy laws allow a mechanism for banks to disembowel each other. The strongest lend to the weaker and loot them when the moment of crisis approaches. The plan allows the biggest banks, those who happen to be burdened with massive holdings of dodgy euro area bonds, to leap out of the bond crisis and instead profit from a bankruptcy which might otherwise have killed them. All that is required is to know the import of the bankruptcy law and do as much repo, hypothecation and derivative trading with the weaker banks as you can…. I think this means that some of the biggest banks, themselves, have already constructed and greatly enlarged a now truly massive trip wired auto-destruct on the banking system.

The weaker banks may be the victims, but it is we the people who will wind up holding the bag. Malone observes:

For the last four years who has been putting money in to the banks? And who has become a massive bond holder in all the banks? We have. First via our national banks and now via the Fed, ECB and various tax payer funded bail out funds. We are the bond holders who would be shafted by the Plan B looting. We would be the people waiting in line for the money the banks would have already made off with…. … [T]he banks have created a financial Armageddon looting machine. Their Plan B is a mechanism to loot not just the more vulnerable banks in weaker nations, but those nations themselves. And the looting will not take months, not even days. It could happen in hours if not minutes.

Crisis and Opportunity: Building a Better Mousetrap

There is no way to regulate away this sort of risk. If both the conventional banking system and the shadow banking system are being maintained by government guarantees, then we the people are bearing the risk. We should be directing where the credit goes and collecting the interest. Banking and the creation of money-as-credit need to be made public utilities, owned by the public and having a mandate to serve the public. Public banks do not engage in derivatives.

Today, virtually the entire circulating money supply (M1, M2 and M3) consists of privately-created “bank credit” — money created on the books of banks in the form of loans. If this private credit system implodes, we will be without a money supply. One option would be to return to the system of government-issued money that was devised by the American colonists, revived by Abraham Lincoln during the Civil War, and used by other countries at various times and places around the world. Another option would be a system of publicly-owned state banks on the model of the Bank of North Dakota, leveraging the capital of the state backed by the revenues of the into public bank credit for the use of the local economy.

Change happens historically in times of crisis, and we may be there again today.

Posted in Crash Coming Soon, Derivatives | Tagged , , | 1 Comment

Why cash is better than gold

Why people buy gold

To protect against inflation

That’s a good reason, but the next crash will be deflationary like the 2008 crash, when stocks, homes, oil, gold, and everything else plummeted in value. Trillions of dollars vanished overnight.  The bailout has kicked the can down the road and will make the next crash even worse.

CASH is KING in a deflationary financial crash.

Deflation is too big a topic to go into it in depth.  But here are just a few reasons why inflation isn’t likely:

  • You can’t have inflation until $673 trillion (Angelides 2011) of outstanding debt are wiped out and settled (i.e. Detroit bankruptcy).
  • The electronic bits representing $16 trillion of federal-level debt is not PRINTED, and even if it were, is a meaningless speck of dust in the black hole of the unfunded liabilities / $205 Trillion fiscal gap.
  • You can’t create inflation because we have a credit/debit system. We do not have a PRINTED MONEY system like Zimbabwe, where billion-dollar bills were carted around in wheelbarrows.  In a credit/debit system, money is created when a bank makes a loan, and extinguished when the loan is paid back.
  • In America’s banking system, for ever dollar of capital reserve backed by collateral (real goods, like subprime mortgages), 9 imaginary electronic dollars are lent.
  • At the height of the financial crisis it was discovered that many banks were leveraged by a factor of 40 imaginary dollars with collateral of subprime mortgages and other questionable assets.
  • Half of Americans would have a hard time getting their hands on $2,000 in 30 days.  You can’t have inflation if no one has money.  The only way you could make it happen is government helicopters dropping cash over poor neighborhoods, or most people working for unions who could demand higher pay despite the high unemployment and illegal immigrants.

In a deflation, there might be 100 people who think they own a given ‘dollar’, but only one of them does.  Look at Detroit: some debtors get 80 cents, others 20 cents, and many just pennies on the dollar — and some won’t get any money at all.

Remember how in the 2008 crash half of the wealth JUST VANISHED as stocks, homes, precious metals, and anything else that wasn’t cash dropped in value? Why would it be different this time?  There’s been no reform of the financial system.

The goal now is not to make money, but to hang on to what you have.

Nicole Foss on Cash and deflation

If you want to know more about deflation, see these Nicole Foss posts “40 ways to lose your future” and “Bigger picture“.

“Stock market bubbles (and housing bubbles etc) are Ponzi schemes. As with all ponzi schemes, only a few manage to cash out, and the majority are those who do so early. Those who do not cash out become the designated empty bag holders, but that empty bag can look awfully attractive at a market top. Trying to catch the top tick, and wring every last ounce of profit out of a collapsing system, is foolish. Most investors who play that game are likely to lose badly.

We have lived through the largest credit expansion in human history. Credit expansions create excess claims to underlying real wealth through Ponzi finance. When the debt created can no longer be serviced, the bubble will implode and the excess claims will be messily extinguished. This is deflation, and it is inevitable once a bubble has developed. The aftermath of a bubble implosion is generally proportionate to the scale of the excesses that preceded it, hence we can expect the impact to be extremely severe.

They may be convinced that they are clever and quick enough to get out before the rest, but the odds are not good. Also, the rules of the game are likely to be changed along the way, so that one would have to be both right and lucky in order to profit. For instance, shorting is likely to be banned at some point, and speculators demonized. There will be opportunities to make a killing, but many more ‘opportunities’ to lose your shirt.

Capital preservation is essential in a deflation, and the best way to preserve capital at this point is to be liquid. Cash constitutes uncommitted choices, and in a world of uncertainty, one needs to be flexible. There will be plenty of opportunities over the next few years (both to improve circumstances and avoid disaster) that will only be available to the few who still have the options cash provides. It isn’t necessary to have a fortune. Even a small amount of cash can go a long way as deflation causes prices to fall.

Those without any cash, or the means to earn some (in what will be a very difficult earning environment), will be at the mercy of whatever the world has to throw at them. Most of us are accustomed to far more choice and self-determination than most people have had in human history, and there would be nothing harder to lose. Nothing is as addictive as freedom.

Also, it’s important to understand that in a deflation, the prices of essential goods, like food and energy, can go up and this is not inflation.  It means that an essential item is scarce, and in a deflation as people have less and less money to spend, especially cruel and creates great hardship.

The herd is always fully invested at tops and fully liquid at bottoms, meaning that they are never in a position to take advantage of opportunities. They typically buy high and sell low. Naturally insiders do the opposite, behaving as any predator would.

Being grounded in positive feedback, deflation builds momentum relatively slowly at first, but later at an increasing pace. When credit contraction reaches a ‘critical mass’ it can unfold with terrifying speed, and for this reason extreme caution is warranted. It is well possible for the global banking system to seize up in a matter of hours, as it came very close to doing in September 2008.

Mortgage interest resets will continue until 2012, helping to drive sky-high inventory levels that will depress housing prices drastically for years, and have knock-on consequences for individuals and for the banking system (as we have repeatedly pointed out).

Approximately one in seven Americans is on food stamps already. The number one cause of personal bankruptcy in the US, even among people who have health insurance, is healthcare emergencies, as the co-pays are so high. More and more people are falling off the edge all the time. Their plight is ignored higher up the financial food chain, but it cannot be ignored forever. The middle class is dying, and the already poor are being driven into destitution. Eventually the ruined will reach a critical mass, and people who have nothing left to lose, lose it. This is a recipe for a degree of social unrest that will threaten the fabric of society.

There will definitely be hard choices to be made, as we have collectively invested so much in a way of life that cannot continue, and extracting oneself from the resulting structural dependencies can be both difficult and time consuming. Trying to live with a foot in two different worlds during the transition to a more resilient life can initially mean all the work of both, without the many of the benefits of either. This is not an easy path to walk. We wish all our readers the very best of luck in walking it.”

To have something of value to trade after a financial crash, sovereign default, during a war, or after a major natural disaster

Barter doesn’t work because it’s too hard for people trading goods to find one other.

When a currency failed in the past, either a local currency was created or goods like cigarettes, alcohol, and flour became the new “cash”.  Not gold or silver. Other goods traded that I found in various history books: butter, coffee, chocolate, gum, wood, oranges, bullets, razor blades, soap, over-the-counter & prescription drugs, razor blades, rechargeable batteries, shampoo, eggs, potatoes, and even candy bars — at one  Rainbow Festival, where money isn’t allowed, Snickers bars became the currency.

A 1-ounce gold coin, or even 1/10 is too valuable to trade for most goods.

Farmer’s don’t trust money, they’ll only take useful goods, and in a really serious crisis farmers become quite wealthy from the black market.

If a disaster is serious enough to create social chaos, using gold is too dangerous.  The local mafia, thieves, gangs, and roving militias will stop by your house and take your gold and whatever else you’ve got hoarded away.

 

Because after the next financial crash we’ll go back to the gold standard

The global system will NOT be recapitalized with physical gold reserves, because of the sheer momentum of the existing system of fiat currency and the debt mechanisms are too entrenched.

Also, there isn’t enough physical gold. Nor can we mine enough new gold to create enough gold reserves to back up paper currencies, because we’re at Peak Gold.

And if we had a gold backed currency, so what?   Banks would go back to their usual fraudulent practice of issuing too much paper currency against the gold reserves and create more financial crashes.

 

The USA controls the world with a currency that is backed by oil

We went off the gold standard, but the dollar is backed by something far more valuable: oil. That’s how America maintains its empire and controls oil markets.

Also, the world is flooded with dollar-denominated debt, which gives the USA huge leverage when there is very little cash to go around.

Better than gold OR cash: land, real estate, tools — real goods

Cash is KING in a deflation.  Real, physical cash.  But not for long, perhaps for only a few years if peak energy — peak everything really — strikes.

For the next two to ten years, the best way to protect yourself is to buy hard goods.

First, stockpile grains and beans, a grain mill with manual attachment, and enough food for every member of your family to survive for a year.  There are many food storage calculators on the web.

Second, buy long shelf-life goods that will be “currency” if times get really hard.

Finally, if you can afford it, buy a modest home in a town surrounded by agriculture.

The case for buying gold

Gold could be of use in a crisis to escape to a stable area.  For example, many Jewish parents got their children out of Nazi Germany using gold coins to pay their passage to safer places.

Gold makes a savings vehicle that cannot be defaulted upon or devalued by a government, and more importantly, is mobile wealth unlike real estate or stocks, giving a rich person the option to leave WITH a portion of their wealth if they want to.

We’re at the end of the stagflation stage on the verge of the crisis phase, which lasts about 20 years (Turchin).  Gold or better yet, silver, will be good to have when stability returns.  If you want to buy precious metals for your children or grandchildren, wait until after the next economic meltdown.  And you’d better have physical cash to purchase the gold with, because your bank may be insolvent, and the FDIC is in the red  and won’t be able to sort out the mess for a few years, let alone pay you back.

Gold will always be worth SOMETHING, and we appear to be at Peak Gold now, and as energy grows scarcer, mines will be forced to close.

Cash is not going to be king forever!  And if you have it, just like with gold, local mafias will try to get it out of you, and the government will tax real estate and stocks to death, as well as any other traceable wealth to avoid sovereign default. Cash might be hard to hide if it’s marked and traced electronically to fight “the war on drugs” or “the war on terror” (pick your excuse).

Short-term treasury bills are not going to be safe for long.  If you didn’t save enough to buy real estate, and you don’t have any family or friends to pool money with to do so, and you couldn’t afford even a half acre of arable land (with no home on it — much cheaper), and you’ve bought all the real goods you need, you’ve got to put your cash somewhere before cash too becomes worthless, which it definitely will at some point.  So gold could be a place, though silver would be better if you’re that poor probably.

Bottom line: real goods have priority over gold.  You can’t eat gold…  but if you’re really wealthy and want to leave something to your grandchildren, or have just a little to get through roadblocks, or the price is low because others have sold their gold to get cash and the USA is on the verge of default or changing the currency, or taxing your savings — there are reasons to buy gold.

And as far as safety – there is NOTHING safe, not even a home, though if you buy a modest home without more land than average you’re more likely to escape the notice of who ever is in power or roaming gangs/militias.

——————-

WHAT WILL YOU DO WITH YOUR GOLD?  Feb 2, 2008. Gary North

[This is an excerpt from a very long article about gold that starts out with a discussion of German Hyperinflation, which is not going to happen in America because we have a credit/debit system, not a monetary system based on actual printed cash. But you might find it of interest since we will enter a crisis period where food, coal, and other goods matter more than cash or gold — in both hyperinflation or deflation real goods are what matter].

Gold and foreign currencies kept families alive. It did not make them rich.  Who won? The great winners were farmers. They easily paid off their pre-War debts. Even before 1923, a farmer could pay off his all of debts by the money generated by the sale of a single egg.  What counted most in 1923 was your ability to keep your job. What made jobs desirable were products to sell that everyone wanted: basic foodstuffs, coal, and liquor. People in cities sold off their prized possessions and heirlooms in order to get food. The flow of grand pianos to German farmers never again reached such a rate.

There was almost no way to get rich in cities. There was no asset, other than stored food and coal, that could have made someone rich. But rich as measured in what? The greatest urban wealth was food and coal. Holders refused to sell.

Almost no one gets rich in a crack-up boom. The few who do generally go bankrupt after the currency reform, when economic conditions return to normal.

THEN WHAT GOOD IS GOLD?

Gold serves as a valuable asset in the time leading up to the crack-up boom. Its price rises faster than the prices of most other assets.

In the crack-up boom, gold serves as an insurance policy against a catastrophe. You can buy your way out of circumstances that bankrupt others. You preserve much of your lifestyle by selling off a widely sought-after asset: gold. But understand: this is not a way to get rich. It is a way not to become totally impoverished.

After the currency reform, gold is more likely than any other crack-up boom asset to retain its purchasing power. This means that gold is a good investment in three phases: in the years before the crack-up boom, during the boom, and in the reconstruction phase after the boom.

Other assets require trading in and out. They require almost perfect timing. Gold doesn’t. You buy it before the boom is expected (e.g., 2001), hold it through the boom phase and the crack-up phase, and then re-enter the capital markets as the owner of an asset that has universal desirability as an investment.

You don’t get rich as a holder of gold during a time of serious inflation. Yet get rich as an investor with capital to invest after the crack-up boom has ended.

CONCLUSION

People do not see gold in this way. They see it as a way to get rich in a time of inflation. They do not understand this principle of economics:

The division of labor through invested capital is what makes people rich, slowly. The crack-up boom destroys the division of labor. Most people get poor in the crack-up boom, except those who (1) operate successfully in a low division of labor environment (think “Amish”) and (2) debtors who live outside urban areas, who pay of their debts with depreciated money.

The Amish don’t pay much attention to their wealth, except maybe to buy better horses. Debtors who learn how to play the pyramiding game in the boom phase generally go bankrupt after the monetary stabilization takes place.

So, don’t expect to get rich in an age of inflation by owning gold. That’s because you would have to sell it to get rich. Your timing had better be perfect.

References

Angelides, Phil. 2011. The Financial Crisis Inquiry Report. Final Report of the national Commission on the Causes of the Financial and Economic Crisis in the United States.

Bonner, Will. 2007. Mobs, Messiahs, and Markets: Surviving the Public Spectacle in Finance and Politics

Kerr, R. 2 March 2012. Is the World Tottering on the Precipice of Peak Gold? Science Vol. 335 no. 6072 pp. 1038-1039

Krassimir Petrov, PhD. 4 Apr 2007. The Proposed Iranian oil bourse will accelerate the fall of the US Empire.  The Guardian.

MacDonogh, Giles.  2007. After the Reich. The Brutal History of the Allied Occupation

MacKay, Charles. 2013. Extraordinary Popular Delusions and The Madness of Crowds

Martenson, Chris. 2008. How Safe is My FDIC-Insured Bank Account?  marketoracle.co.uk

Orlov, Dmitry. 2005. Post-Soviet Lessons for a Post-American Century.

Pandurangi, A. June 25, 2011.  The Future of Physical Gold, An Imperfect World in The End

Puplava, Jim. Confederation, Nationalization & the New Oil Order.  Financialsense. The BIG Picture Transcript February 24, 2007

Turchin, P. “Secular Cycles” and “War & Peace & War”.

Vaughan, L. Feb 28, 2014. Gold Fix Study Shows Signs of Decade of Bank Manipulation. Bloomberg

Wall Street Journal. Aug 21, 2008. FDIC Faces Balancing Act in Replenishing Its Coffers

This just in: the gold bugs were right, the price of gold was being manipulated

Bloomberg News has a story captioned “Gold Fix Study Shows Signs of Decade of Bank Manipulation” (Vaughan). Since 2004 there have been times when the banks united to manipulate the price of gold DOWNWARDS.

Probably manipulation has been going on longer than that, but this is the best evidence I’ve seen for who and how it was done.

So the people most likely to make money are the banksters, not you..

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Book review of Murderers in Mausoleums. Riding the back roads of empire between Moscow and Beijing

Book review of Murderers in Mausoleums. Riding the back roads of empire between Moscow and Beijing. Jeffrey Tayler. 2009.

This was a very timely book to read while the crisis is unfolding now in the Ukraine.

One of the reasons this area is a powder keg are the natural resources.

“..energy resources and their conveyance to markets dominate the new Great Game unfolding in Central Asia. Russia, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan recently announced plans to build a gas pipeline connecting with Russia’s network, for subsequent re-export to Europe, thwarting a U.S. project for a pipeline that would bypass Russia; in fact, Russia now controls all of Central Asia’s westward-flowing gas exports.  Gazprom will soon be able to exert powerful political pressure over countries such as Ukraine… Central Asian oil will also strengthen Russia’s hand” especialy Kazakhstan which has the world’s largest oil field discovered in the past 30 years, and where 40% of the people are slavic and mostly Russian.

Tayler suggests that China and Russia are natural allies: “China needs energy land and water, all of which Russia has in surplus.  Might the two countries form an alliance?” He concludes that “One has to ask, Why shouldn’t Russia, China, and the countries in between form an anti-American alliance? What has the west offered them, besides criticism of their deficient human rights records, the expansion of a military alliance around their borders, and the prospect of facing ever-more-sophisticated weapons systems? Why shouldn’t Russia sell its fuel to China or use it to intimidate its rivals? What else does it have?”  This is one of the many themes in the book.

Just as America has Mexicans and other immigrants doing the dirty work, Russia has millions of immigrant laborers, many from Central Asia, a “pervasive, mostly illegal underclass that Russians do not want to see yet without which no yard stays clean, few food markets can function, and little trade accomplished….These days public opinion is not tolerant. Central Asians are viewed as uncivilized Muslims, beggars, melon vendors, petty crooks, and fafiozy.  Facing daily threats of extrotion and even assault from the police during spot document checks, they lay low, making the enws only when attacked by growing numbers of skinhead gangs whose slogan is “Russia for the Russians”.  It is predicted that by the end of the century, the migrants will become a majority and turn Russia into a mainly Muslim country.

We ignore the central asian countries these migrants come from, these downtrodden people between Moscow and Beijing.  The only country that can threaten the USA militarily is Russia (nuclear arsenal), the only economic power that could sing the USA is Ghina.  But we ignore the impoverished, mostly Muslim hinterlands on whose stability will affect Russia and China, if these nations can unite, they present the biggest threat to American and Western global dominance.

Tayler travels across many countries and discovers a lot of ethnic hatred — this is a potential powder keg of hate, that seems vulnerable to endless civil wars and genocides if instability were to ever gain the upper hand.

Other items of interest

description of Russians: “Social engineering, now almost 2 decades discontinued, produced a New Soviet Human possessing traits favoring survival under direst duress: ingrained distrust of the government and the media; disbelief in justice as embodied in laws 9written of course to serve the elite), and consequently, a willingness to flout the law to get ahead; cynicism toward government officials (regarded as ever on the take); the spurning of piety, probity, and honesty as the attributes of naifs; and finally, the exaltatoin of deceit, the lionization of crooks, for only through cleverness could one succeed.  The Soviet system, in sum, created a populace of survivors who would excel in stealth and criminality and yet be unwilling to confront their governments and demand what is owed them”.

“Russia’s Hobbesian human jungles hone ruthless talents of survival, and its poverty anneals the masses to discomfort; whereas Westerners are spoiled, fragile, and spineless.  A predatory government forces Russians to develop tactics of evasion and subterfuge, while Westerners indulge their fancies in law-bound societies that permit frivolous pursuits and childish dissent.  these are gross generalizations, but in some ways they hold up; Russia is much stronger than it looks. Certainly the Nazis had underestimated Russia (weakened by Stalin beyond the point of no return they thought) and met their end here as a result”.

A conversation with a Russian on a train:

“She returned to her seat and upended her wine cup. “I hear Condoleezza talking about democracy and that retard Bush telling us how to live, and I say, ‘America, shove your democracy up your ass and stop lecturing us!’  You meddle in other countries and f**k them up and then scold us about human rights. Shove it! I once thought Americans were a great people. But what kind of great people elects a f**king retard twice as president? You can tell by the look on his face that he’s a moron, a brainless cretin, but you elect him anyway!  Bush rigged the votes, so what? I know all that. But you didn’t protest, you didn’t fight back. Look, I’ll tell yo one thing and you’d better listen.  Russia is getting stronger, Russia is rising, and you’re just going to have to get used to it. we’ve got thousands of clever people in this country, brilliant people, scientists and schemers, and make no mistake about it: they’re out-and-out bastards. We live like sh*t, sure, but we don’t give a damn.  Like it or not, we’re getting stronger, and we’re no f**kng pansies. The Yeltsin days are over. We’re not taking any more orders from Bush or anyone else.”

Tayler comments on this with: “Many now express views like hers, and not only in Russia. But in Russia, where strength and cleverness are revered above all else, they mattered.  Disdain for an America perceived as weak and stuipid would embolden Putin in his confrontation with the West.

This is also a travel book that will take you places you’re very unlikely to go to.  I used google images as I read the book to get a better picture of places which I highly recommend.

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Bloomberg: Dream of U.S. Oil Independence Slams Against Shale Costs

Dream of U.S. Oil Independence Slams Against Shale Costs

By Asjylyn Loder – Feb 26, 2014

The path toward U.S. energy independence, made possible by a boom in shale oil, will be much harder than it seems.

Just a few of the roadblocks: Independent producers will spend $1.50 drilling this year for every dollar they get back. Shale output drops faster than production from conventional methods. It will take 2,500 new wells a year just to sustain output of 1 million barrels a day in North Dakota’s Bakken shale, according to the Paris-based International Energy Agency. Iraq could do the same with 60.

Consider Sanchez Energy Corp. The Houston-based company plans to spend as much as $600 million this year, almost double its estimated 2013 revenue, on the Eagle Ford shale formation in south Texas, which along with North Dakota is one of the hotbeds of a drilling frenzy that’s pushed U.S. crude output to the highest in almost 26 years. Its Sante North 1H oil well pumped five times more water than crude, Sanchez Energy said in a Feb. 17 regulatory filing. Shares sank 7 percent.

Related:

“We are beginning to live in a different world where getting more oil takes more energy, more effort and will be more expensive,” said Tad Patzek, chairman of the Department of Petroleum and Geosystems Engineering at the University of Texas at Austin.

Drillers are pushing to maintain the pace of the unprecedented 39 percent gain in U.S. oil production since the end of 2011. Yet achieving U.S. energy self-sufficiency depends on easy credit and oil prices high enough to cover well costs. Even with crude above $100 a barrel, shale producers are spending money faster than they make it.

Missed Forecasts

Companies are showing the strain. Chesapeake Energy Corp., the Oklahoma City-based company founded by Aubrey McClendon, reported profit yesterday that missed analysts’ forecasts by the widest margin in almost two years. Shares declined 4.9 percent. Fort Worth, Texas-based Range Resources Corp. fell 2.3 percent after announcing Feb. 25 that fourth-quarter profit dropped 47 percent. QEP Resources Inc., a Denver-based driller, slid 10 percent after fourth-quarter earnings reported Feb. 25 fell short of analysts’ predictions.

Rethinking the Ban on Exporting U.S. Oil

The U.S. oil industry must sprint simply to stay in place. U.S. drillers are expected to spend more than $2.8 trillion by 2035 even though production will peak a decade earlier, the IEA said. The Middle East will spend less than a third of that for three times more crude.

Bulls Crow

Shale wells can vary in price. Chesapeake will spend an average of $6.4 million each this year, according an investor presentation last updated yesterday. Houston-based Goodrich Petroleum Corp. will spend up to $13 million on some of its wells, Robert Turnham, president and chief operating officer, said in a Feb. 20 earnings call.

Bullish analysts and oil executives have reason to crow. While drilling in Iraq could break even at about $20 a barrel, output will be limited by political risks, Ed Morse, global head of commodities research at Citigroup Inc. in New York, said in a January report. By contrast, the break-even price in U.S. shale is estimated at $60 to $80 a barrel, according to the IEA. The price of a barrel hasn’t dipped below $80 since 2012 and has stayed above $90 since May. Costs in the U.S. will continue to fall as drillers get faster and improve results, Morse said.

Crude Exports

“The U.S. oil and natural gas renaissance is receiving significant investment because return on investment is good and competitive with other opportunities,” Rick Bott, president and chief operating officer of Oklahoma City-based Continental Resources Inc., a pioneer of shale drilling, said in an e-mail. “We’re confident that continued technological advancements will keep the Bakken and other plays at the forefront of investment for the foreseeable future.”

Harold Hamm, the chairman and chief executive officer of Continental Resources who became a billionaire drilling in North Dakota, told U.S. lawmakers Jan. 30 that the country, which U.S. Energy Information Administration data show supplied 86 percent of its own energy last year, can drill its way to energy independence by 2020. Hamm is leading an effort to get Congress to allow crude exports for the first time since the 1970s.

U.S. oil production will average 9.2 million barrels a day in 2015, up from 7.4 million last year, according to the EIA, the statistical arm of the U.S. Energy Department. Colorado boosted output by 11 percent in the first 11 months of last year, Wyoming was up 12 percent and Oklahomaadded 24 percent.

“I don’t see the shale boom coming to an end,” said Andy Lipow, president of Lipow Oil Associates, an energy consulting firm in Houston. “We’re just getting started in places like Colorado, Wyoming and Oklahoma.”

Horizontal Wells

Sanchez Energy said in a Feb. 19 statement that Sante North 1H isn’t yet finished and the well will produce more oil than the early report suggested. The company said it has 120,000 acres in the Eagle Ford and plans to spend 90 percent of its exploration budget there this year. The company’s shares have risen 63 percent in the past year.

Traditional wells are bored straight down, like straws stuck into large deposits of crude. Shale is tapped by steering the drill horizontally through layers of oil-rich rock, sometimes for a mile or more. The formation is blasted apart with a high-pressure jet of water, sand and chemicals, a practice called hydraulic fracturing or fracking, to open up cracks that free pockets of trapped fuel. The complexity and materials needed to drill horizontally and blast the rock add to the cost.

Yield Little

The boom’s boosters have given rise to the misconception that wringing oil and gas from shale can be easily replicated throughout the country, Patzek said. That isn’t the case, he said. Every rock is different. The Bakken shale, along with the neighboring Three Forks formation, covers an area larger than France, according to the IEA. An oil-bearing formation that’s 400 feet (122 meters) thick in one spot may taper off to nothing just a mile away, Patzek said. What works for one well may yield little in a neighboring county.

The output of shale wells drops faster, too, falling by 60 to 70 percent in the first year alone, according to Austin, Texas-based Drillinginfo Inc. Traditional wells take two years to fall by about 55 percent before flattening out. That forces companies to keep drilling new wells to make up for lost productivity.

“You keep having to drill more and you keep having to spend more,” said Mark Young, an analyst with London-based Evaluate Energy, which tracks production and its costs.

Sweet Spots

A prolonged slide in prices below $85 a barrel may put pressure on operators that have struggled to contain costs or that don’t own acreage in the prolific “sweet spots” of the oil fields, said Leonardo Maugeri, a former manager at Rome-based energy company Eni SpA who’s researching the geopolitics of energy at Harvard University’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs.

Companies have boosted well productivity and will continue to whittle down the break-even price, he said. While the boom could survive a brief dip in oil prices, a long slump could slow drilling and cause production to fall swiftly, Maugeri said.

“To sustain in the short term, the U.S. needs prices at $65 a barrel,” Maugeri said. “That’s a critical level. Below that level, many opportunities will vanish.”

The U.S. benchmark oil contract for West Texas Intermediate crude for delivery in April 2016 is trading at about $85 a barrel, almost $18 a barrel less than today and still $20 above Maugeri’s threshold.

Net Debt

Even with crude prices above $100 a barrel, U.S. independent producers will spend $1.50 drilling this year for every dollar they get back from selling oil and gas and will carry debt that is twice as much as annual earnings, said Ryan Oatman, an energy analyst with SunTrust Robinson Humphrey Inc., an investment bank in Houston.

By contrast, the net debt of Exxon Mobil Corp., the world’s largest energy explorer by market value, is less than half of the cash earned from operations last year. The company will spend 68 cents for every dollar it gets back this year, according to company records and analyst forecasts compiled by Bloomberg.

So far, oil prices have been high enough to keep investors interested in the potential profits to be made in shale, Oatman said.

“There is a point at which investors become worried about debt levels and how that spending is going to be financed,” Oatman said. “How do you accelerate and drill without making investors worried about the balance sheet? That’s the key tension in this industry.”

To contact the reporter on this story: Asjylyn Loder in New York at aloder@bloomberg.net

To contact the editor responsible for this story: Bob Ivry at bivry@bloomberg.net

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Wall Street Journal FDIC Faces Balancing Act in Replenishing Its Coffers

FDIC Faces Balancing Act in Replenishing Its Coffers

August 21, 2008.  Wall Street Journal.

As financial institutions continue to fail, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. is under pressure to decide how to replenish the fund that insures consumer deposits.

The fund is stocked mostly by fees levied on U.S. banks. If the FDIC raises the fees, that would siphon more money from already cash-strapped financial institutions. It could also deplete funds that banks would otherwise use to make loans. ‘

But if the FDIC moves too cautiously, the fund could run dry at a crucial time. That could hurt public confidence in the banking system and force the government to use taxpayer dollars to restock the fund.

The agency could split the difference by raising premiums faster than most banks would like but slow enough so that the rebuilding of the fund takes years, not months. The FDIC is likely to unveil its intentions in October. The fund’s $52.8 billion at the end of the first quarter was considered low by historical standards, covering 1.19% of all insured deposits.

Two bank failures in the second quarter are estimated to have cost the fund $216 million, and the four bank failures so far in the third quarter could have cost another $9 billion. The failure of IndyMac Bank in July may have wiped out more than 10% of the fund. Such losses could easily push the fund below a 1.15% level, triggering a requirement that the FDIC come up with an action plan within 90 days to bolster the fund.

“Congress gave the FDIC the mandate to replenish the fund through higher premiums on the industry,” said Art Murton, the FDIC’s director of insurance and research. “The FDIC has some flexibility in setting premiums, which will require striking a balance between building the fund quickly and ensuring that banks have sufficient funds to support the credit needs of the economy.”

The premiums charged by the FDIC may seem small, but they can be significant for struggling banks. The government has the discretion to levy higher fees on higher-risk banks, but those are the institutions that often can least afford it. Most banks now pay the FDIC five cents for every $100 of insured deposits. Higher-risk banks are paying as much as 43 cents to insure $100 in deposits.

“To slam an eight-, 10- or 15-cent premium, that’s going to cripple a lot of banks,” said Camden Fine, chief executive officer of the Independent Community Bankers of America, a trade group. Some analysts expect the FDIC to move aggressively despite such complaints.

“They don’t want headlines suggesting the deposit fund is shrinking and inadequate,” said Jaret Seiberg, a Washington analyst for the Stanford Group, a diversified financial-services company. “They need a fortress deposit-insurance fund.” Mr. Seiberg said the agency could raise premiums on healthy banks to 15 to 20 cents for every $100 of insured deposits.

Government officials have gambled wrong before. In response to the Great Depression, Congress created the FDIC in 1933 and a separate agency called the Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corp. in 1934. The FDIC insured deposits at banks, while the FSLIC backed deposits at savings and loans.

The savings-and-loan crisis in the late 1980s, which led to the closing of thousands of banks and thrifts, bankrupted the FSLIC, costing roughly $150 billion in mostly taxpayer funds to clean up the mess. The FSLIC was subsequently abolished and its funds brought under the FDIC’s control.

The FDIC was created to instill confidence in the banking system and to prevent customers from panicking and rushing to withdraw money. Depositors are covered for as much as $100,000 on most accounts. The FDIC is ramping up its public-awareness campaign to assuage fears about the safety of deposits, partly in response to the hysteria that came after the failure of IndyMac.

In the 75 years that deposit-insurance funds have existed in some form, their combined balances have ended the year with less than 1.15% of the nation’s deposits only 10 times, from 1986 to 1995. Under a rule of thumb, raising premiums by one percentage point would bring in $700 million to the fund per year. Raising premiums 10 percentage points would generate $7 billion.

The FDIC has other options it has reviewed with Treasury Department officials, but these are seen as less desirable. For example, the FDIC could borrow as much as $30 billion from Treasury, an existing credit line that has never been tapped. It could also borrow short-term cash from Treasury to cover payouts if banks fail, which could become necessary if the FDIC is bogged down with billions of assets from failed banks that are hard to liquidate.

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