Book review: Bring the War Home: The white power movement & paramilitary America

Preface.  This is a book review of Belew’s “Bring the war home: The white power movement and paramilitary America”.

In hard times in the future, racist white republican groups, many who were or are in the military, could make regions of the country deadly for minorities, liberals, non-Christian religious groups ad so on, forming small armies going home to home to take food, cattle, money, guns, and anything else of value. 

Belew documents how they have far more guns and other weapons than you can possibly imagine from bank robberies, dozens of illegal and often violent crimes, and selling drugs. Above all, stockpiles of weaponry that military men have stolen from where they’re stationed:

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Book review: How Democracies Die

Preface.  This is a book review with excerpts from the first half of “How Democracies Die” by Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt. A few main points:

We tend to think of democracies dying at the hands of men with guns. But democracies may die at the hands of elected leaders—presidents or prime ministers who subvert the very process that brought them to power. Some of these leaders dismantle democracy quickly, as Hitler did in the wake of the 1933 Reichstag fire in Germany.  Or erode slowly, in barely visible steps.  Newspapers still publish but are bought off or bullied into self-censorship. Citizens continue to criticize the government but often find themselves facing tax or other legal troubles. This sows public confusion. People do not immediately realize what is happening. Many continue to believe they are living under a democracy.

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Book Review “Conservatives without Conscience” by John Dean

Preface.

This is a book review of “Conservatives without Conscience” by John Dean.

It is the best book I’ve read in explaining the history of conservatism and leaders like Newt Gingrich on the increasing authoritarianism of Republicans, It also explains why authoritarian Republicans, who tend to have been selected and voted in by evangelicals, have no morals and act against the nation’s best interests.  And why they don’t criticize Trump’s racist, sexist, war mongering tweets.

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Book review of “The Power Worshippers. Inside the dangerous rise of religious nationalism”

Preface.  One of the many items I found of interest in this book “The Power Worshippers” was that it wasn’t until 1979, six years after Roe v Wade, that conservative activists seized on abortion not for moral reasons, but as a way to deny President Jimmy Carter because he was threatening to tax religious segregated (racist) schools.  

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Fox news estranges millions of families and instills hate and fear in its cult members

Preface.  This is a book review that has key excerpts of “Foxocracy”, by Tobin Smith, who worked at Fox for 14 years and was friends with Roger Ailes as well as the staff that decided what the propaganda of the day would be. He learned all about the psychology behind the show, including using techniques of Nazi propaganda.

What’s most alarming is that millions of families have been torn apart when members have gone down the Foxhole. It is addictive, because like World Wrestling Entertainment, the right-wing newscasters win every time against purposefully chosen much weaker liberal punching-bags.  It’s a good feeling for the majority of fox viewers, many of them among the 54% of America’s working poor who are barely getting by. 

The Trump WWE fans don’t care if the game is rigged, they know WWE is rigged, but are addicted to the fuzzy warm feelings they get when their team wins.  So they don’t mind being fooled by Fox. Top that off with a large percentage of Fox viewers being evangelists who believe in a literal interpretation of the Bible.  Who could possibly be easier to fool?  They don’t want facts. They don’t care about facts, they are cult members who will likely never snap out of it because they don’t want to.

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Book review of “Deer Hunting with Jesus” Best book on why people vote for Trump

Preface. This is a book review of Joe Bageant’s 2008 Deer Hunting with Jesus: Dispatches from America’s Class War. Joe Bageant grew up in poor, conservative Winchester Virginia, which is like tens of thousands of other small towns in America. He is one of the few who escaped and got a college education.  When he retired there in 1999, he knew hundreds of people, and gives readers a visceral, gut-level understanding of what life is like in Republican bible-belt territory. He paints vivid portraits of the locals he knows and cares about, the feudal economics that keep them poor, how Christian fundamentalism is woven into their lives, and why they vote against their own interests.  And he is quite funny.

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Climate Change crisis caused by Population growth – duh

Preface.  Duh!

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com  Author of Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy; When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, & “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”.  Women in ecology  Podcasts: WGBH, Financial Sense, Jore, Planet: Critical, Crazy Town, Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, Kunstler 253 &278, Peak Prosperity,  Index of best energyskeptic posts

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UGC (2024) Population Growth. Understanding Climate Change, University of California, Berkeley

Population growth is the increase in the number of humans on Earth. For most of human history our population size was relatively stable. But with innovation and industrialization, energy, food, water, and medical care became more available and reliable. Consequently, global human population rapidly increased, and continues to do so, with dramatic impacts on global climate and ecosystems. We will need technological and social innovation to help us support the world’s population as we adapt to and mitigate climate and environmental changes.

Human population growth impacts the Earth system in a variety of ways, including:

  • Increasing the extraction of resources from the environment. These resources include fossil fuels (oil, gas, and coal), minerals, treeswater, and wildlife, especially in the oceans. The process of removing resources, in turn, often releases pollutants and waste that reduce air and water quality, and harm the health of humans and other species.
  • Increasing the burning of fossil fuels for energy to generate electricity, and to power transportation (for example, cars and planes) and industrial processes.
  • Increase in freshwater use for drinking, agriculture, recreation, and industrial processes. Freshwater is extracted from lakes, rivers, the ground, and man-made reservoirs.
  • Increasing ecological impacts on environments. Forests and other habitats are disturbed or destroyed to construct urban areas including the construction of homes, businesses, and roads to accommodate growing populations. Additionally, as populations increase, more land is used for agricultural activities to grow crops and support livestock. This, in turn, can decrease species populationsgeographicrangesbiodiversity, and alter interactions among organisms.
  • Increasing fishing and hunting, which reduces species populations of the exploited species. Fishing and hunting can also indirectly increase numbers of species that are not fished or hunted if more resources become available for the species that remain in the ecosystem.
  • Increasing the transport of invasive species, either intentionally or by accident, as people travel and import and export supplies. Urbanization also creates disturbed environments where invasive species often thrive and outcompete native species. For example, many invasive plant species thrive along strips of land next to roads and highways.
  • The transmission of diseases. Humans living in densely populated areas can rapidly spread diseases within and among populations. Additionally, because transportation has become easier and more frequent, diseases can spread quickly to new regions.

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Linden E (2022) The Climate Challenge of the World’s Population Hitting 8 Billion. Time magazine.

Global population surpassed 8 billion this week, a shocking milestone because back in the 1990s this threshold was not expected to be breached until 2050. Whether you’re a dour Malthusian or a technological optimist, one thing is undeniable: The 2.7 billion people added to global population since 1990 makes the task of averting a climate catastrophe vastly more challenging than it was when global warming first arose as a mainstream concern.

Getting to zero net emissions in 1990—when fossil fuels were putting 22.4 billion metric tons of greenhouse gas emissions (GHG) into the atmosphere—was hard enough. Now, we have to eliminate those emissions along with roughly 14 billion tons of annual GHG emissions resulting from population growth.

One of actions to take is family planning, which until now has been largely absent from the conversation around global warming. Most of the expected 2 billion people will be born in the poorer nations. These nations burn fewer fossil fuels, but all aspire to raise their standard of living, which, given today’s energy mix, means more GHG emissions per capita. Even without economic growth, that population increase would mean roughly four billion additional metric tons of CO2 going into the atmosphere each year. That’s about a 10% increase, and, as of today, the world has never been able to voluntarily reduce annual emissions.

Population should be part of climate discussions, but I cannot remember a time when family planning has been featured in international efforts. Yes, it’s a hot button topic in many of the emerging nations, many of which take affront when the rich nations ask them to stabilize their numbers. But its absence from the agenda from last week’s COP27 is a tell that the Congress of Parties process is not a serious effort to really tackle the risk of climate change.

Population growth is the elephant in the room for climate change, but it is also the elephant in the room for ecological issues such as tropical deforestationdesertification, the extinction crisis, the destabilizing of earth’s life support systems on land and in the oceans; demographic issues such as involuntary migration, fresh water, and food insecurity; and political issues such as civil unrest and state failure. Slowing population growth will reduce pressures on all of these issues and threats.

Population growth is a fraught issue. In the last few decades, a major driver to limit family size has been the demographic shift towards urban areas. In cities, additional kids become a liability because of the higher costs of housing and food. This shows that people can change attitudes towards family size quite rapidly, given incentives and access to family planning. For governments, the incentive should be the prospect of a climate Hell if population continues to increase by several hundred million people every decade. Many emerging nations have made great strides in lowering infant mortality, but, all too often efforts on maternal and infant health are not coupled with access to family planning, which is one reason why human numbers surpassed 8 billion two decades ahead of schedule.

Laubichler M (2022) Population growth, climate change create an ‘Anthropocene engine’ that’s changing the planet. Salon.com

BMJ (2021) Human population growth is the root cause of climate change. British Medical Journal. doi: https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.n2386 

Behind a paywall for me, but I found this summary: “”Human population growth is the root cause of climate change” is a 2021 letter and comment in The BMJ by Jonathan Austen. The letter argues that population growth and increased consumption are the main causes of climate change. It suggests that population growth could be addressed through financial incentives for smaller families and free access to contraception. The letter also claims that population stability would lead to less deforestation and construction, which would have a significant impact on climate change”.

(2024)  South Carolina’s population growth creates climate crisis, says environmental scientist

South Carolina is growing, but not all growth is good. At least that is what Leon Kolankiewicz, an environmental scientist with NumbersUSA and lead author of “From Sea to Sprawling Sea,” an environmental impact study that explores how U.S. population growth has driven rural land loss across four decades, said.

“You are making it very difficult to achieve your climate goals by increasing the number of energy consumers, it just doesn’t work”. From 1982 to 2017, 35 years, South Carolina lost 2,126 square miles to what Kolankiewicz described as urban sprawl – the loss of rural land to urbanized development.  “This pace of development, rural land loss, is accelerating,” Kolankiewicz said. “So that, quite understandably, has a lot of South Carolinians concerned or even upset.

Though politicians, including Gov. Henry McMaster, have praised South Carolina’s population growth, and paraded it around as proof of a “booming” economy, environmentalists like Kolankiewicz are concerned that urban sprawl, brought about by an increase in population, can steer areas like the Palmetto State – and the United States – into an existential crisis. “We face an issue of how human beings are going to live when there are 330 million of us in this country,” Kolankiewicz said. “We can’t keep doing that. It is unsustainable. You’re robbing Peter to pay Paul. Losing rural lands to urban sprawl can cripple the environment. Wildlife loses natural grazing land, farmers lose farmland and deforestation only adds to dramatic drops in air quality,” Kolankiewicz explained.

In his study, he contends that even if the loss of habitat and farmland continues at the lower rate of the 2002 to 2017 period, the average destruction of 1,200 square miles per year across the United States would be unsustainable for a country that desires the continued capability of food independence and stewardship of the animal and plant life currently living within its borders. “You can’t have growth in any object or entity in a finite system,” Kolankiewicz said. “Neither the United States, the biosphere, nor the world as a whole was growing in terms of resources to accommodate ever-increasing human demands.”

Kolankiwicz, who also wrote:

***

Scientific American (2009) Does Population Growth Impact Climate Change? Does the rate at which people are reproducing need to be controlled to save the environment?

No doubt human population growth is a major contributor to global warming, given that humans use fossil fuels to power their increasingly mechanized lifestyles. More people means more demand for oil, gas, coal and other fuels mined or drilled from below the Earth’s surface that, when burned, spew enough carbon dioxide (CO2) into the atmosphere to trap warm air inside like a greenhouse.

According to the United Nations Population Fund, human population grew from 1.6 billion to 6.1 billion people during the course of the 20th century. (Think about it: It took all of time for population to reach 1.6 billion; then it shot to 6.1 billion over just 100 years.) During that time emissions of CO2, the leading greenhouse gas, grew 12-fold. And with worldwide population expected to surpass nine billion over the next 50 years, environmentalists and others are worried about the ability of the planet to withstand the added load of greenhouse gases entering the atmosphere and wreaking havoc on ecosystems down below.

Developed countries consume the lion’s share of fossil fuels. The United States, for example, contains just five percent of world population, yet contributes a quarter of total CO2 output. But while population growth is stagnant or dropping in most developed countries (except for the U.S., due to immigration), it is rising rapidly in quickly industrializing developing nations. According to the United Nations Population Fund, fast-growing developing countries (like China and India) will contribute more than half of global CO2 emissions by 2050, leading some to wonder if all of the efforts being made to curb U.S. emissions will be erased by other countries’ adoption of our long held over-consumptive ways.

“Population, global warming and consumption patterns are inextricably linked in their collective global environmental impact,” reports the Global Population and Environment Program at the non-profit Sierra Club. “As developing countries’ contribution to global emissions grows, population size and growth rates will become significant factors in magnifying the impacts of global warming.”

According to the Worldwatch Institute, a nonprofit environmental think tank, the overriding challenges facing our global civilization are to curtail climate change and slow population growth. “Success on these two fronts would make other challenges, such as reversing the deforestation of Earth, stabilizing water tables, and protecting plant and animal diversity, much more manageable,” reports the group. “If we cannot stabilize climate and we cannot stabilize population, there is not an ecosystem on Earth that we can save.”

CONTACTS: United Nations Population Fund, www.unfpa.org; Sierra Club’s Global Population and Environment Program, www.sierraclub.org/population; Worldwatch Institute, www.worldwatch.org.

 

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Book review of “Democracy in Chains”, the history of how extremist Republicans stealthily stole our Democracy

Preface.  I can’t do justice to this book in a book review (so buy it), especially the history of how the right-wing libertarians came to be so powerful, their huge influence on congress, the judiciary, and laws enacted, and how this was done with great stealth.  At the heart of what they want to do is change the U.S. Constitution, in ways that would benefit the super rich and harm everyone else.  They’d do this by putting even more locks and bolts on it to any change.

As it is, the Constitution already has a lot of locks. It restrains what the people can do to a degree not seen in any other democratic nation.  It has too many checks and balances, veto power, and vast power is given to rural states, which tend to be conservative, by giving them more votes to them than populous states.  For instance, consider that Wyoming and California both have 2 senators, but California is 70 times more populated, so a vote in California has 70 times less weight than a Wyoming resident’s vote.

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Net Energy Cliff & the Collapse of Civilization

Energy Clifffigure 1. The remaining oil is poor quality, and the energy to get this often remote oil so great that more and more energy (blue) goes into oil production itself, leaving far less — the grey area — available to fuel the rest of civilization. Source: 22 June 2009. David Murphy. The Net Hubbert Curve: What Does It Mean? theoildrum.

It is possible there will be a cliff, but not necessarily from the oil fields, but for non-geological reasons such as financial crashes, wars, and more that are listed in this post.

Geologically it may be a bit of a cliff and decline rapidly as the conventional oil is drained and unconventional heavy oil and deep sea oil flow at much slower rates.

Also, the harder the oil is to get, the more energy goes into obtaining the oil, leaving less energy for the rest of societies needs, throwing the social order into chaos which further reduces oil production. Climate change floods and hurricanes will be disabling or ruining refineries which are so expensive to build that none have been for 50 years now

Still though, maybe not as dramatic as figure 1. You decide. Various issues are listed below.

Related:

Stuart McMillen 2017 Diminishing returns: understanding ‘net energy’ and ‘EROEI’. 

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com  Author of Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy; When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, & “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”.  Women in ecology  Podcasts: WGBH, Financial Sense, Jore, Planet: Critical, Crazy Town, Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, Kunstler 253 &278, Peak Prosperity,  Index of best energyskeptic posts

Diminishing returns: understanding ‘net energy’ and ‘EROEI’

Oil is the master resource that makes all other activities and goods possible, including coal, natural, gas, transportation, agriculture, mining, manufacturing, and 500,000 products made from petroleum, using fossils to manufacture them. Such as plastics.

Before plateauing in 2006, the world production of conventional petroleum grew exponentially at 6.6% per year between 1880 and 1970.  Although Hubbert drew symmetric rising and falling production curves, the declining side may be steeper than a bell curve, because the heroic measures we’re taking now to keep production high (i.e. infill drilling, horizontal wells, enhanced oil recovery methods, etc.), may arrest decline for a while, but once decline begins, it will be more precipitous because we extracted oil for NOW that would have been available LATER (Patzek 2007).

The cliff could be financial. Clearly you can’t “grow” the economy without increasing supplies of energy. GDP and oil production are almost perfectly correlated. You can print all the money or create all the credit you want, but try stuffing paper bills down your gas tank and see how far you go.  Our financial system depends on endless growth to pay back debt, so when it crashes, there’s less credit available to finance new exploration and drilling, which guarantees an oil crisis further down the line.

Besides financial limits, there are political limits, such as wars over remaining resources. Now there’s the true existential threat, nuclear wars over the remaining oil. You preppers might think you have enough stuff, but a nuclear winter lasts for 10 years and knocks the ozone way back — you’ll also need 10 years of sunscreen and for crop yields to rise, since plants are damaged by UV also.

About 75% of the remaining oil is in OPEC nations, many unstable or near war-torn countries.

Most arctic oil is a RESOURCE that is not going to save us as you can see in my Arctic posts here.

Hubbert thought nuclear energy would fill in for fossil fuels

Gail Tverberg at ourfiniteworld writes “Hubbert only made his forecast of a symmetric downslope in the context of another energy source fully replacing oil or fossil fuels, even before the start of the decline. For example, looking at his 1956 paper, Nuclear Energy and the Fossil Fuels, we see nuclear taking over before the fossil fuel decline”.

The Power of Exponential Growth: Every 10 years we have burned more oil than all previous decades.

exponential 7pct oil needed

Another way of looking at this is what systems ecologists call Energy Returned on Energy Invested (EROEI). In the USA in 1930 an “investment” of the energy in 1 barrel of oil produced another 100 barrels of oil, or an EROEI of 100:1.   That left 99 other barrels to use to build roads, bridges, factories, homes, libraries, schools, hospitals, movie theaters, railroads, cars, buses, trucks, computers, toys, refrigerators – any object you can think of, and 500,000 products use petroleum as a feedstock (see point #6).  By 1970 EROEI was down to 30:1 and in 2000 it was 11:1 in the United States.

Charles A. S. Hall, who has studied EROEI for most of his career and published in Science and other top peer-reviewed journals, believes that society needs an EROEI of at least 12 to 14:1 to maintain our current level of civilization.

Because we got the easy oil first, we have used up 73% of the net energy that will ever be available, since the remaining half of the reserves require so much energy to extract.

Some other reasons why the cliff may even be steeper

It’s not our oil

About 80% of the good, high quality, cheap oil is in the Middle East. The U.S. has just 2% of reserves, but no worries, with thousands of nuclear weapons the Middle East will be eager to fork over their oil to America, though there are eight other nuclear nations who will also be demanding oil too. If the Sunnis and Shia nations aren’t at war with each other. The refineries and other extraction infrastructure there are easy targets for terrorists as well.

Export Land Model

Oil producing countries are using more and more of their own (declining) oil as population and industry grows within their own nation, and they too need to use more and more energy to get at their difficult oil.  This results in a similar chart to the net energy cliff — suddenly there will hardly be any oil to buy on the world markets.  See Jeffrey Brown’s article “The Export Capacity Index” (one of his statistics is that at the current rate of increasing imports of oil in India and China, these 2 countries alone would be importing 100% of available oil within 18 years).

Technology

As we improve our technology to get at the remaining oil, we make the cliff on the other side even steeper as we get oil now that would have been available to future generations.

Investments won’t be made because the payback times will lengthen

Since what remains is increasingly difficult and expensive to find, develop and extract, investment payback periods lengthen, eventually to impossibly long periods, or to periods that approach the useful life of the capital investment (effectively the same limit in the financial dimension as is an EROEI of 1). Which means it doesn’t matter how much might theoretically be underground, the only thing that matters is how much is actually going to be economically feasible to recover, and that is going to be considerably less than 100% of what might be theoretically and technically possible to recover.

Energy is becoming impossibly expensive, as you can see in these photos of The Tallest structure ever moved by Mankind, a Norwegian natural gas offshore platform.

Exponential growth of population

This makes whatever oil we have left last even less long.

Less oil obtained than could have been

Projects maximize a return on investment over a return of every last drop of possible oil.  Making money is so important that a lot of offshore Gulf oil that could have been obtained if extracted more slowly remains in the ground to wastefully get it out as fast as possible to make a profit because that’s how our financial system operates: short-term gratification.  But hey!  That’s less carbon dioxide and global warming, so in a totally unintended orgy of insatiable greed the “there are no limits to growth” billionaires have ironically helped save the planet.

Flow Rate: An 8% or higher decline rate is likely

Breaking news in 2024: Exxon declared oil was declining at 15% — though less with investment (Exxon).  According to the IEA, the world decline rate is 8.5% offset 4% by Enhanced Oil Recovery (which takes energy). Hook says oil will decline by 0.015 a year when all oil is decline for the giant oil fields, but at higher rates for smaller fields. Especially fracked oil at 80% over 3 years.    That’s too fast for civilization to cope with.

Welcome to net zero!  Great news since so many think that climate change is the ONLY problem.

Oil Chokepoints

And the problem isn’t just geological. There are several critical areas of the world where the flow of oil could be stopped by war or terrorism.

Wars, cyber-attacks, nuclear war, social chaos

By 2024, if not sooner, the unequal distribution of the remaining oil, starvation generated riots and pillaging, and collapsing economies have triggered war(s), massive migrations, and social chaos.

Shale oil and natural gas can not prevent the cliff.  Martin Payne explains: “shale oil plays give us a temporary reprieve from what Bob Hirsch called the severe consequences of not taking enough action proactively with respect to peak oil. Without unconventional oil, what we wind up with is essentially Hubbert’s cliff instead of a Hubbert’s rounded peak”. But this won’t last:Conventional oil–which was found in huge quantities, in giant fields in the 40’s and 50’s – well those giant fields had huge reserves and high porosities and permeabilities – meaning they would flow at very high rates for decades. This is in contrast to a relative few shale oil plays which have very low porosity and perm and which must be hydraulically fractured to flow. Conventional oil is just a different animal than unconventional oil; some unconventional oil wells have high initial rates of production, but all of these wells have high decline rates. Hubbert anticipated a lot of incremental efforts by the industry to make the right-hand or decline side of his curve a more gradual curve rather than a sharp drop (Andrews)

If any of these wars involve nuclear bombs, then at least a billion people will die.

The unrest has certainly curtailed the ability of oil companies to drill.

Even farmers may stop growing crops once city residents and roaming militias harvest whatever is grown (i.e. Africa as described in Parenti’s “Tropic of Chaos: Climate change and the new geography of violence).

Cyberattacks from China, Russia, and elsewhere have brought the electric grid down in the USA to prevent US military forces for trying to grab the remaining Saudi and Iraqi oil –the armed forces will be too busy trying to maintain order in the USA to venture abroad — nor could they go even if they wanted to, because Chinese and Russian drone attacks will have destroyed all of the United State oil refineries, and we have retaliated against them, so they won’t be able to refine oil either).  We’ve also cyberattacked their electric grids.  Most major cities have no sewage treatment or clean water. Nuclear power plants are melting down.

There’s no substitute for oil  

First of all, whatever replaced oil would need a new distribution system of hundreds of thousands of new service stations.  Billions of new vehicles.  Pipes if a liquid.  Biomass does not scale up.  Well what am I doing, my books and this website explain why.

The thing is though — China started building LNG stations for their road trucks 30 years ago, and now 25% of their truck fleet is natural gas run. BUT, not farm tractors, excavators, mining haul trucks, logging, and the myriad other types of trucks out there.

Coal — why it can’t easily subsitute for oil

“Peak is dead” and the future of oil supply:

Steve Andrews (ASPO):  You mention in your paper that natural gas liquids can’t fully substitute for crude oil because they contain about a third less energy per unit volume and only one-third of that volume can be blended into transportation fuel.  In terms of the dominant use of crude oil—in the transportation sector—how significant is the ongoing increase in NGLs vs. the plateau in crude oil?

Richard G. Miller: The role of NGLs is a bit curious.  You can run a car on it if you want, but it’s not a drop-in substitute for liquid oil.  You can convert vehicle engines in fleets to run on liquefied gas; it’s probably better thought of as a fleet fuel.  But it’s not a substitute for oil for my car.  By and large, raising NGL production is not a substitution to making up a loss of liquid crude.

The only way I can see this being prevented or the end of oil delayed a few years, is if a government has already developed effective bio-weapons and doesn’t care if their own population suffers as well.

I feel crazy to have just written this very dire paragraph with just a few of the potential consequences, but the “shark-fin” curve made me do it!

Even though I’ve been reading and writing about peak everything since 2001, and the rise and fall of civilizations for 40 years, it is hard for me to believe a crash could happen so fast.  It is hard to believe there could ever be a time that isn’t just like now.  That there could ever be a time when I can’t hop into my car and drive 10,000 miles.

I can imagine the future all too well, but it is so hard to believe it.

Believe it.

References

Andrews, Steve. 29 July 2013. Interview with Martin Payne—Is Peak Oil Dead? ASPO-USA Peak Oil Review.

Exxon (2024) ExxonMobil Global Outlook. Executive Summary.   https://corporate.exxonmobil.com/sustainability-and-reports/global-outlook/executive-summary

Patzek, T. 2007 How can we outlive our way of life? 20th round table on sustainable development of fuels, OECD headquarters.

 

Posted in 2) Collapse, 3) Fast Crash, An Overview, Energy, EROEI Energy Returned on Energy Invested, Net Energy Cliff, Stages of | Tagged , , , , , , | 11 Comments

Giant oil field decline rates, peak oil, & reserves

Preface. Of the roughly 47,500 oil fields in the world, 507 of them, about 1%, are giant oil fields holding nearly two-thirds of all the oil that has ever been, or ever will be produced, with the largest 100 giants, the “elephants,” providing nearly half of all oil today. Since the 1960s, the world has consumed more oil than what has been discovered, and the average size of new oil fields has declined, leaving us heavily dependent on the original giant oil fields discovered over 50 years ago(Aleklett et al. 2012).

Since giant oil fields dominate oil production, the rate they decline at is a good predictor of future world decline rates. In 2007, the 261 giants past their plateau phase were declining at an average rate of 6 % a year. Their decline rate will continue to increase by 0.15 % a year, to 6.15, 6.3, 6.45 % and so on. By 2030 these giants, and the other giants joining them, will be declining at an average rate of over 9 % a year (Hook 2009; IEA 2010).  At this exponentially increasing rate, it will take just 16 years to have just 10% of the oil that existed at peak production.

Dittmar (2016) estimates an annual production decline of 6 ± 1% which implies that after ten years, production will be only 54 ± 6% of what it was at the beginning of those ten years.

Sooner or later, this math dictates supply shortages Hallock et al. (2014).

It won’t be long until decline rates reach 6% and exponentially increase by 0.015 a year.  That’s great news for climate change, because oil is the master resource that makes all others possible, including coal and natural gas.

The first post is not only a summary of remaining reserves, but the New World Order of Russia, Iran, Iraq, and China that control a quarter of the remaining conventional oil.  And the Russian attack on Ukraine the first major resource war.  If you look at Art Berman’s post online, you’ll see that Venezuela has 18% of world reserves and Canada 10%. but these are heavy oil and tar sands respectively.  They have an EROI of 4 to 6 at best, so if an EROI if at least 7 or 10 or even 14 is required, will fall off the net energy cliff and remain unexploited.  While they still can be obtained, the flow rate is very slow since they’re nasty, gunky, abd energy intense to refine.

By the way, if you’re curious about what oil looks like, see 14 photos here.

Alice Friedemann www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

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Berman A (2024) The oil and energy macro.

U.S. oil reserves in 2022 exceeded 48 billion barrels, with tight oil 27 billion barrels of it (56%). U.S. reserves are about half of Russia’s, one-third of Iraq’s, & about one-fifth of Iran’s & Saudi Arabia’s (Figure 2). It holds roughly 3% of the world’s reserves compared to Iraq’s 9%, Iran’s 12% and Saudi Arabia’s 15%. Countries in the Persian Gulf have almost half of the world’s oil, and 42% of the worlds remaining proved reserves are in just four countries: Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq and the United Arab Emirates. Iraq is now a vassal state of Iran—an enemy of the U.S.—and, together, they have more than 20% of the oil that’s left. Add Russia and our principal enemies control a quarter of the world’s oil.

Those are terrible odds. U.S. foreign policy after World War II was founded on oil security from the Middle East. The last four energy-blind U.S. presidents managed to undo that. One of those two will be the next president of the United States. Most people know that the wars in Ukraine and in the Middle East are serious but think of them in parochial terms—that they developed out of long-standing feuds between people who have always been at each other’s throats.

Russia and China are aligned with Iran. Iran and China have signed 20 agreements covering various areas including trade, transportation, and information technology. China buys almost all of the oil that Iran is able to export. Iran has been supplying drones and other military equipment to Russia in its war on Ukraine.

Iran is an oil super power. Combined with its vassal state Iraq, it holds 21% of the world’s oil reserves, more than Saudi Arabia or Venezuela (Figure 2 above). Its Houthi allies attacked Saudi Arabia’s main refinery complex in 2019, and have been disrupting trade in the Red Sea and Suez Canal since November 2023. Almost 9 million barrels of oil per day (mmb/d) pass through the Canal and the Bab al-Mandab Strait. As I wrote in a recent post, almost everything in the Middle East is about oil. The Houthis recently expanded their range attacking shipping in the Indian Ocean.

Energy lies at the heart of global power struggles and the downward arc of economic prosperity. The West remains largely energy-blind but those pushing for a new world order are not. In this high-stakes game, Iran, Russia, and China stand as formidable players, acutely aware of the pivotal role oil plays in shaping the future landscape of power and influence.

Iran’s ambitions in the Middle East, Russia’s maneuvers in Eastern Europe and the Middle East, and

China’s ascent in the Asia-Pacific region and beyond—all hinge on their dominance of energy resources and production capabilities. Their strategic calculus revolves around securing access to vital energy reservoirs and asserting control over critical supply routes.

We are at the beginning of the end of the Oil Age. Europe’s energy crisis, the war in Ukraine, and rise of Iran as the dominant power in the Middle East are all part of a struggle to dominate remaining fossil resources as well as new energy sources.

Many Americans including some of its leaders have the peculiar idea that the United States dominates world energy and that its military might is as formidable in global events as it was 75 years ago. I don’t think so. While some celebrate a new high in U.S. oil reserves, I worry that its 3% of remaining world supply is a drop in the bucket.

The nations working toward a new world order have a plan. What is ours?

Excerpts from: Hook, M., Hirsch, R., Aleklett, K. June 2009. Giant oil field decline rates and their influence on world oil production. Energy Policy 37(6): 2262-2272

Future trends in giant oil field decline rates

Figure 7. The decline rate of existing oil production within total world oil production will increase with time. This is because more fields go into decline as time goes on. To illustrate, consider three identical oil fields that start to decline at three different times, each with a 12% decline rate, similar to the average 13% found typical for Norway. In this example, the overall decline rate starts at zero and progressively increases.

Figure 7. The decline rate of existing oil production within total world oil production will increase with time. This is because more fields go into decline as time goes on. To illustrate, consider three identical oil fields that start to decline at three different times, each with a 12% decline rate, similar to the average 13% found typical for Norway. In this example, the overall decline rate starts at zero and progressively increases.

Analysis of our 331 giant field dataset going back in time showed that the world average decline rate was near 0% until roughly 1960, when overall decline began to increase, as more and more giant oil fields left the plateau phase. Thereafter, production from new giants failed to compensate for the declines of existing giant production. The average decline rate of the giant oilfields was found to increase by around 0.15% per year. Extrapolating the 1960-2005 trend yielded an average decline rate of nearly 10% by 2030 (Figure 10). This giant field trend should have a strong influence on the future global decline rate in oil production.

Non-OPEC decline rate in 2030 is likely to be 11%, OPEC decline rate only 8% for reasons further explained below.

The production-weighted decline rate has been behaving somewhat differently, especially since 1985, compared to the average decline rate. The reason for this change is the introduction of new technologies, most notably horizontal drilling and fracturing techniques, in many major fields in former Soviet Union and the Middle East. Using new technologies, it was possible to halt the decline in many giants and keep production stable for some time. Eventually the average and the production-weighted declines must follow each other. The currently stable production weighted decline cannot be expected to continue far into the future, once technology-enhanced fields reach the final onset of decline. The world has had a false sense of security, temporarily created by decline-delaying technology introduction in underdeveloped fields.

Figure 10: The decline rate of the world’s giant oilfields. The trend toward an increasing average decline rate is very clear and explained by an ever decreasing volumes of newly discovered and declining production from new giant fields. The time period 1973-1982 was disregarded since production was deliberately reduced during that period by OPEC. The divergence between the two decline rates after 1985 is caused by the introduction of new technology and the revival of giant fields in primarily Middle East and Russia.

Figure 10: The decline rate of the world’s giant oilfields. The trend toward an increasing average decline rate is very clear and explained by an ever decreasing volumes of newly discovered and declining production from new giant fields. The time period 1973-1982 was disregarded since production was deliberately reduced during that period by OPEC. The divergence between the two decline rates after 1985 is caused by the introduction of new technology and the revival of giant fields in primarily Middle East and Russia.

As more giant fields go into decline in the future, the average decline rates for all giants will increase.  Since the 1970s, the share of giant oilfields in decline has increased, showing the overall maturity and lack of new fields brought into production. Many giants have been in production for many decades without reaching the onset of decline, but sooner or later they will eventually do so. By 2030 one can expect 80% of total giant oilfield production to come from fields in decline, if one extrapolates the trend since 1985. The share could be even higher when important OPEC “super giants”, such as Ghawar or Safaniyah, leave the plateau phase in the intervening years.

The most important contributors to the world’s total oil production are the giant oil fields. Using a comprehensive database of giant oil field production, the average decline rates of the world’s giant oil fields are estimated. Separating subclasses was necessary, since there are large differences between land and offshore fields, as well as between non-OPEC and OPEC fields. The evolution of decline rates over past decades includes the impact of new technologies and production techniques and clearly shows that the average decline rate for individual giant fields is increasing with time. These factors have significant implications for the future, since the most important world oil production base– giant fields – will decline more rapidly in the future, according to our findings. Our conclusion is that the world faces an increasing oil supply challenge, as the decline in existing production is not only high now but will be increasing in the future.

It is well known that oil production from many oil fields worldwide is in decline and that more fields transition into decline each year. In roughly mid 2004, total world oil production ceased to expand. Instead, new production has only succeeded in keeping world oil production relatively flat (Figure 1).

Figure 1: World liquid fuels production from January 2001 to November 2008. Since mid-2004, production has stayed within a 4% fluctuation band, which indicates that new production has only been able to offset the decline in existing production. Source: EIA (2009)

Figure 1: World liquid fuels production from January 2001 to November 2008. Since mid-2004, production has stayed within a 4% fluctuation band, which indicates that new production has only been able to offset the decline in existing production. Source: EIA (2009)

A recent analysis by Cambridge Energy Research Associates estimated that the weighted decline of production from all existing world oil fields was roughly 4.5% in 2006 (CERA, 2007), which is in line with the 4-6% range estimated by ExxonMobil (2004). However, Andrew Gould, CEO of Schlumberger, stated that an accurate average decline rate is hard to estimate, but an overall figure of 8% is not an unreasonable assumption (Schlumberger, 2005). T. Boone Pickens (2008), agreed with Gould in recent testimony before the US Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources. Duroc-Danner (2009) gives a blended average decline rate for oil and gas today of about 6%. The International Energy Agency (IEA) came to the conclusion that the average production-weighted decline rate worldwide was 6.7% for post-peak fields (IEA, 2008), which means that the overall decline rate would be less, since many fields are not yet in decline.

Giant oil fields are the world’s largest. There are two ways to define a giant oil field. One is based on ultimately recoverable resources (URR), and the second is based on maximum oil production level. The URR definition considers giants to have more than 0.5 Gb of ultimately recoverable resources.

The production definition assumes a production of more than 100,000 barrels per day (b/d) for more than one year (Simmons, 2002). In this analysis we consider the worlds conventional oil fields, regardless of location, e.g. shallow or deep water, the Arctic, etc. Conventional oil fields refer to reservoirs that dominantly allow oil to be recovered as a free flowing dark to light-colored liquid (Speight, 2007). Consequently, heavier crude oils that require special production methods are excluded.

Using our definition of giant oil fields, we find that roughly 500 (about 1% of the total number of world oil fields) are classified as giants. Their contribution to world oil production was over 60% in 2005, with the 20 largest fields alone responsible for nearly 25% (Figure 2). Giant fields represent roughly 65% of the global ultimate recoverable conventional oil resources (Robelius, 2007). Many studies have pointed out the importance of giant oil fields, for instance Campbell (1991), Hirsch (2008), Meng and Bentley (2008).

Figure 2: World crude oil production from 1925 to 2005. The dominance of the giant oil fields can clearly be seen. Modified from Robelius (2007)

Figure 2: World crude oil production from 1925 to 2005. The dominance of the giant oil fields can clearly be seen. Modified from Robelius (2007)

The overall production from giant fields is declining, because a majority of the largest giant fields are over 50 years old, and fewer and fewer new giants have been discovered since the decade of the 1960s (Figure 3). The average contribution from an individual giant oilfield to world production is less than 1%. Thus, with few exceptions, e.g., Ghawar, the contribution from a single field is generally small compared to the total. On this basis, our approach is to estimate collective behaviors.

Figure 3: Discovery trends for giant oil fields in both number and annual discovered volume, based on the most optimistic, backdated URR values. Modified from Robelius (2007)

Figure 3: Discovery trends for giant oil fields in both number and annual discovered volume, based on the most optimistic, backdated URR values. Modified from Robelius (2007)

Fields with production over 100,000 b/d were included in our analysis, but they numbered only 20 fields in our total. Production profiles of giant fields generally have a long plateau phase, rather than the sharp “peak” often seen in smaller fields. The end of the plateau phase is the point where production enters the decline phase. We adopted the end-of-plateau as the point where production lastingly leaves a 4% fluctuation band.

Fields with production over 100,000 b/d were included in our analysis, but they numbered only 20 fields in our total. Production profiles of giant fields generally have a long plateau phase, rather than the sharp “peak” often seen in smaller fields. The end of the plateau phase is the point where production enters the decline phase. We adopted the end-of- plateau as the point where production lastingly leaves a 4% fluctuation band.

Each field is assumed to have a constant decline rate, and the production for an individual oil field fluctuates around some average value over time. Examples of how well this approximation agrees with actual production in a few cases are shown in Figures 4 and 5.

Figure 4: The production curves of the land-based US giant Prudhoe Bay and the giant UK Thistle offshore field. The approximately exponential average decline rate is clearly seen in these two well-behaved fields.

Figure 4: The production curves of the land-based US giant Prudhoe Bay and the giant UK Thistle offshore field. The approximately exponential average decline rate is clearly seen in these two well-behaved fields.

In some cases, wars, sabotage and politically motivated shut downs are evident, making these fields more difficult to describe in a simple manner. Many OPEC fields have been on a plateau for a very long time, and some were even mothballed for various periods. Nonconforming fields, such as Eldfisk, Ekofisk and some fields in Nigeria, were treated separately, and production disturbances such as guerrilla attacks or accidents were disregarded (Figure 5 not shown).

Decline curves can be made much more detailed and complicated (hyperbolic etc.), so the simple exponential model used here should be seen as a simplified model for future outlooks. One disadvantage of the exponential decline curve is that it tends to underestimate tail production, which usually flattens out to a harmonic decline. However, the production levels far out in the tail region are generally very low compared to the plateau level, so this approximation is a minor problem for the model. In the near and medium term future the exponential decline curve is a suitable tool for realistic outlooks.

Some fields can also show complex behavior with several exponential decline phases or even production collapses, where the decline can be doubled in the end stage of the field life. In other cases introduction of new technology can revive the field and significantly dampen the decline temporarily. This is the case in some Russian fields, which were reworked after the fall of the Soviet Union. However, Höök et al. (2009) found that such events are likely to result in higher decline rates later on, compensating the temporal decrease in decline rate.

Average decline rate

The Uppsala giant field database includes 331 giant oil fields with a combined estimated URR of over 1130 Gb, using estimates adopted by Robelius (2007). 214 fields are land-based (about 65% of the total), while 117 are offshore installations (about 35%). To calculate the decline rate of giants that were in decline as of the end of 2005, we considered only the 261 fields classified as post-plateau and in decline. Of these, 170 were land-based and 91 offshore. IEA (2008) gives an average depletion factor, defined as cumulative production divided by initial 2P reserves, of 48% for their super-giants and giants. Höök et al. (2009) found that most giant fields leave the plateau phase and reach the onset of decline when around 40% of the URR has been produced, and combined with IEA’s average depletion factor, it is not surprising that the majority of the fields are categorized as in decline.

An average annual decline rate for the world’s giant oil fields is seen to be roughly -6.5%, which is in line with the average observed decline rate worldwide of -6.5% and the -5.8% production-weighted average annual decline rate obtained by IEA (2008). The agreement with the 5.8% production-weighted annual decline for large fields obtained by CERA (2007) is good.

Decline rates of land vs offshore Giant fields

  • 170 land:…….mean -4.9%  median -4.4%   production weighted -3.9%
  •   91 offshore: mean -9.4%  median -9%      production weighted -9.7%

Land-based fields decline much slower than offshore fields, as expected and in agreement with both IEA (2008) and CERA (2007). The reason for this difference is generally the higher production capabilities built into offshore installations in order to repay expensive investments as soon as possible. Also, a significant number of land-based fields started to decline far back in time, before the introduction of modern production techniques such as water injection and other pressure managing methods. In comparison, there were virtually no deepwater offshore fields before 1970. The offshore group can be even further divided into shelf and deepwater fields, where deepwater fields tend to decline faster and shelf fields somewhat slower.

Decline rates of OPEC versus NON-OPEC giant fields

OPEC Fields

  • 97 all: mean -4.8%  median -4.1%   production weighted -3.4%
  • 73 land: mean -3.8%  median -3.8% production weighted -2.8%
  • 24 offshore: mean -7.7%  median -6.1% production weighted -7.5%

NON-OPEC Fields

  • 164 all: mean -7.5%  median -6.3%   production weighted -7.1%
  • 97 land: mean -5.7%  median -4.7% production weighted -5.2%
  • 67 offshore: mean -10%  median -9.4% production weighted -10.3%

The average decline of all non-OPEC giant fields is above 7%, indicating that non-OPEC production is dropping relatively rapidly.

The OPEC quota system appears to have been quite efficient at moderating production and maintaining the longevity of fields, instead of extracting oil rapidly with an accompanying high decline rate.

Many of the low decline rates can be found in fields in the US that peaked prior to 1970s. In fact most of the non-OPEC land group is dominated by the US giant fields. The non-OPEC offshore group is dominated by giant fields in the North Sea. Many fields, both giant fields and smaller ones, in the North Sea, show a high decline rate, for instance in Norway and the UK (Zittel, 2001; Höök and Aleklett, 2008).

In comparison to the non-OPEC group, the OPEC group generally displays lower decline rates. One quite intriguing detail is that OPEC fields tend to exit the plateau phase at a lower percentage of their URR volumes. This is an explanation for the lower decline rate. Instead of a prolonged plateau, a longer decline phase with less annual decrease has generally been favored as a production strategy compared to non-OPEC. This is examined in greater detail in another study (Höök et al, 2009). An alternative explanation is that OPEC URR estimates are exaggerated, as claimed by former Aramco vice-president Sadad al Husseini (2007).

Evolution of decline rate in time

It is useful to consider the historical evolution of field decline rates, since many giant fields are old and passed into decline before much of modern oil field technology was developed and implemented. The year that fields left plateau production was used to form subgroups, e.g., if a field started to decline in 1950-1959, it is included in the 1950s group and so on. We believe that the year of the onset of production decline is of greater importance because it better reflects the impacts of improved technology and alternate production strategies.

From this data, it is evident that average decline rates for giant oil fields as a group are increasing with time, even though individual field decline rates are essentially constant once a field has reached the onset of decline.

An important conclusion is that higher decline rates must be applied to giant fields that enter decline in the future. Prolonged plateau levels and increased depletion made possible by new and improved technology result in a generally higher decline rates.

Detailed case studies of giant oilfields suggest that technology can extend the plateau phase, but at the expense of more pronounced declines in later years (Gowdy and Juliá, 2007). Our findings verify their conclusion.

Since a large number of important giants are subject to enhanced production methods, such as water flooding, gas injection, fracturing or other measures, it is reasonable to expect relatively higher declines after those fields depart their plateau phase.

Comprehensive discussion on development of mature oilfields and a few examples of utilization in giant fields can be found in Babadagli (2007). The collapse of production from the Cantarell field in Mexico, which was extensively subjected to technologies aimed at increasing production, meant that the field declined even faster than the government’s pessimistic scenarios (Luhnow, 2007).

For all offshore fields, a clear trend towards higher decline rates over time was found. For all land-based fields, the trend is not as clear but is directionally similar. Separating OPEC and non-OPEC fields reveals larger differences. Data for the decade of the 2000s are limited because less declining field data was available as of the end of 2005.

The non-OPEC land group shows an inclination towards somewhat higher decline rates. The increasing decline rate trend for non-OPEC offshore giant oil fields is much clearer. The trends for the land-based fields deviate in the 1970s and 1980s, which is probably due to the twin oil crises that occurred during those decades. For the OPEC group, a tendency towards lower decline rates is observed and can be explained by the fact that fields were taken from their plateau phase for political reasons, resulting in subsequent less steep decline rates.

LAND Decade # fields Mean % Median % Prd weight %
OPEC pre 1960 10 -4.3 -4.7 -4
non-OPEC pre 1960 13 -4.2 -3.8 -4.3
OPEC 1960 8 -4.9 -5.5 -5.9
non-OPEC 1960 10 -5.3 -5.4 -6
OPEC 1970 36 -2.9 -3 -2.2
non-OPEC 1970 36 -5.5 -4.7 -4.9
OPEC 1980 5 -2.8 -3 -1.9
non-OPEC 1980 20 -4.8 -4.1 -4.6
OPEC 1990 12 -5.1 -5.1 -4
non-OPEC 1990 16 -8.2 -6.3 -6.5
OPEC 2000 2 -9.8 -9.8 -10.2
non-OPEC 2000 2 -11.5 -11.5 -9.9
Offshore Decade # fields Mean % Median % Prd weight %
OPEC pre 1960 0
non-OPEC pre 1960 0
OPEC 1960 0
non-OPEC 1960 2 -2.8 -2.8 -3.7
OPEC 1970 7 -4.7 -3.9 -4.3
non-OPEC 1970 10 -6.8 -6.5 -7.9
OPEC 1980 3 -5.2 -6.3 -6.2
non-OPEC 1980 13 -8.5 -7.5 -9.3
OPEC 1990 12 -8.2 -7 -7.9
non-OPEC 1990 24 -11.5 -12.1 -11.5
OPEC 2000 2 -19.6 -19.6 -20.8
non-OPEC 2000 18 -11.7 -11.8 -10.3

Future global production

Without good data on a large fraction of the world’s oil fields, an accurate estimate of future global oil production cannot be developed. While various databases exist, all include approximations and estimates, so none are fully definitive. Nevertheless, a number of factors can provide insights into what might evolve. First, the world’s giant oil fields are the dominating contributors to total world oil production. Second, it is found that the decline of smaller fields is equal to or greater than those of the giants (see for instance IEA, 2008; CERA, 2007). A detailed study of Norwegian fields showed that giants declined at an average of 13%, while the small fields, condensate, and NGL declined at 20% or more (Höök and Aleklett, 2008).

A small field requires fewer wells to fully develop; hence it is more easily depleted. A large field requires many more wells, often widely separated, so it is typically depleted more slowly. High depletion rates, which are common in small fields, have been shown to strongly correlate with high decline rates (Höök et al., 2009). Thus, giant oil field decline rates are useful for estimating the likely average world decline. Accordingly, we believe that the decline in existing production, both for giants and other fields, will be at least 6.5% or 5.5% if production-weighted.

The findings of Höök et al. (2009) indicate that the decline rates are only significant in the first digit. Consequently, we use 6% for our production outlook to reflect uncertainty. A comparison, in a field-by-field study of predominantly giant fields, IEA (2008) derived an average decline rate worldwide for all oil fields of 6.7%. IEA (2008) stated that field size was a large determinant of field decline behavior, noting that large fields decline relatively slower than small fields. This reasoning also supports their expected increases in future decline rates, as the world moves towards generally smaller oilfields.

The exact annual increase in world average decline rate is difficult to estimate and requires a more comprehensive database than was available to us. Accordingly, the value of 0.15% per year derived here should be taken as a rough estimate. The important point, however, is that the average decline rate in existing production is clearly increasing with time. Also, the contribution from declining fields is increasing. Consequently, “we must run faster and faster just to stand still.

Using our 6% production-weighted average decline and extrapolation of the contribution from declining fields, one can create a future outlook for world crude oil production. By incorporating the increasing average decline, another possible future can be envisioned. The difference between using a constant decline rate and a growing decline is as much as 7 Mb/d by 2030 (Figure 13).

Figure 13: The historical world oil production along with a crude oil forecast using the reference scenario from IEA World Energy Outlook 2008. A constant decline rate of existing production of 6%, combined with an increasing share of fields in decline, is displayed as one possibility. Our other scenario is a case with increasing average decline. The IEA WEO 2008 forecast for fields in production (FIP) is compared to our own estimates of reasonable decline rates and the contribution from declining fields. The IEA forecast is reasonable in the near-term, but towards 2030, it seems optimistically biased. Using a constant decline rate compared to an increasing rate can mean as much as 7 Mb/d of production capacity by 2030.

Figure 13: The historical world oil production along with a crude oil forecast using the reference scenario from IEA World Energy Outlook 2008. A constant decline rate of existing production of 6%, combined with an increasing share of fields in decline, is displayed as one possibility. Our other scenario is a case with increasing average decline. The IEA WEO 2008 forecast for fields in production (FIP) is compared to our own estimates of reasonable decline rates and the contribution from declining fields. The IEA forecast is reasonable in the near-term, but towards 2030, it seems optimistically biased. Using a constant decline rate compared to an increasing rate can mean as much as 7 Mb/d of production capacity by 2030.

Conclusion

Based on a comprehensive database of giant oil field production data, we estimated the average decline rates of the world’s giant oil fields that are beyond their plateau phase. Since there are large differences between land and offshore fields and non-OPEC and OPEC fields, separation into different subclasses was necessary. In order to obtain a realistic forecast of future giant field decline rates, the subclasses were treated separately to better reflect their different behaviours. Thus, our average total decline rate for post-plateau giant fields of 6.5% and CERA’s overall 6.3% are in good agreement, and our 5.5% production-weighted giant field decline rate compares reasonably with IEA’s 6.5% and CERA’s 5.8%. Offshore fields decline faster than land fields, and OPEC fields decline slower than non-OPEC fields. There are small differences in the data sets and definitions between the studies, but the results from these three studies can be considered approximately equivalent.

The evolution of decline rates over time includes the impact of new technologies and production techniques and clearly shows that average decline rates are increasing. This verifies the results of Gowdy and Julia (2007). Furthermore, prolonged plateau levels come at the cost of higher subsequent decline rates. This conclusion is in line with the findings of IEA (2008) regarding trends in average decline. The trends in average decline rate and production-weighted decline rate indicate that technology transfer, primarily to the Middle East, was able to dampen the decline in many highly productive fields (Figures 10, 11 and 12). This cannot continue, and ultimately, production-weighted decline must approach the average decline rate, as in the case of Norway (Figure 9). How the production-weighted decline will behave in the future is difficult to estimate, but an increase appears inevitable. Future decline rates of giant fields that have not yet left the plateau phase can be expected to be higher than those that are now in decline. This is in line with a recent statement about a decline of 10% in mature fields from Petrobras downstream director Paulo Roberto Costa (2008). The crash of the Cantarell field in Mexico and the experiences of the North Sea giants are a vivid example of what can happen to other giant oilfields in the future.

These findings have large implications for the future, since the most important world oil production base – giant oilfields – will decline more rapidly. In the extreme, a potential 10% annual decline in Ghawar would be very challenging to compensate and would create severe problems for Saudi-Arabia and the world. The future behaviour of the remaining giants, especially in OPEC, will be a key factor in future oil supply. Based on the decline behaviour of giants, decline rate estimates for world oil production are possible because of the large influence of the giants. Many studies have shown that smaller fields, condensate, and NGL will decline at least as fast or faster than giant oilfields, once the onset of decline is reached (CERA, 2007; Höök and Aleklett, 2008; IEA, 2008). Consequently, we believe that there is a strong basis for believing that giant oilfields can be used to set a floor for future decline rate assumptions. In conclusion, this analysis shows that the average decline rate of the giant oil fields have been increasing with time, reflecting the fact that more and more fields enter the decline phase and fewer and fewer new giant fields are being found. The increase is in part due to new technologies that have been able to temporarily maintain production at the expense of subsequent more rapid decline. Growing average decline rates have also been noted by IEA (2008). The difference between using a constant decline in existing production and an increasing decline rate is significant and could mean as much of a difference of 7 Mb/d by 2030 (Figure 13). By 2030 the production from fields currently on stream could have decreased by over 50% in agreement with IEA (2008). The struggle to maintain production and compensate for the decline in existing production will become harder and harder. Our conclusion is that the world will face an increasing oil supply challenge, as the decline in existing production is not only high but also increasing.

More details about the above

IEA (2008) uses a similar classification in their study. IEA classify “super-giants” as fields with more than 5 Gb of initial 2P reserves, “giants” contain more than 500 million barrels of initial 2P reserves, and “large fields” contain initial reserves of more than 100 million barrels. In IEA (2008), super-giants are treated as a subclass, while this study includes them in the giant category. In total, IEA covers 317 super-giant and giant fields, which makes their data set similar to ours. Their production-weighting is done by using the cumulative production of each field in the averaging.

CERA (2007) did not treat giant oil fields in the same way as this study. Instead their study was performed on a set of “large fields”, classified as fields with more than 300 million barrels of originally present 2P reserves of oil and condensate. In total, their dataset represent 1,155 billion barrels of original 2P reserves in place, accounting for approximately half the current annual global production. Consequently, their dataset is deemed approximately equal to the data set used in this study. When it comes to production-weighting, CERA (2007) takes each field’s latest oil and condensate production into account for the averaging.

Because of financial and practical differences between land-based and offshore fields, a division is needed to establish a comprehensive picture of how each subclass behaves. A further division into OPEC-fields and non-OPEC fields was also made to better reflect the potentially different behaviors of giants managed with no political restrictions on production and those sometimes limited by quota systems.

OPEC controls or formerly controlled 143 of the fields in our database. Gabon is no longer a part of OPEC, but used to be a member; consequently, their fields were classified as OPEC-fields because they were previously subjected to the quota system. Ecuador suspended their OPEC-membership, but recently rejoined the organization. In total, OPEC has 104 land and 39 offshore fields in our database.

Outside of OPEC, 190 fields were considered with 110 fields onshore and 78 offshore. The North Sea, Russia and the US were the most important regions within the non-OPEC group.

The decline rate of a field is affected by introduction of new technology, investments, changes in strategies and other factors affecting production.  The statistical uncertainty is difficult to estimate, since production data contains political influences, differences in definitions, reporting practice and many other parameters, making conventional statistical error estimate hard to apply. Traditional statistical analysis was based on the assumption that production data measures approximately the same thing, and results in standard deviations of around 5% and may be seen as a rough attempt to put a number on the inaccuracy (Höök et al., 2009). In comparison, neither IEA (2008) nor CERA (2007) provides any uncertainty estimates and hence it is hard to judge the statistical variations in their results.

Because the number of fields is so large, our approach provided reasonable statistics and reasonable mean, median and production weighted values for the giant oil fields as a group. The production weighted values were created by weighting the decline rate against the peak or plateau production level for each field, thus giving greater importance to fields with high production. The production weighted decline is lower than the mean value, because fields with high production levels often tend to be larger and decline slower than the rest.

References

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