How Much Oil is Left?

exponential 7pct oil neededThe Power of Exponential Growth: Every 10 years we have burned more oil than all previous decades

Preface. There is a lot of oil left. The problem is, most of the remaining oil is unconventional, which needs a lot more energy, money, and time to produce, so much so that the oil can no longer be produced at the rate we’d like. The days of easy oil when oil gushed out in a towering fountain of black gold are over.  Remaining oil needs to be blasted or forced out, and is nasty and gunky, full of impurities requiring ever longer intestines at refineries to process. That means the oil industry needs every larger amounts of the economies money and energy to get more oil, with less and less produced, which leads to less energy for businesses to grow so they can pay back their debts and continue to operate.

That’s the crux of peak oil, not running out, but declining. GDP and oil production are locked in a death grip, exactly mirroring each other, and if energy declines, debts can’t be repaid, and credit dries up.

Geologically speaking — assuming no wars, financial crashes, that we can figure out how to drill for oil in the Arctic, and that remaining reserves can be gotten out at the same rate as the cheap, easy, free-flowing oil reserves we used up first, here is a clock of the remaining oil left: World Oil Supply Clock ( 50 years left July 2019 assuming 1.7 trillion barrels of reserves)

If you’ve read any of my posts on exponential and limits to growth, this ought to alarm you . Just think, half of all fossil fuels ever consumed took place over the past 26 years. And according to Bloomberg, Oil discoveries in 2015 lowest since 1947 — 2016 likely to be even lower.  More recently the Wall Street Journal reported on April 26, 2017: “Oil shortage feared by 2020 as discoveries fall to record low”.

Source: David Hughes, data from Arnulf Grubler, 1998; BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2016

The real reason Trump voters are impoverished is that factories moved overseas to be near remaining fossil fuels after America’s oil peaked in 1970. This was much cheaper than invading China, India, Mexico and other oil and coal producing nations, which now import more oil than they produce. And it had the added bonus of much cheaper labor and exporting pollution and environmental destruction abroad.

America’s wealth came from the fossil fuels that powered industrial machinery, transportation, and electricity. No other nation on earth came close to producing as much oil as the U.S. per capita.  And since it is energy, not money, that does the actual work of civilization, the United States was the wealthiest nation by far in “productivity”.  And not just in the world, but in all of history.

At U.S. energy peak, 3.5 billion barrels of high-quality oil were produced a year, at a time when there were 205.1 million people, 121 million less than in 2017. Per capita, each citizen could claim 718 gallons of oil. By 2005, oil production fell nearly in half to 1.8 billion barrels, while population had grown to 295,500,000 people, with just 262 gallons per person.  Fracked oil saved us for about 12 years, but is expected to peak from 2019 to 2023.  The census bureau projects about 400 million people in 2050, double 1970 population, at a time when oil production will certainly be far below 2005 levels.

Where do we get our oil from?

In 2005, 60% of world oil production came from just 500 of the giant oil fields of the world, nearly all discovered over 40 years ago (the rest comes from about 49,000 smaller fields). Therefore, future world oil production depends on the fate of these giant oil fields, because they represent roughly 65% of the global ultimate recoverable conventional oil resources.

What is the decline rate of conventional oil?

Giant oil fields decline at the slowest rate, smaller fields much faster.  Of the 331 largest fields, 261, or 79%, are declining at 6.5% per year.  Yet every year the decline rate increases. By 2030, these giant fields will be declining at a rate of 9% a year, and meanwhile the other 239 giant fields will be joining them.  For a full discussion of this, see Giant oil field decline rates and their influence on world oil production. If Hook et al are correct, conventional oil production could be as low as 19 million barrels per day in 2030 (see figure 13) versus 31.8 million barrels per day in 2015.

EROI of conventional vs unconventional oil

Many scientists have estimated that an EROI of at least 10 is needed to sustain civilization as we know it. The Energy Returned on Invested (EROI) of unconventional oil is far less, and likely to lead to a net energy cliff rather than a bell curve. Tar sands EROI is between 6 and 1 depending on mined versus in situ, and whether the energy to move the tar sands from Canada to refineries in the USA and refine the tar sands is included or not.  Researchers estimate an EROI of at least 7 and as much as 14 are required for civilization as we know it.

Arctic oil

At best 20% of remaining oil is in the Arctic, and we have no idea how to get it out yet, and when we do, it will take decades to find and develop.  Once we do, it will take even more decades to build a vast infrastructure of roads, pipelines, ports, facilities and ships for year-round oil-spill workers, while we meanwhile destroy the ecology of this fragile environment.

Fracked oil

The fracked oil bubble may be popping, so it is likely that Dittmar’s 7.5 mbd of world tight oil may be high.  It hasn’t yet worked out in any country but America in part due to geology but also because the expensive infrastructure to distribute natural gas was already in place.

Saudi Arabia and Russia have exaggerated and mismanaged their oil reserves

It is possible that Saudi Arabia and Russia mismanagement of their oil fields will both cause peaking sooner than it would have otherwise, and that mismanagement will mean that a great deal of oil will never be recovered (see “Russia, Saudi Oilfield Mismanagement Will Bring Back $100 Oil“, Forbes 2016).

Enhanced Oil Recovery may mean that we’re getting oil out NOW that we would have gotten out later. So for that and all of the above reasons, the downslope of the peak oil curve may be much steeper than the rise of oil production, not a bell curve, which many refer to as an energy cliff.  In fact, “When oil turns it will be with such lightning speed that it could upend the market again” (Evans-Pritchard 2016):

  • Oil discoveries around the world are the lowest in more than 60 years, preparing the ground for a game-changing spike and raising serious questions about energy security.
  • Oil discoveries have fallen to the lowest level since 1952 and the global economy is becoming dangerously reliant on crude supply from political hotspots, the world’s energy watchdog has warned.
  • Annual investment in oil and gas projects has crashed from US$780 billion to US$450 billion over the last two years in an unprecedented collapse, and there is no sign yet of a recovery next year.
  • The International Energy Agency said wells are depleting at an average rate of 9 per cent annually. Drillers are not finding enough oil to replace these barrels, preparing the ground for an oil price spike and raising serious questions about energy security.
  • There is evidence that cuts in exploration activities have already resulted in a dramatic decline in new oil discoveries, dropping to levels not seen in the last 60 years,” said the IEA’s World Energy Investment 2016 report. The drop is so drastic that the effects are likely to overwhelm slow gains from fuel efficiency and the switch to electric cars, at least for the rest of this decade.
  • Many of the steepest falls in spending are in stable political areas. Britain’s North Sea investment has crashed to 1 billion pounds from an average of 8 billion pounds over the last five years. Spending in Canadian fields has plummeted by 62 per cent.

Oil is finite, duh. Petroleum discovery follows a predictable path and rules:

  1. Most petroleum in a given area lies within a few large fields
  2. These large fields are usually discovered first
  3. For several decades now very few giant oil fields have been discovered
  4. For over 30 years consumption of oil has exceeded discovery of new reserves

In 2012, the USGS made an estimate of “Undiscovered CONVENTIONAL oil and gas resources of the world“, and came up with 565 billion barrels of oil.  That sounds like a lot, but the world burns 30 billion barrels a year, so that is 18 years at current rates of use, but given that population is exponentially growing at 1.3% per year, adding 75 million new people annually, even if every drop of this hoped for oil is discovered, there may be less than 18 years left.  Exponential growth is a key concept to understanding why the crisis is so extreme and why a fast, rather than a slow collapse is likely.

The July 7, July 2016 “Peak Oil Review” reports “Analysts are once again questioning just how big Saudi oil reserves are. They note that after the Saudis took full control of Aramco in 1980, they stopped publishing detailed data and announced that their reserves had climbed from 170 billion to circa 260 billion barrels where they have remained ever since, despite the production of nearly 100 billion barrels of crude in the intervening years.  Last week, the respected consultancy Rystad Energy put the Saudi reserves around 70 to 120 billion barrels. As the Saudis attempt to sell off parts of their oil industry, these questions become more important.”

The actual work of society is done by heavy-duty diesel engines in trucks (tractors, harvesters, long-haul, delivery, logging, mining, cranes, forklifts, construction, etc), locomotives, and ships, the oil that actually matter is diesel fuel, which can only come from a fraction of the 60+ products made from crude oil (i.e. asphalt, propane, etc).  Diesel engines can’t burn ethanol, and 85% of natural gas liquids are used to make plastics and other petrochemicals, not transportation fuel.  See my book “When Trucks Stop Running” for details.

Below are excerpts or links to articles about how much oil is left.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts:  KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity]

“When will oil, natural gas, and coal peak?” G. Maggio, G. Cacciola, Fuel vol. 98, pp. 111–123 (2012)

“When will oil, natural gas, and coal peak?” G. Maggio, G. Cacciola, Fuel vol. 98, pp. 111–123 (2012)   Estimated peak years: 2009–2021 for oil, 2024–2046 for gas, 2042–2062 for coal

Ahmed, Nafeez. 2017. Failing States, Collapsing Systems BioPhysical Triggers of Political Violence. Springer. 

Excerpts follow:

“The Physics of System Failure. Today, human civilization under late capitalism maintains its increasing distance from thermodynamic equilibrium via the throughput of vast quantities of increasingly depleted fossil fuel reserves, along with other finite and increasingly scarce resources such as metal ores, radionucleotides, rare earth elements, phosphate fertilizer, arable land, and fresh water (Nekola et al. 2013).

One indicator of the system’s growing complexity today is the measure of material throughput, or economic growth—Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Under capitalist social-property relations, GDP must continuously increase through the maximization of private sector profits, simply for businesses to survive in the competitive marketplace and for the economy to maintain its ability to meet the consumption requirements of a growing population. However, as the complexity of human civilization has advanced, the continual growth in material throughput is correlated with an escalating rate of depletion of energy and raw materials,

Global reserves have been further inflated, he concluded, by adding reserve figures from Venezuelan heavy oil and Canadian tar sands—despite the fact that they are “more difficult and costly to extract” and generally of “poorer quality” than conventional oil. This has unjustifiably inflated estimates of total global reserves by a further 440 billion barrels.

Jefferson’s conclusion is stark: “Put bluntly, the standard claim that the world has proved conventional oil reserves of nearly 1.7 trillion barrels is overstated by about 875 billion barrels. Thus, despite the fall in crude oil prices from a new peak in June, 2014, after that of July, 2008, the ‘peak oil’ issue remains with us” (Jefferson 2016).

As of 2016 as prices have declined from their peak the production of both Canadian and Venezuelan tar sands has dropped off considerably (Morgan 2016; Vyas and Puko 2016).

“If conventional oil production is at peak production then projected unconventional oil production cannot mitigate peaking of conventional oil alone” (Mohr and Evans 2010).

Similar concerns apply to shale gas. An extensive analysis by former Amoco petroleum geologist Arthur Berman, who has consulted for ExxonMobil and Total, challenges industry forecasts for shale gas. He argued presciently that actual shale gas production rates would be less than half of official industry projections—this is because production decline rates at shale wells are far higher than assumed. Although EROI of shale gas at the well head is high, the EROI of all gas production rapidly declines as energy costs of compression and distribution to consumers is factored in (Klump and Polson 2016).”

Dittmar, M. January 29, 2016. Regional Oil Extraction and Consumption: A simple production model for the next 35 years Part I.  25 pages.

Conventional oil production was 71 million barrels per day (mbd) in 2014, and likely to decline to 66 mbd in 2020, 50 mbd in 2030 and 33 mbd in 2050.

Adding all unconventional oil and oil-equivalent liquids, and 2014 refinery gains of about 2.5 mbd, the upper production limit for all liquids will be 93.5 mbd in 2015, declining to 92.5 mbd in 2020, 79.5 mbd in 2030 and less than 62 mbd in 2050.

Laherrere predicts a global conventional crude oil peak at about 73 mbd around 2015-2018, declining to 72 mbd in 2020, 65 mbd in 2030, and 35 mbd in 2050. 

Laherrere’s ALL-LIQUIDS global production peak (including refinery gains) is 94 mbd in 2020, 88 mbd in 2030, 60 mbd in 2050.

[ If Hook et al are correct that the decline rate of conventional oil fields will exponentially increase over time, conventional oil production could be as low as 19 mbd in 2050, not 33 to 35 mbd as Dittmar and Laherrere propose above. As far as all-liquids go, I don’t see how there can be 25 (Laherrere) to 29 mbd (Dittmar) of unconventional oil produced in 2050.  It will be coming from very low EROEI, likely unprofitable sources that the financial system may not be able to lend to in a depression (credit will dry up). Worse yet, these projects will be increasingly using more  conventional oil, so these figures of all-liquids being 60 to 62 mbd, even if realized, don’t reflect that not all of that energy will be available to society at large, as the energy industry consumes increasingly larger shares to produce less and less oil. ]

Russia: rt.com March 17, 2016 Running on empty: Russia has less than three decades of oil remaining and March 9, 2016 Russia may be running out of oil.

ASPO Oil Production overview based on BP statistic Review of World Energy 2015 (using 2014 data) by Steve Andrews

Andrews predicts an 80% chance of peak oil before 2020.

In reviewing BP’s latest Statistic Review of World Energy, the big story for world oil last year was obvious: the USA’s third straight record-breaking increase in average annual production. Just over 75% of the net increase in world oil production during 2014 came from the USA; add in Canada and 90% of the total increase came from North America.  Throw in Brazil’s first significant increase in 3 years and you have all the world’s net gain in world oil production accounted for by 3 non-OPEC playersProduction from all other producers combined was flat.   Peak oil appears close but is not yet here, delayed rather than dead (as widely written in the media since 2012), and disguised by the inclusion of natural gas liquids in BP’s accounting.

Despite all the happy talk about “American energy independence,” our petroleum future includes a peaking in world oil production, and the adjustments that is likely to require.

Peakoilbarrel.com

Ron Patterson. May 5, 2015Peak Russia + Peak USA means Peak World

Ron Patterson. July 14, 2014. World Crude Oil Production by Geographical Area.

Check out the graph “World Less North America” at Peak Oil Barrel which shows world oil production minus North American production is down by 2 million barrels.  Are we starting to see the petticoats of the net energy cliff?  As David Hughes wrote in Drilling Deeper. A reality check on U.S. government forecasts for a lasting tight oil & Shale gas boom, both peak tight (fracked) oil and gas are likely to happen before 2020 in North America.  Powers has also documented this in great detail in his book “Cold, Hungry and in the Dark: Exploding the Natural Gas Supply Myth” and Arthur Berman discusses peaking oil and gas in the November 12, 2014 James Howard Kunstler podcast #260).

http://peakoilbarrel.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/World-less-North-America8.png

Robert Rapier. Jun 25, 2012. How Much Oil Does the World Produce?

Cornucopians keep coming up with rosy predictions.  This article: Don’t worry, be happy, there’s plenty of oil, natural gas, & coal left has a list of articles that rebut their arguments, good summaries of how much oil is left and why peak oil is nearly upon us.

Finding More Oil

Deffeyes dismisses proposals to simply explore more or drill deeper. Oil was created by specific circumstances, and there just isn’t that much of it. First there had to be, in the dinosaur era, a shallow part of the sea where oxygen was low and prehistoric dead fish and fish poop could not completely decompose. Then the organic matter had to “cook” for 100 million years at the right depth, with the right temperature to break down the hydrocarbons into liquid without breaking them too far into natural gas. Almost all oil, he said, comes from between the hot-coffee warmth of 7,000 feet down and the turkey-basting scald of 15,000 feet down – a thin layer under the surface, and then only in limited areas. We could drill the deepest oil, he said, back in the 1940s.

“More than 70% of remaining oil reserves are in five countries in the Middle East: Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Oman,” said Dean Abrahamson, professor emeritus of environment and energy policy at the University of Minnesota. “The expectation is that, within the next 10 years, the world will become almost completely dependent on those countries.”

“In 2000, there were 16 discoveries of oil ‘mega-fields,'” Aaron Naparstek noted in the New York Press earlier this year. “In 2001, we found 8, and in 2002 only 3 such discoveries were made. Today, we consume about 6 barrels of oil for every 1 new barrel discovered.”

Shale Oil (aka Light Tight Oil) peak 2019, World Oil Peak 2014More David Archibald on LTO plus Net Imports by Ron Patterson September 24, 2014

Tom Whipple. 11 August 2014.  1. Oil and the Global Economy.   Peak Oil Review (ASPO-USA).

How long before US shale oil production peaks and starts what will likely be a rapid decline? Outside analysts using different techniques have been providing estimates as to how long what is termed the “shale oil bubble” will last. The most pessimistic of these estimates have been running around 2016-2017 giving the shale or light tight oil industry another two or three years to grow.  Last week a new study based on Hubbert linearization was released. This study crunched the last seven years of US tight oil production and concluded that the US shale industry will ultimately produce a total of 7.7 billion barrels of oil with peak production reaching 3.9 million b/d in mid-2015. If these projections turn out to be reasonably correct, then US tight oil production could be down to circa 1 million b/d by the end of the decade which is considerably less than the EIA and the financial press has been projecting

The world faces an oil supply crunch within the next five years, British business leaders led by Virgin tycoon Richard Branson warned on Wednesday.

Chris Skrebowski on Peak Oil Phase 1   Nov 9, 2013

2015-2016 and then a recession

Additional reading: Brecha, R. J. 2013. Ten reasons to take peak oil seriously. Sustainability, vol. 5, no. 2, pp. 664-694.

Posted in How Much Left, Oil, Peak Oil | Tagged , , , , , , , , | 1 Comment

U.S. House meeting on terrorist threats to energy security

[ Even though this hearing was over a decade ago, the issues are still the same.  Nothing has changed.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation, 2015, Springer]

House 109-70. July 27, 2005. Terrorist threats to energy security. U.S. House of Representatives, 41 pages

EDWARD R. ROYCE, CALIFORNIA.   The possibility of energy terrorism—attacks on the world’s energy infrastructure—doesn’t generate the same attention as potential chemical or biological or nuclear terrorism. But the economic implications of such attacks are potentially enormous. Many believe that the reason we are looking at oil at $60 a barrel is the fact that we have a ‘‘terror premium’’ factored into the price of a barrel of oil.

Some suggest that oil terrorism is emerging as a major threat to the global economy. Combating this threat should be a part of our complex goal of improving our Nation’s energy security. Because of U.S. energy demands and the global nature of energy markets, terrorists can strike at us almost anywhere in the world… There is strong evidence that a relatively small disruption to oil production throughout the world could spike world energy prices, severely harming the American economy. We have taken steps to improve the security of the energy infrastructure of this country since 9/11. But, unfortunately, terrorist attacks abroad could hurt us as if they were committed here at home.

Al-Qaeda and others seem to be thinking this way. Al-Qaeda documents call for, in their words, ‘‘hitting wells and pipelines that will scare foreign companies from working there and stealing Muslim treasures.’’ Last February a message posted on an al-Qaeda-affiliated Web site entitled ‘‘Map of Future al-Qaeda Operations’’ stated that terrorists would make it a priority to attack Middle East oil facilities.

The vulnerability of Saudi Arabia to energy terrorism is a particular concern. By far, Saudi Arabia is the world’s most important oil-producing country, being the largest exporter and the only country with significant excess production capacity.

Saudi intelligence reportedly disrupted an attack against the Ras Tanura refinery– the largest in the world in 2002. Over the last few years there have been several deadly attacks on Western oil workers, including Americans. These attacks have disrupted oil markets and drove up insurance premiums. It is worth noting that some Saudis support these terrorist attacks by their financial support for Wahhabism abroad.

[ Note: an attack was made on Saudi Arabia’s largest oil complex at Abqaiq in February 2006 that was foiled, two pieces on this are here and here) ]

Pipelines, which carry one-half the world’s oil and most of its natural gas, are generally built above ground, making them common targets for terrorists and insurgents. Pipelines have been attacked in Chechnya, Turkey, Nigeria, Colombia, and elsewhere, costing local governments billions of dollars. In Iraq, pipeline attacks have been pervasive. It is estimated that pipeline sabotage has cost Iraq more than $10 billion in oil revenues, despite the high priority coalition forces have put on pipeline protection. There is concern that the insurgents who have been attacking Iraqi pipelines have gained a measure of expertise, which will be transferred elsewhere.

Global shipping choke points are vulnerabilities in the world’s energy system. The Strait of Malacca is one of the world’s busiest sea lanes, through which half the world’s oil supplies and two-thirds of its liquefied natural gas transit to energy-dependent northeast Asia. The narrow and shallow straits have a long history of piracy, and today well-established terrorist groups operate in the region, including Jemaah Islamiya. Some believe several troubling scenarios are possible, including a terrorist hijacking of an oil or LNG tanker, to be turned into a floating bomb to be detonated in a busy seaport.

These issues are just one part of the complex issue of energy security. An important task in setting policy is gauging the likelihood of a potential terrorist threat and assessing the likely impact. Only with that information on the table can priorities be established. It is my hope that today we can answer some of these questions in this regard and begin to look at the adequacy of policies designed to address terrorist threats abroad to our energy security.

ROBBIE DIAMOND, PRESIDENT, SECURING AMERICA’S FUTURE ENERGY (SAFE). Thank you for holding this hearing to advance our understanding of America’s dependence on oil and the serious national security vulnerabilities of this dependence which, if exploited, could result in widespread economic dislocation and increased global instability. I speak to you today on behalf of Securing America’s Future Energy (SAFE), a nonpartisan group that is committed to reducing America’s dependence on oil in order to improve our national security and strengthen the economy. SAFE is working to transform oil dependence from a rhetorical turn of phrase and an insider’s game to a tangible economic and national security issue that compels political leaders, business executives and the public to act now.

2005 Oil ShockWave   [another one was held in 2007]

On June 23, 2005, SAFE, in partnership with the National Commission on Energy Policy, conducted a high profile Cabinet Level Oil Crisis Simulation called Oil ShockWave, which explored the extent and acuteness of the economic and national security threat and the possible consequences of American oil dependence. In this half-day exercise, top former government officials took part in a series of Principals meetings of the Cabinet or of a Special Working Group over a seven month period in order to advise the President on how to respond to a series of events that affect world oil supplies. The scenarios were designed to simulate a decline in world oil production due to regional instability and to terrorism. The simulation events began in December 2005 to provide some distance from current events.

Situations were presented primarily through pre-produced newscasts shown on video screens as well as ‘‘injects’’ or notes given to Cabinet members throughout the simulation. The participants were informed of their roles ahead of time, but they were not informed about the events and situations they would encounter.

Participants. The Oil ShockWave Cabinet was comprised of the following bi-partisan group of former Cabinet members and senior government and national security officials:

  1. Robert M. Gates, former Director of Central Intelligence and current President of Texas A&M;
  2. James Woolsey, former Director of Central Intelligence.
  3. Carol Browner, former Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency;
  4. Richard N. Haass, former Director of Policy Planning at the Department of State and current President of the Council on Foreign Relations;
  5. General P.X. Kelley, USMC (Ret.), former Commandant of the Marine Corps and member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff;
  6. Frank Kramer, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs;
  7. Don Nickles, former US Senator (R–OK);
  8. Gene B. Sperling, former National Economic Advisor and head of the National Economic Council;
  9. Linda Stuntz, former Deputy Secretary of Energy;

Why We Developed ‘‘Oil ShockWave’’

We believed that developing and conducting a simulation would be an engaging format to generate attention for this issue, but more importantly to foster an understanding of our energy insecurity. The simulation was designed to make this issue real and tangible for the public as well as lawmakers and policymakers. The oil markets are so vast and complex and the threats are so varied that sometimes it is difficult to comprehend the issue of oil use, oil dependence, and oil security threats and risks.  The facts themselves are incredibly compelling and persuasive. For instance:

  • 97% of transportation in the United States is fueled by oil
  • The transportation sector alone consumes 68% of all US oil
  • Total US oil consumption is forecasted to increase by 40% from 2003 to 2025
  • 125% increase in the demand for oil in India and China 2003 to 2025
  • $7.4 billion increase in the US oil bill per year for each one-dollar increase in the price of oil.

It was important for us to get beyond some of the general statements of oil dependence and look into the specific issues, threats, consequences, and responses. There is nothing like watching, listening, and learning as a group of former Cabinet members and senior government officials sit in a ‘‘mock’’ situation room responding in real time to a series of plausible and credible events.

II) How We Developed ‘‘Oil ShockWave’’?

From the first day we started planning the simulation, we believed that being profoundly realistic and having unimpeachable credibility was imperative. Therefore, we recruited and worked with a group of experts in the fields of national security, world oil production and distribution, trading, and macroeconomics to develop and verify the authenticity and plausibility of all aspects of the scenario from the oil market disturbances to the impact on oil prices and the economy. These included former members of the oil industry, oil analysts and traders, former and current military officials, intelligence and national security experts, and other specialists.   We worked diligently to stay away from the sensational. As Robert Gates told the Washington Post after Oil ShockWave, ‘‘the scenarios portrayed were absolutely not alarmist; they’re realistic.’’ Jim Woolsey, another former Director of Central Intelligence, who played the Secretary of Homeland Security called the attacks during a post-simulation interview ‘‘relatively mild compared to what is possible.’’

Beyond the terrorist threat to a vast and vulnerable oil infrastructure and system, it was the danger of political instability in countries/regimes that are major oil producers that presented the greatest risk to the US and our oil dependence. Freedom House considers only 9% of world oil reserves to be in countries that are considered ‘‘free’’ and Transparency International has shown that oil riches are highly correlated to their corruption rating. In many respects, it is the political instability and possible violence that force international oil expertise to leave the country and scares away foreign investment that is a more serious threat to the long-term stability of oil markets and the ability to meet world demand. For instance, some of the slowdown in Russian production that is an important element of world oil supply and demand forecasts is simply attributable to a tougher regulatory and less secure investment environments based on recent actions by the Russian government against Yukos and other oil interests.

The Scenario

With political violence and unrest in Nigeria, the fifth largest supplier of oil to the US, forcing foreign companies to ‘‘shut in’’ or close 600,000 barrels of oil per day in the Niger Delta for the foreseeable future. The situation is exacerbated by a very cold winter in the northern Hemisphere that increases demand by 700,000 barrels of oil per day. Based on the current projections of demand and supply at the time, these events result in a gap of more than 2 million barrels per day between supply and demand. We predicted this shortfall would drive a barrel of oil from $58 at the start of the simulation to $82 per barrel at the end of Segment 1. The price of gasoline rose from $2.21 to $3.31 respectively.

This turned out to be more realistic and plausible than we could have expected. Several days before we conducted Oil ShockWave, crude oil prices broke $60 on news of possible unrest and al Qaeda activity in Nigeria. We had initially been debating if a starting price for oil at $58 was too high. In fact, we were a bit low!

The second part, involved coordinated terrorist attacks in the US and Saudi Arabia. The first attack is on the Haradh natural gas processing plant in Saudi Arabia, about 280 km southeast of Dharan, taking 250,000 barrels of oil off the market that now needs to be diverted for domestic use. There is also a failed attempt to ram a hijacked super tanker into another tanker at a loading jetty at Ras Tanura, the world’s largest oil port. Finally, the Secretary of Homeland Security informs the Cabinet that a super tanker has rammed into another tanker at the port of Valdez in Alaska and there has been a ground attack on the holding tanks that are now on fire. The attack on the port of Valdez takes another 1 million barrels of oil off the market per day. This means that the world oil shortfall is about 3.4 million barrels per day. We predicted this shortfall would drive a barrel of oil to $123 and the cost of gasoline to $4.74 per gallon. This type of coordinated attack bears the classic signature of al Qaeda.

The last part takes place 6 months after the initial event. A new campaign of terror against foreign nationals in Saudi Arabia has forced them to be evacuated. In the prior 48 hours, 120 Americans have been killed and another 100 wounded; altogether more than 200 foreign nationals have been killed and 250 have been wounded. It is the highly aggressive crackdown on dissidents and al Qaeda sympathizers after the attacks in January on the Haradh natural gas processing plant and Ras Tanura that appears to be resulting in this popular backlash and terror campaign. The loss of international oil expertise means that Saudi Arabia will not be able to meet future demand growth and to build, hold, and use spare capacity. This scenario drove the price of oil to $161 per barrel and the price of gas to $5.74 per gallon. It is critical to note that no additional oil was taken off the market. The mere inability to have Saudi Arabia as the producer of last resort is enough to create unimaginable consequences.

The final economic analysis we conducted regarded the economic effects of oil at $120 per barrel. This is roughly the price of a barrel of oil at the end of part 2. Some of the key findings were as follows:

  • a recession following two quarters of declining GDP and a decline in 2006 GDP compared to 2005 GDP; approximately 800,000 jobs were expected to be lost during 2006, and over 2 million were expected to be lost in 2007, relative to baseline forecasts;
  • a $2,680 increase in annual gasoline costs to the average US household, driving average annual household gasoline costs to a total of $5,214;
  • a historically significant decline in the S&P 500;
  • a dramatic increase of the current accounts deficit—to $1.087 trillion in 2006 and to $1.052 trillion in 2007—as a result of the increased cost to purchase ‘‘foreign’’ oil.
  • consumers spending more on gasoline and thus cutting other spending;
  • certain energy intense capital is idled or its utilization rate falls;
  • automobile purchases decline sharply due to the uncertainty of oil prices; •
  • air travel falls as airfares rise due to higher fuel prices;
  • lower consumer spending due to lower consumer confidence.

The potential economic effects of oil in the last part were not estimated because crude oil at $161 is so far outside the range of experience that there were no models on which to base estimates.

III) What We Learned From ‘‘Oil ShockWave’’?

There is really no such thing as ‘‘foreign oil.’’ Oil is a fungible global commodity. A change in supply or demand anywhere will affect prices everywhere. Second, we discovered that taking such a small amount of oil off the market could have significant impact on crude oil prices and gasoline. Oil markets are currently precariously balanced. Small supply/demand imbalances can have dramatic effects. We essentially took only 3.5 million barrels off a roughly 84 million barrel global daily market. This means that a supply shortfall of approximately 4% could cause prices to rise to $161 per barrel of oil or to $5.74 per gallon of gasoline. This would create tremendous national security and economic problems for the country.

Prices of crude oil rose quickly. It would not necessarily take much to go from $60 to $123 or even $161.

Once oil supply disruptions occur, little can be done in the short term to protect the US economy from its impacts. There are few good short-term solutions.

There are a number of supply-side and demand-side policy options available that would significantly improve US oil security. Benefits from these measures will take a decade or more to mature, and thus should be enacted as soon as possible. This is the reason we must act now to end this national and economic security vulnerability.

US foreign and military policy is influenced by—and often constrained by— U.S. oil dependence. For example, during Oil ShockWave, the Saudi Arabian and the Chinese governments attempt to extract concessions out of the US in order for them to accede to US requests to help alleviate the crisis. The  Saudi Arabian government demands among other things that the US stop pressuring them to democratize and to stop discussing and investigating money laundering allegations and donations to al Qaeda in order to increase production capacity.  And the Chinese government demands the US stops discussing Chinese human rights violations and stops selling weapons to Taiwan in order to accede to a request to reduce demand voluntarily. It should be noted that in both cases the Oil ShockWave Cabinet refused to accede to these demands.

The Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) or the emergency supply of federally owned crude oil (approximately 640 million barrels of oil) in underground salt caverns, offers at best limited protection against a major supply disruption. More importantly, determining when to use the SPR was more of an art than a science. There never seemed to be an appropriate opportunity and the Cabinet spent much time arguing when and how to release oil from the SPR. For instance, military and security were always concerned that releasing oil from the SPR could leave the US without any options if matters deteriorated further. There were also concerns that any announcement of a release of oil from the SPR could be overtaken or overshadowed by world events and thus prove meaningless as a psychological weapon.

Furthermore, it was noted that releasing oil from the SPR could have the opposite effect and actually contribute to an increase in prices, as any release would be seen as confirmation about the acuteness of the crisis. Finally, the SPR is virtually meaningless in Segment 3 if Saudi Arabia is truly unable to increase production for a sustained period of time.

The oil system is vulnerable to attacks on key energy infrastructure both overseas and at home.  Because that infrastructure is simply too vast to protect, we must seek other ways to reduce this vulnerability such as reducing demand and finding alternatives to diversify fuel sources. It should be noted that during Oil ShockWave Saudi Arabian security forces were able to foil terrorist attacks on Ras Tanura, a major oil facility. We thought it would be useful and telling to have a crisis despite the fact that Saudi Arabia was generally successful in protecting their major oil facilities. Most ominously, al Qaeda and Bin Laden have explicitly called for attacks and even attempted attacks on the oil infrastructure and by extension the Western economic system.

The stability of the entire oil-based global economy is currently dependent on Saudi Arabia’s ability to increase production dramatically and over a short timeframe. Given existing terrorist threats and political tensions in Saudi Arabia, this situation is fraught with enormous liabilities. This does not account for the argument made by many that oil revenues have likely funded terrorism and fueled hatred against America.

In the event of a crisis, the US has a few short-term options—such as tapping the Strategic Petroleum Reserve and implementing emergency demand measures, like carpooling, reducing speed limits, alternative drive days. The short-term options, however, are generally good for less than a year.

Conclusion

With 97% of transportation in the US fueled by oil, oil is the lifeblood of the US economy.

Oil ShockWave demonstrated that the nation must move rapidly to protect the nation from an oil supply crisis that could have dramatic economic and national security implications. Any meaningful interruption of global oil supplies would seriously strain the ability of the US to fund an aggressive and comprehensive war on terrorism. Key oil facilities have been attacked before, and it is virtually certain there will be more attacks. Most interestingly, it is instability, sometimes as the result of terrorism, in oil producing countries that poses such as serious threat to US oil security. (Of note, the stability of Saudi Arabia and its ability to meet short-term and long-term demand requirements are critical to the entire oil-based economy.)

There are also serious questions about the use of oil revenues to fund terrorism and hatred against America. It took a series of unsurprising events to drive the price of crude oil to $161 per barrel and the price of gasoline to $5.74 per gallon. More importantly, it only took a supply shortfall of approximately 4% or 3.5 million barrels out of a daily global market of roughly 84 million barrels to reach these prices in Oil ShockWave.

Unfortunately, once an oil supply disruption happens, there are no good short term answers. It is thus essential that the President and Congress immediately implement a long-term strategy for reducing America’s oil dependence. We need a concerted effort in the halls of Washington and boardrooms across the country. This is a grave national and economic security issue demanding the attention of our political and business leaders.

When we were attacked on 9 /11, many people were surprised at the terrorist threat and the US vulnerability. Our response to 9/11 must be to make sure that we are not surprised again. We must anticipate and prepare for the next attack by acknowledging the vulnerabilities and addressing them. Few weaknesses demand greater attention than oil security.

JOHN P. DOWD, SENIOR RESEARCH ANALYST, SANFORD C. BERNSTEIN & COMPANY, INC.

The risk of a supply disruption in the oil markets appears to be at one of the highest levels in history, primarily because of the thin cushion of spare capacity. With limited spare oil producing capacity, even a relatively small disruption in supply would cause shortages. This has caused oil to trade at a premium to expectations based on inventory levels, a premium described as either a ‘‘terror premium’’ or a ‘‘risk premium’’ by participants in the markets.

This premium appears to be directly proportional to the amount of spare productive capacity held in reserve. If there were 6 million barrels per day of idle capacity, no single terrorist act would be sufficient to cause a shortage. However, with only 2.2 million barrels per day of spare capacity, which is enough capacity to meet a little more than one year of demand growth, the oil markets are the mercy of political stability in Venezuela, Nigeria, and Iraq, as well as terrorist acts.

In theory, the solution is simple. If we increase the amount of spare capacity, we will reduce the risks that terrorist actions pose to the crude markets, and crude oil prices will ebb as a result. In practice, there are several complicating factors that will likely inhibit an effective supply-side or demand-side solution. On the supply-side, the primary concern stems from the inability of non-OPEC producers to materially increase production. The supply response to higher oil prices has been anemic. Over the past two decades, the working assumption has been that oil prices could not permanently move above $25 because doing so would invite a non-OPEC production response. However, despite record investment, we have yet to see any significant production response. To the contrary, production growth from countries outside of OPEC and the Former Soviet Union has declined each decade over the past five. In the 1970’s, these countries grew production 3.1% annually. Over the past decade, they grew production only 1.1% annually, even though investment was considerably higher.

Spare oil capacity will likely dwindle further as a consequence of Chinese demand. While all of the growth in Chinese oil demand over the past decade has been offset by increased exports from the Former Soviet Union, this does not appear likely going forward. Russian production growth stopped last September. This is potentially a game changing event that will only accentuate the sensitivity of the oil markets to terrorist attacks.

Finally, the risk of disruptions will likely grow as the global oil supply is increasingly sourced from unstable regions. Throughout history, oil companies have taken a very rational approach to investment, in which they have weighed political risk against geologic risk when deciding where to develop oil. One consequence is that the industry increasingly has demonstrated a propensity to invest in politically risky areas, because the world’s oil basins have matured and the geologic risks have increased. As highlighted by the Oil ShockWave simulation, the price of oil in the US is highly dependent on developments far outside of our borders.

If oil demand continues to grow faster than supply, the amount of spare capacity will shrink further and the oil markets will likely become even more sensitive to potential disturbances. For instance, if global oil consumption grows at a pace of 3.1% next year rather than current expectations of 2.1%, the amount of surplus capacity will be 830,000 barrels per day less than the current forecast. This is larger than the impact of the Nigerian disruptions sited in the first Oil ShockWave scenario.

It is relatively easy to narrow down where our oil dependency lies in the US: transportation.

Meaningfully reducing demand for transportation fuels is the only realistic way of gaining greater energy independence in the US. The challenge is that the obvious solution, encouraging the use of diesel fuels and the use of more fuel efficient vehicles, is also politically the most difficult. However, the potential is huge. Improving the average fuel efficiency of the US vehicle fleet by just 2 mpg would reduce US gasoline demand by roughly 1 million barrels per day. This is equivalent to all of the growth in US gasoline consumption over the past 8 years.

GAL LUFT, PH.D., CO-DIRECTOR, INSTITUTE FOR THE ANALYSIS OF GLOBAL SECURITY (IAGS)

IAGS is an energy security think tank which follows and analyzes the relations between energy and our national and international security.

Since 9/11 it has become increasingly apparent that terrorist groups have identified the world energy system as the Achilles heel of the West. Throughout the world jihadist terrorists attack oil and gas installations almost on a daily basis with significant impact on the oil market.

What makes oil interesting for terrorists are the unique conditions that have been created in the oil market. Until recently, the oil market had sufficient wiggle room to deal with occasional supply disruptions. Such disruptions could be offset by the spare production capacity owned by some OPEC producers, chiefly Saudi Arabia. This spare capacity has been the oil market’s main source of liquidity. But due to the sudden growth in demand in developing Asia this liquidity mechanism has eroded from 7 mbd in 2002 which constituted 9% of the market to about 1.5 mbd today, less than 2%. As a result, the oil market today resembles a car without shock absorbers: the tiniest bump on the road can send a passenger to the ceiling. Without liquidity, the only one mechanism left to bring the market to equilibrium is rapid and uncontrolled price increases.

This reality plays into the hands of terrorists who want to hurt the Western economy. The war on radical Islam is often described as an ideological or even religious war. But for the jihadists it is also an economic war. Osama bin Laden’s strategy is based on the conviction that the way to bring down a superpower is to weaken its economy through protracted guerilla warfare. We ‘‘bled Russia for 10 years until it went bankrupt and was forced to withdraw [from Afghanistan] in defeat. [. . .] We are continuing in the same policy to make America bleed profusely to the point of bankruptcy,’’ bin Laden boasted in his October 2004 videotape.

His logic is simple: To bring the U.S. to suffer a fate similar to that of the Soviet Union, the terrorists need to drain America’s resources and bring it to the point it can no longer afford to preserve its military and economic dominance. As the U.S. loses standing in the Middle East, the jihadists can gain ground and remove from power regimes they view as corrupt and illegitimate while defeating other infidels who inhabit the land of Islam. One of the Islamists’ methods to achieve this goal is to attack oil, which jihadists call ‘‘the provision line and the feeding to the artery of the life of the crusader’s nation.’’

Striking pipelines, tankers, refineries and oil fields is easy and effective. Terrorists no longer need to come to the U.S. and wreak havoc in our cities. They can cause enormous economic damage by hitting our energy supply at the generating points, where they enjoy strong support on the ground. These attacks have already imposed a ‘‘fear premium’’ in the oil market of $10–$15. For the U.S., an importer of more than 11 million barrels a day, this fear premium alone costs $40–$60 billion a year. The cause and effect are not lost on terrorists. ‘‘We call our brothers in the battlefields to direct some of their great efforts towards the oil wells and pipelines,’’ reads a jihadist website. ‘‘The killing of 10 American soldiers is nothing compared to the impact of the rise in oil prices on America and the disruption that it causes in the international economy.’’

Higher oil prices also mean a transfer of wealth of historical proportions from oil-consuming countries—primarily the U.S.—to the Muslim world, where three quarters of global oil reserves are concentrated. The windfall benefits jihadists as petrodollars trickle their way through charities and government handouts to madrassas and mosques.

The most popular targets are pipelines, through which about 40% of world’s oil flows. They run over thousands of miles and across some of the most volatile areas in the world. Pipelines are very easily sabotaged. A simple explosive device can put a critical section of pipeline out of operation for weeks. This is why pipeline sabotage has become the weapon of choice of the insurgents in Iraq.  Attacks on pipelines in Iraq have strategic impact on U.S. efforts there. They undermined the prospects of Iraqi construction by denying the Iraqi economy much needed oil revenues. They also have a corrosive influence on the morale of the Iraqis and their attitude toward the presence of U.S. forces in their country. Iraqis are growing increasingly vexed by the slow progress in the reconstruction effort and the inability of the government to guarantee a reliable supply of electricity, which is primarily derived from oil. Worse, the sabotage campaign has created an inhospitable investment climate in Iraq and scared away oil companies that were supposed to develop its oil and gas industry.

Emulating the success of the saboteurs in Iraq, terrorists in many oil-producing countries have set their sights on and attacked pipelines and other oil installations in Sudan, Chechnya, India, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Turkey, Colombia, Nigeria, Azerbaijan, Indonesia and the Philippines.

Terror at sea (also see Luft, G, et. al. 2004 Terrorism Goes to Sea,  Foreign Affairs)

There is growing evidence that terrorists find the unpoliced sea to be their preferred domain of operation. Terrorist groups such as al Qaeda, Hezbollah, Jemaah Islamiyah, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, and Sri Lanka’s Tamil Tigers have long sought to develop a maritime capability. Today, over 60% of the world’s oil and almost all of its liquefied natural gas is shipped on 3,500 tankers through a small number of ‘chokepoints’—straits and channels narrow enough to be blocked, and vulnerable to piracy and terrorism. The most important chokepoints are the Strait of Hormuz, through which 13 million barrels of oil are moved daily, Bab el-Mandab, which connects the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and the Arabian Sea, and the Strait of Malacca, between Indonesia and Malaysia. Thirty percent of the world’s trade and 80% of Japan’s crude oil passes through the latter, including half of all sea shipments of oil bound for East Asia and two-thirds of global liquefied natural gas shipments. The Bosporus, linking the Black Sea to the Mediterranean, is less than a mile wide in some areas and is one of the most threatened chokepoints. Ten percent of the 50,000 ships that pass through it each year are tankers carrying Russian and Caspian oil.

Most of the critical chokepoints are located in areas where Islamic fundamentalism is prevalent. The Strait of Hormuz is controlled by Iran; Bab el-Mandab is controlled by Yemen, the ancestral home of bin Laden. Part of the 500-mile long Strait of Malacca courses through Indonesia’s oil rich province Aceh, inhabited by one of the world’s most radical Muslim populations.

Many terror experts have expressed concern that al Qaeda might seize a ship or a boat or even a one-man submarine and crash it into a supertanker in one of the chokepoints. Were terrorists to attack such a vessel the resulting explosion and spreading stain of burning oil could shut down the channel with a profound impact on the oil market. Tankers are too slow and cumbersome to maneuver away from attackers; they have no protection and they have nowhere to hide. al Qaeda terrorists have demonstrated repeatedly their intent and ability to strike them. In January 2000 al Qaeda attempted to ram a boat loaded with explosives into the USS The Sullivans in Yemen. The attack was aborted when the boat sank under the weight of the explosives. Later, in October, al Qaeda suicide bomber in high-powered speedboat packed with explosives blew a hole in the USS Cole, killing 17 sailors. In June 2002, a group of al Qaeda operatives suspected of plotting raids on British and American tankers passing through the Strait of Gibraltar was arrested by the Moroccan government; and in October that year, the organization badly holed a French supertanker off the coast of Yemen. According to FBI Director Robert Mueller ‘‘any number of [terror] attacks on ships . . . have been thwarted.’’

To make things worse, there are increasing signs of collaboration between terrorists and pirates. According to International Maritime Bureau (IMB), pirate attacks on ships have tripled in the last decade. Each year 350–400 piracy attacks take place worldwide in which hundreds of seafarers are being killed, assaulted, or kidnapped. The majority of the attacks take place in the Philippines, Indonesia, Bangladesh and Nigeria. Most of the ships attacked are oil and chemical tankers. Maritime security experts have repeatedly warned about the collusion between piracy and terror, voicing concerns that Islamist groups operating in these regions could capitalize on the disorder and target strategic chokepoints by placing a bomb on a supertanker or ramming a ship into one.

One scenario our economy cannot withstand is a major attack on one of Saudi Arabia’s oil facilities. In addition to being holder of a quarter of the world’s oil reserves holder of most of the world’s spare production capacity Saudi Arabia is the only country in the world that has facilities that process more than 3 mbd. Over half of Saudi Arabia’s oil reserves are contained in just eight fields and about two-thirds of Saudi Arabia’s crude oil is processed in a single enormous facility called Abqaiq, 25 miles inland from the Gulf of Bahrain. On the Persian Gulf, Saudi Arabia has just two primary oil export terminals: Ras Tanura—the world’s largest offshore oil loading facility, through which a tenth of global oil supply flows daily—and Ras alJu’aymah. On the Red Sea, a terminal called Yanbu is connected to Abqaiq via the 750-mile East-West pipeline. The Saudi oil system is target rich and extremely vulnerable to terrorist acts. This is not only due to al Qaeda’s strong presence in the kingdom and its ability to carry out coordinated attacks but also because of the number of strategic targets. A terrorist attack on each one of the hubs of the Saudi oil complex or a simultaneous attack on a few of them is not a fictional scenario. In summer 2002, a group of Saudis was arrested for involvement in a plot to sabotage Ras Tanura and pipelines connected to it. A single terrorist cell hijacking an airplane in Kuwait or Dubai and crashing it into Abqaiq or Ras Tanura, could turn the complex into an inferno. This could take up to 50% of Saudi oil off the market for at least six months and with it most of the world’s spare capacity. Such an attack could be more economically damaging than a dirty nuclear bomb set off in New York City.

Since September 11 it has become apparent that there is no shortage of suicide terrorists who are willing to sacrifice their lives for the sake of killing the infidel but recent events in Iraq and Saudi Arabia show that there are those who are also willing to give away their lives for the sake of denying us oil.  If we stay on the present course, America will bleed more dollars each year as its enemies gather strength and the world economy will be at the mercy of oil kamikazes determined to go for its jugular. A smart combination of military and energy policies is our best hope for breaking the economic backbone of the jihadists before they do so to us.

BETTY MCCOLLUM, MINNESOTA. We know we are vulnerable and so I have two questions. One is: Why do you think we, as a country—and I don’t want to get into party identifying, or whose President when, or whatever—why haven’t we, as a country, in your opinion, done what we need, or started to do what we need to do, in terms of conservation, fuel efficiency and investing in renewables? Norway, which has a huge oil field of its own, went through and did a lot of those things on their own to make their oil profits last longer. They were thinking out into the future, and they have oil.  Secondly, what do you think the international community should do, because we are talking about other sovereign nations where we are receiving our oil from. Should the U.N. be looking at this? Should there be alliances put forward? Should the private sector, which is also very international now in these markets, should they be moving forward? Is there any creative thinking about what to do out there? Because America, as you pointed out, cannot police all these oil pipelines nor do I believe we should.

Mr. LUFT. As for the first question, why haven’t we done the right things, that would be like asking, why haven’t we done the right things prior to 9/11?

Unfortunately, the American public and its representatives tend to respond to crisis. We may need a crisis to wake us all up and do the right things.

Even though people tend to complain about high gas prices, our gas prices are still the lowest in the industrialized world. If you go to Japan or Europe, you see, you buy gas for way over $5 a gallon. So I think that we are not there in terms of public awareness and public understanding of how fragile the system is. But we will get there with the aid of the likes of bin Laden and others that will show us the light, and then we will respond in kind. I think that this is very unfortunate, but this is where Congress should step up to the plate and make us more secure.

Mr. DOWD. I wanted to respond to Ms. McCollum’s question. There are  clearly political reasons why we are in this problem today. We look at the energy bill today and conservation was not in it before.

In the 1970s we had similar problems, and we responded by doubling or tripling investment in the oil industry and by essentially doubling the fuel efficiency of the U.S. auto fleet. It took both steps in order to solve the problem and it took a very, very long time. Now, that is a very political issue. I don’t want to really delve into that. That is not my area of expertise.

But another reason why we are in this situation today is that the expected supply response has not materialized, and this has caught virtually everybody in the energy industry off guard. If we could grow non-OPEC oil production, 3, 4, 5 percent a year, we would have a spare source of supply. We would have something in reserve in order to meet unforeseen developments. If we step back to 10 years ago, the expectation had been that the investment in the deep water in the Gulf of Mexico, West Africa, offshore Brazil, North Sea, would lead to an acceleration of nonOPEC production. And the surprise is it hasn’t happened. The surprise is, outside of OPEC and the former Soviet Union, reserve replacement has been less than one, 4 years in a row. That is, the amount of oil we find every year versus what we produce has actually been less than outside of those countries. We have run into this surprise before. We have run into a situation, if we look at U.S. natural gas production since 1996, everybody was expecting a production response. We haven’t seen it. We have literally doubled the number of rigs looking for natural gas in the U.S. since 1996, and U.S. natural gas production is down slightly. These are new challenges that really have surprised everybody. I don’t think I am overstating that.  I am not trying to say that there are no regions in the world that are capable of growing production. It is fair to say that something like 60% of the countries that produce oil are seeing their production decline. So it is fair to say that there are success stories. The production growth that we are seeing in the deep water in the west African region, in the Canadian oil sands, and in certain parts of the world, is actually being offset by production declines in other basins.

STRATEGIC PETROLEUM RESERVE

Mr. DIAMOND. What surprised me most in Oil ShockWave were the responses to the use of the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. It really proved an elusive challenge to these people to decide—I mean, here we have this tremendous group of national security and energy experts, and they could not come to any unanimous conclusion to actually release the reserve. You had a breakdown of the national security folks saying, ‘‘Let’s not use it; you know, things could get worse. We could need it to go to war.’’ You had market people saying that we shouldn’t use it because when was the price high enough to use it. If we use it, we might just confirm speculation that things are worse than they are, and the price would just go up and have a contrary effect.

[NOTE: the same thing happens in the 2007 Oil Shockwave – some participants think that the SPR belongs to the Navy, and even if it doesn’t, we should save the SPR for the military in case things get far worse – presumably for war to keep oil supplies flowing]

And then ultimately, you know, they got to a point where in the last segment in Saudi Arabia itself—it wasn’t terrorist attacks but, rather, terrorism against foreign nationals and international oil expertise, which meant that we didn’t take any more oil off the market from Saudi Arabia. Rather, they just could not increase their production from where they were today and actually even deal with some of their natural depletion. And at that point the SPR, the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, in their minds was sort of a useless entity in that this was a much longer-term problem. The prices were so high that it would be just natural demand reduction. And in the end, they just could not come to a unanimous conclusion of when to use it or not. So it is more of an art than a science. And it is not a long-term solution to any of our issues.

Mr. LUFT. No country will invest billions of dollars in producing spare capacity. So we need to assume that spare capacity is history in the hands of the consumers. We need to invest in producing spare capacity in the hands of the consumers. That is through developing a more robust internationally managed Strategic Petroleum Reserve, and we recommend a 3-billion-barrel global reserve. We need to also realize that we have a responsibility toward other countries that don’t have this, particularly our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere. We have responsibility for their future, because we don’t want every country to begin to—so, you know, we have 700 million today, which we can use for our own market. But the reason we need more is because we need to be able to export oil in time of emergency to those countries that don’t have those reserves at hand.

Mr. ROYCE. Have you assured yourself that what we pour into the ground as part of this reserve that we get 100 percent of that back? I have always wondered about the porousness of that. I have always wondered about that strategy, and if there isn’t quite a bit of lost oil, crude, as a result of that.

Mr. LUFT. The domes have no known leakage or loss

Mr. DIAMOND. I have a bit of a different opinion. I would say we have to keep asking our questions about the SPR, and most of the people shrugged and said, I am not sure it will actually work. You know we are talking about can only get 4 million a day out of it. That is the rate of flow. We have never done more than 1 million barrels. We have never done it for a very long time. I would say there is a lot of debate. The oil is there. They are not sure they can get it out the same way. Also there were issues on the West Coast, meaning if you took it out of the SPR one of the problems we had is because Alaska oil is so important in California there may be extra shortage in California and the SPR wouldn’t necessarily be helpful to that area. And with the SPR, there are only two publicly held reserves in Germany and Japan. The rest is held by private companies, including in the United States. There are apparently billions and billions of barrels held by private companies. The other opinion we received by many people is because of just-in-time inventories in the oil business today, that is nothing too much to rely on either. So, you know, there was a lot of debate saying we let the SPR work during the simulation because we didn’t want to get into that argument. But even if you assumed it would work, it was very difficult to figure out when to use.

BETTY MCCOLLUM, MINNESOTA . I have a question. I didn’t know whether or not to ask it, but then you brought up the developing world. You look at the world over there, and the oil consumers are in the north, and we are the industrialized and developed countries. All the exploration that people are pretty much looking forward to in the future is in the Southern Hemisphere, the countries that are developing. What—as we talk about the millennium development goals for Africa, and as Africa moves forward—because that is the goal that I think we all share in becoming more sustainable and more secure—Africa is going to want to start to consume some of its own product, just as Latin America will. Has anybody looked at how that moves forward? Or do we, without realizing it, suppress their development, by our consumption of their natural resource, of what they will be able to do in the future?

Mr. LUFT. Africa. One of the things we need to worry about—and I agree that there is a lot of exploration in the Southern Hemisphere. But there is also a lot of exploration, particularly in Central Asia, very important energy domain for oil and gas. And I think there are two similarities between Africa and Central Asia. We are talking about emerging countries that don’t have a good mechanism of democracy and institutions. We want to make sure that in our search for non-OPEC, non-Middle East oil, we don’t replicate the problems that we see today in the Middle East. We don’t want to replicate the Middle East in Western Africa and Central Asia. We are dealing with tribal societies, very corrupt, very dictatorial. They don’t have a good record of handling oil revenues. We need to make sure that in our pursuit of running outside of the Middle East—because the dependency is bothering us from a national security point of view—we don’t create a Middle East in Western Africa and in Central Asia, because that will be more of the same. They have a problem in absorbing the revenues. They also have a problem—if you look at Nigeria, in Nigeria you see gas lines today. People are waiting in line to get gasoline. They have so much oil, yet they don’t have a good handle of the supply chain, refining capacity. These issues—and bear in mind the second most corrupt country in the world, according to Transparency International, and a third of Nigeria is controlled by Sharia Law, because those who have the oil are not necessarily those who run the country and so on.

There are many, many issues. And add to the fact that it is clear, both by Exxon Corporation as well as PFC Energy Report and others, that the reserves in the non-OPEC world are running out much faster than the reserves in OPEC. So if we increase production in those countries, we need to make sure that we have alternatives down the line, because we are heading toward a situation that once those reserves are being depleted, our dependency on the Middle East, on OPEC, will be stronger than it is today.

Mr. DIAMOND. Another interesting point brought up in Oil ShockWave was that they had trouble dealing with  a short-term spike — there are few short-term solutions. You can ask the American people to do some of these things, they can last for a year or so, and there are different amounts of draconian nature in some of these things.  But they really had a hard time. How do you ask the American people to wait for 5 or 10 years, to wait for other other solutions if a prolonged crisis happens in Saudi Arabia and we needed to dramatically reduce our demand?  That was really the crunch. The oil experts didn’t know how to deal with that

Mr. LUFT. Mr. Chairman, I want to comment on the model of Chad. One of the things we are seeing today in the developing world is that a new type of relationship is going on between developing countries and China. The Chinese don’t impose any limitations on distribution of wealth or human rights or any of this stuff that we are talking about. What they do, in exchange, is they provide the developing money. They come with cash, they build ports, railways, telecommunications system, et cetera.

Mr. ROYCE. This Subcommittee has looked at many of the different terrorist threats facing this country, including the threats of terrorists getting their hands on WMD, and you have presented a case here that this is one of the foremost threats facing the country, as panelists. So the question, I think, for us is: What should the priorities be, where should our focus be? Because we can’t do everything. So let us just have a quick response in terms of your answers to that.

Mr. DOWD. I think the focus should be what you control. We can hope for an acceleration in oil production, but here in the U.S., from a political point of view, we can’t control it. It will be difficult to protect facilities globally. Should we try? Yes, but that really is not under our control. What we control is what we consume here. I think the focus has to be on the CAFE standards.

Mr. DIAMOND. There are three solutions to this, which is an increasing supply, decreasing demand dramatically and finding alternatives. And I think it is important to say that increasing supply is a critical component because, you know, it is such a tight market and any extra supply can help. If that is the only solution, that this country thinks we can drill our way out of this problem, we are in for a shock.

Mr. LUFT. When we monitor the attacks and we look at the trends, we only look at politically-motivated attacks. We have to remember that, particularly in the developing world, there is a lot of looting going on. People just puncture a pipeline to get the oil, and will sell it on the black market. This is not politically motivated, but it also adds a lot of pressure and a lot of loss.

Mr. ROYCE. I have seen it in Nigeria, yes, firsthand.

BRAD SHERMAN, CALIFORNIA. We should remember that there is one world price for oil, and that American consumers will be forced to pay that price. Even if United States oil companies have secure sources of oil from Africa or Latin America, they will charge us that price. The best insurance to prevent terrorist activities from causing a spike, or an extreme spike in the price of oil, is the Strategic Petroleum Reserve, and this should, again, not be just a U.S. concern. There is one world price; thus if there was an interruption of 10 or 20 percent of the world’s oil production and the U.S. were to open its Strategic Petroleum Reserve, that would be in effect feeding a world supply. What is fair is that all energy-consuming nations should have a Strategic Petroleum Reserve, whether within their borders or elsewhere, so that we can act in concert to keep the price of oil at what we have now adjusted to, and that is this extreme $60 a barrel, or hopefully less.

India and China and other developing Asian countries are thirsty for oil. This will drive up world prices solely, or, God forbid, quickly, if we have any interruption or even the threat of an interruption. China is, of course, reaching out to some unsavory regimes for oil such as Iran and Sudan. And Hugo Chavez, who may style himself as the new Castro, dreams of the day when he can sell his 1.2 million barrels a day to China instead of the United States. I look forward to learning what we can do to assure a supply of oil at a price that does not reflect further shocks; what we can do to make our economy  immune to the possible oil shocks to come. Obviously, the thing we could do is to move toward a time when we are not so oil dependent.

The days when 94% of our transportation needs are met by oil need to end.

Mr. DOWD. What do we think is the primary concern of executives in the oil industry? I know that the executives I talked to are primarily focused on their own companies and achieving their business plans. As a result, they are concerned with access to oil service equipment. They are concerned with costs. It should be known that the cost of making oil, the cost of finding oil, are moving up very, very rapidly. For instance, when we look at the return of capital on the public EMP companies in the U.S., it is actually flat between 2001 and 2005, which is actually a stunning statement. Oil prices have almost doubled, but the returns that people are making in exploration and development have actually stayed flat.

Mr. ROYCE. Yes. In deep-water drilling we get excited about the potential. We forget about the potential costs.

Mr. DOWD. That is right. But the point being that this cost escalation that we are seeing in the industry doesn’t look cyclical. Between 1992 and 2002, according to the American Petroleum Institute, the average cost of a well in the U.S. increased at a rate of 9 percent per year. Reserves added per well in the U.S. didn’t go up. We are seeing structural inflation that is really very geologically driven in the high-cost area.

[ In other words, “Drill Baby Drill” has stopped working.  Economists have always promised, and still do, that all you need to do is throw money at shortages and whatever it is you need will appear quicker than Aladdin after rubbing the magic lamp. But it isn’t true – more money was spent, 9% a year, and oil reserves didn’t go up. ]

 

Posted in Caused by Scarce Resources, Chokepoints, Middle East, Oil Shocks, Transportation | Tagged , , , , , , | Comments Off on U.S. House meeting on terrorist threats to energy security

The dangers and costs of importing Liquefied natural gas (LNG). U.S. Senate Hearing 2005.

LNG Liquefaction Plant Source: Center for Liquefied Natural Gas

LNG Liquefaction Plant Source: Center for Liquefied Natural Gas

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

[ Before fracked (tight) natural gas came along, natural gas prices spiked sky-high and the U.S. Congress began looking at how new LNG import terminal construction could be expedited, since there were only 4 terminals in the U.S. The EIA predicted that LNG might supply 20% of U.S. gas in the future.  About 96% of the world’s proven natural gas reserves are outside of North America, yet the U.S. is consuming about 25% of the world’s annual natural gas production.  So when natural gas production drops off again, the topic if importing LNG will likewise happen again.  Back in 2005, there was fierce opposition to new terminals, as you’ll see in the testimony below. But since fracked gas will deplete so rapidly, perhaps opposition will be more muted in the next go-around.  It’s ironic that the U.S. is about to export LNG (6 terminals are under construction) at a time when the fracking boom may be ending.

I’ve tacked excerpts from another Senate session about the need to import Natural Gas.  We may soon be in the same fix as we were in 2005 if peak natural gas happens sooner than the 100 to 250 years many of the invited speakers to Congress predicted.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation, 2015, Springer]

Senate 109-10. February 15, 2005. Liquefied Natural Gas. U.S. Senate hearing. 79 pages.

Excerpts:

SENATOR LAMAR ALEXANDER, TENNESSEE.   Our subject today is liquefied natural gas. We call it LNG. For those who are watching or may not be familiar with it, this basically is natural gas that might be in Russia or some other country in the world that is cooled, put in a tanker, transported to the United States, put in a big terminal—we have four of those in the United States—and then introduced into our pipelines and our energy system to heat our homes, operate our businesses, make fertilizer, create electric power, all the other things we do with natural gas. The reason it is the subject for discussion is because the price of natural gas in the United States has become the highest in the world, at least for any industrialized country. So for many industries like the chemical industry with 1 million jobs, if that should persist for too long, the possibility exists they would have to move those jobs overseas to a country where the price of natural gas is closer to the world market. Or to the farmers who use fertilizer, so much of which uses natural gas, those are increased costs, or for people who use gas in their residences, suddenly they find their home heating bills or cooling bills a lot higher. So as U.S. Senators, we are concerned about the price of natural gas.

There are a great many ways to deal with lowering the price of natural gas. We heard many of those the other day. One was conservation. That is very important. One was alternative fuels, for example, the more nuclear power we have, if we can create clean coal. Senator Dorgan talked about coal gasification in North Dakota. Because that is available, that would lower the price of natural gas. We talked about the pipeline that the Senate approved from Alaska. We talked about new ways to supply natural gas from the reserves we have in the United States.

But today’s hearing is about LNG.  Our failure to produce an adequate supply of affordable, clean energy not only pollutes the air, it is shipping thousands of good jobs overseas. In the last four years, we have gone from the lowest gas prices in the industrialized world to the highest gas prices in the industrialized world. None of the potential solutions to this problem are easy and none of the answers are particularly fast. Clearly, in the short-term, the role of aggressive conservation cannot be overemphasized. But we can’t conserve our way out of this problem. One of the only immediate solutions is more liquefied natural gas (LNG)—and quickly. There are four LNG facilities existing in the United States and 31 more have been proposed.  Most of these projects, which are our best short-term supply solution, have considerable controversy around them, especially at a local and state level.

DIANNE FEINSTEIN, U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA.  Californians pay the highest electricity prices in the continental United States. So this too is not an easy task. One of the issues relating to reasonably cost power is the cost of fuel. Since our State relies mostly on natural gas-fired power plants, the cost of natural gas plays a large part in determining the overall cost of electricity. In order to reduce costs, we need to do two things: increase supply and reduce demand.

Additional terminals today are being built in a post-9/11 world where one of the things that we have to think about are targets in metropolitan areas. As I look at the various proposals on the west coast, it seems to me that out-of-harbor locations are better locations. Now, I could be wrong. Mr. Giles and I debated that yesterday because his proposal in the middle next to a big container facility in the Long Beach port area. Long Beach, Los Angeles receives 40% of the container traffic coming into our Nation. So one has to look at this as a potential target, which would have a dramatic impact on the economy of America if it is devastated.

Now, you might say, well the devastation would only be a mile wide.  Nonetheless, that is considerable.

PETE V. DOMENICI, U.S. SENATOR FROM NEW MEXICO.   There is not any question, Mr. Chairman, that chart up there shows that during the next 25 years, there is a big gap. It is going to be filled by something. Our experts that are doing analysis say it is going to be LNG. If it is, it is a huge amount. It may be; it may not be. But clearly, we need to know here as a committee what are the impediments to us moving ahead with LNG and what do people who are involved think about it. I would hope that, if not today, before we are finished, we will get before this committee the true safety issues. There is always a ‘‘we do not want it because’’ or ‘‘do not put it here because.’’ But I think we have to understand how much of the fear is real and how much of it is not, and then we have to proceed to figure out how much of a problem in the future can be satisfied by providing an opportunity for LNG to fill the gap.

RICHARD L. GRANT, PRESIDENT AND CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER, TRACTABEL LNG NORTH AMERICA LLC AND DISTRIGAS OF MASSACHUSETTS LLC

On the issue of development, let me switch topics for a moment and address questions about the development of LNG as an important source of energy for the United States. As you know, EIA has indicated that LNG might supply as much as 20% of the natural gas consumed in the United States in the future. Additionally, there are dozens of proposed LNG terminals on the drawing board right now.

We at Tractabel are confident in the future of LNG in this country. We own and operate the terminal in Everett and have done so for 30 years. And a Tractabel LNG North America subsidiary sells LNG delivered into the Cove Point and Lake Charles. So we make deliveries in Louisiana and at the other terminals throughout the United States as well. In addition to all of this, yesterday we announced our intention to build and operate an offshore deepwater port for LNG deliveries off the Boston coast. While the Everett terminal is and will continue to be a crucial facility to meet the demand for natural gas in the region, the reality is that Everett probably cannot expand its throughput much more. And just as a matter of facts, 20 percent of all the natural gas that comes into the New England area comes through the Everett facility. So it is very important to the region’s needs. Without new means of supplying natural gas to the region, New England could face a supply gap approaching 500 million cubic feet of gas a day before the end of the decade. The new project will be able to provide an average of 400 million cubic feet of natural gas per day to the New England market, enough to heat 1.5 million homes. The estimated cost for the project, including ships and a connection to the pipeline, is approximately $900 million.

Currently there are 113 active LNG facilities in the U.S., including marine terminals, storage facilities, and operations involved in niche markets. Worldwide there are approximately 20 LNG export terminals, 45 LNG import terminals and 175 specially designed LNG ships.

I want to note that LNG is as safe, if not safer, to transport and store than most other fuels. It is not explosive, corrosive, carcinogenic, or toxic. It does not pollute land or water resources. It is not transported or stored under pressure. The Government Accountability Office (GAO) study being conducted at the request of Members of the other body needs to set its foundation on those facts. Like other fuels, LNG has risks associated with its improper handling; however, LNG has certain characteristics that minimize some of the dangers that may result from mishandling. For example, compared to other fuels, LNG is less likely to ignite in a well-ventilated area. LNG ships, with their double-hull construction, are among the best built, most sophisticated, and most robust in the world. According to shipping expert Lloyd’s Register, there has never been a recorded incident of collision, grounding, fire, explosion, or hull failure that has caused a breach to a cargo tank of an LNG ship. In fact, over the last 40 years there have been approximately 33,000 LNG carrier voyages, covering more than 60 million miles without a single major accident or safety problem either in port or on the high seas. It is also important to note that in the extremely unlikely event that an LNG vessel were involved in an incident that ruptured a cargo tank, and the LNG vapor released met with an ignition source, the likely consequence would be a localized fire, and not an explosion as is often feared.

MARK ROBINSON, DIRECTOR, OFFICE OF ENERGY PROJECTS, FEDERAL ENERGY REGULATORY COMMISSION (FERC)

I am the Director of the Office of Energy Projects at FERC. We are charged with the responsibility of ensuring the safety and adequacy of about 1,600 hydroelectric projects across the country, authorizing the construction of natural gas pipelines across the country, storage of natural gas as well, and more significantly to this group, the authorization of LNG facilities and their security and safety during their operating life.

We also take advantage of the knowledge and expertise that the local communities have in the areas of safety and security. When we do workshops on safety and security for LNG facilities, we beg, borrow, and steal to make sure that the local entities, the fire and police organizations, are involved in those workshops to let us know what their concerns are and what may need to be done that are specific to their communities, where the hospitals are located, what bridges may be impacted by this facility that would keep someone from getting to a hospital, how we can mitigate for those measures. All of those things are done robustly with the local community.

The State has a somewhat different role. The State provides a level of expertise in some areas that complements what we do at the Commission and is very much appreciated. The State has a role in terms of deciding whether or not a particular project will be constructed through their actions under the Coastal Zone Management Act, the Clean Water Act, and the Clean Air Act. All three of those provisions are dictated by the State and they can conclude in any of those that a project is not appropriate and the project cannot be constructed. We try to incorporate those agencies through the cooperative agency process, which we have used in the SES project, by the way, with the Port of Long Beach, which is the designated lead agency for the State CEQA responsibilities. To see how we cooperate with the States, we have delayed our EIS on the SES project for 6 months now while the Port of Long Beach does studies that they feel are necessary to complete their State review. On the Federal level, we deal with other Federal agencies, and I want to divide those into two groups. One group of those agencies that we deal with is on safety, and there we have a very common objective and it works very smoothly with them, the Coast Guard and the Office of Pipeline Safety. We work very, very well with them because we all have that common goal of ensuring the public safety.

About 96% of the world’s proven natural gas reserves are outside of North America. At the same time, the U.S. is consuming about 25% of the world’s annual natural gas production. With projected decreases in conventional onshore and offshore natural gas production and the projected decline in natural gas imports from Canada through to 2025, growth in U.S. natural gas supplies will depend on non-conventional domestic production, natural gas from Alaska, and imports of LNG. In order for the U.S. to meet its increasing demand for natural gas, LNG must become an increasingly important part of the U.S. energy mix. In fact, the National Petroleum Council’s September 2003 report estimates that LNG could increase from less than 2% now to as much as 12% of the U.S. gas supply by 2025. Some estimates are even higher.

In the Energy Information Administration’s (EIA) Annual Energy Outlook 2005 report, total demand for natural gas is projected to increase at an average annual rate of 1.5 percent from 2003 to 2025. EIA estimates that LNG could account for as much as 21 percent of the total U.S. natural gas supply in 2025. This equates to a daily regasification deliverability of about 17.5 Bcf/d.

Currently, there are 16 facilities under FERC jurisdiction in the continental U.S. Twelve of the facilities are land-based, peak-shaving plants that liquefy and store LNG during the summer (low demand) months for send out during winter (high demand) months. The remainder are baseload LNG import terminals. Recently, there has been a resurgence of interest in expanding existing terminals and in developing new import projects to meet the growing demand for natural gas in the United States.

The current capacity of the four existing LNG facilities (Everett, Massachusetts; Cove Point, Maryland; Elba Island, Georgia; and Lake Charles, Louisiana) totals 3.72 Bcf/d of deliverability

Senator MURKOWSKI. I love being part of a discussion with others from producing States that understand what the issues are. I am sitting in a State up north that is chock-a-block full with natural gas and opportunity to bring energy to the rest of the lower 48. And we are trying to figure out now, we are working through the FERC, we are making some headway here on a 3,500-mile pipeline. But we have also got opportunities with LNG. We have been providing a very small amount of LNG to Japan for the past 30 years. But would it not be nice if we could provide some of that to the rest of the United States? There is a frustration level I think amongst the producing States that we are prepared to help. We want to help. We want to help in a big way in Alaska, but we need somebody to receive it on the other end. And we have got some challenges up north as it might relate to LNG and getting it to the lower 48. But my questions this afternoon will be to—if we are able to work out the issues, if we are able to provide for LNG to come down through a pipe, as our legislation last year would allow for, is there an opportunity on the receiving end, the west coast end? So my question is probably directly to you, Mr. Robinson. Are there currently any regasification terminals that are located on the west coast that could accept Alaska LNG?

Mr. ROBINSON. No, ma’am there is not.

Senator MURKOWSKI. So there is nothing in the permitting process. Nobody is talking about it. There is not an opportunity for us if we were able to figure things out on our end. So ball park, how long would it take before we would be in a position to actually be able to deliver LNG?

Mr. ROBINSON. We like to work with an applicant for about 9 months prior to an application being filed to ensure that the local communities and the States are fully integrated into the process. Then once the application is filed, if we have had a successful pre-filing process, we can usually turn it around in about a year. After that authorization, there is usually a period of time where contracts have to be advertised and let, and let us say another year, 18 months to do that, and then a 3-year construction period after that.

Mr. ROBINSON. So, you are looking at probably about a 5-year period.

Senator MURKOWSKI. I am so focused on energy security for this Nation, and I just have a little difficult time recognizing that we are now going to be getting Indonesian gas going through Mexico to supply California.

Mr. PEEVEY. And Russian gas. We would love to have Alaskan gas——

Senator MURKOWSKI. Why are we going through a foreign country in order to get our gas?

Mr. PEEVEY. We would love to have Alaskan gas under the Jones Act in U.S. ships, U.S. union crews bringing that gas to California. We would love to have an LNG terminal off the coast of California or anywhere in California. We accept the need for LNG. We would love to work with you on that topic.

Mr. GILES. With respect to onshore/offshore terminals, as we have said before, there are no offshore terminals.  There are none offshore anywhere in the world. I have no doubt that it can be done and that it can be done safely. But it does not provide all the answers. For instance, in southern California, the worst problem in the area, other than they had a horrible energy crisis, is the air where they have horrible cancer and asthma. Our project is intended to keep part of the product in a liquid form and use it for LNG buses like they have with the LAX shuttle buses and that sort of thing. You cannot get that out of an offshore terminal because all of the product is gasified offshore.

So there are different needs for these terminals in different places, and I think a generic solution to how to fix the LNG situation is going to end up limiting this country’s importation of LNG. They need to have site-specific analysis.

Senator MURKOWSKI.  What is your estimate of the LNG projects that have fallen off the planning board due to community opposition, and where were those projects generally located?

Mr. ROBINSON. Oh, my goodness. Well, the ones that come to mind almost immediately are Harpswell, Maine; Mobile Bay, Alabama; and Humboldt Bay, California, which never got off the drawing board because of local opposition to them. There have been other projects that have been discussed with us and have fallen by the wayside, but those three come to mind first.

Senator MURKOWSKI. So it is all across the country. It is not necessarily on the west or on the east.

Mr. ROBINSON. There are impacts associated with offshore facilities that the captain knows much better than I do that do not make them a slam dunk. It is fine for somebody onshore to say, well, let us just put them offshore because it is sort of an amorphous type of a concept. Let us just get them offshore and they will be away from us. But again, it goes back to all siting is local, and once you get to the actual facility and you try to site it, that is when the problems start to come up. There are no sites that everybody just says are fine. As the Senator from Louisiana was alluding to, there are concerns with offshore facilities in terms of the vaporization process and the effects it would have on the fishery resources of the Gulf of Mexico.

SCOTT AVEDISIAN, Mayor, CITY OF WARWICK, Rhode Island.    The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) concluded (May 2004) that a leak from an LNG tanker could catch fire and endanger people up to nearly a mile away; additional studies have shown that fire from LNG will burn hotter and faster than oil or gasoline, and the fire cannot be extinguished until all of the fuel is consumed. Other LNG scientists indicate that the loss of an entire tanker could produce a fire a mile wide and result in second-degree burns two miles away. Should an accident occur along Warwick’s densely populated coastline, the resulting vapor cloud or pool fire could potentially cause extensive, catastrophic damage to life and property.

A Sandia National Laboratories and Department of Energy Report found that a terrorist attack on a tanker could, in theory, cause a thermal blast that would cause major injuries and buildings to catch fire more than a third of a mile away, and cause second-degree burns on exposed skin for up to a mile. The report also concluded that foam insulation used on many LNG tankers would likely decompose under the searing heat from a fire, which ‘‘could lead to rupture or collapse’’ of adjacent tanks, leading to more intense fires of longer duration.

Additionally, studies have also shown that spilled LNG would disperse faster on the water than on land, because water spills provide very limited opportunity for containment. LNG vaporizes more quickly on water since the ocean provides an enormous heat source. Accordingly, most analysts conclude that the risks associated with shipping, loading, and off-loading LNG are much greater than those associated with land-based storage facilities

The City is also very concerned with the potential for a terrorist attack, and potential shipping-related events that could result in LNG spills, such as collisions, groundings, navigational errors, and mechanical failures. Navigation of these tankers is very difficult in confined waterways and these types of accidents are a very real possibility.

Land-based events that could result in an LNG spill include equipment failure and site-specific events such as earthquakes. Terrorist attacks against LNG ships or storage tanks could release a large amount of LNG at once. According to Gal Luft, director of the Institute for the Analysis of Global Security in Washington, locating LNG terminals in close proximity to residential or urban areas results in them becoming a major terrorist target—not just the terminals, but the whole LNG infrastructure, from tanker, to the terminal, to the truck.

The preponderance of evidence clearly illustrates that there are numerous public safety risks associated with the transportation of liquid natural gas. To expand such a facility in a highly populated, urban area and risk exposing tens of thousands of residents to the dangers of an explosion constitutes a potentially tragic and preventable hazard.

The security buffer that would likely be required could have a substantial negative impact on the commercial and recreational resources of Greenwich Bay and all of the city’s waterways. The Energy Information Administration estimates that demand for LNG will nearly double over the next two decades. Increased demand will undoubtedly lead to an ever-increasing number of ships transiting our waterways, exponentially affecting our safety, economy and enjoyment of our natural resources. From a purely economical standpoint, closure of Greenwich Bay and the waters from Warwick Point north to Conimicut will have a significant disruptive and adverse impact on the local recreational and commercial shellfishing industry. Greenwich Bay alone is home to over 4,000 recreational boats and also contains a commercial shellfishing fleet that would be devastated by additional closures due to transiting LNG tankers. Accidental groundings, navigational errors and mechanical failures would also greatly exacerbate the potentially adverse impact on the local economy. The negative socioeconomic impacts stemming from LNG ship deliveries will constitute a significant degradation of Warwick’s public and natural resources.

FIRST RESPONDER AND TRANSIT COSTS. In addition to the potential environmental and safety concerns, Warwick and other coastal communities would be in a danger zone and would have emergency ‘‘first responder’’ obligations without being provided a source of funding for necessary training and equipment. Warwick would undoubtedly incur direct ‘‘transitrelated costs’’ each time a tanker passes by its waters. Transiting LNG tankers will place a heavy burden on our local Law Enforcement, Fire and Harbormaster Departments. There is no indication that these city departments will be provided training, equipment and financial resources for any of these costs. There is also no indication as to what public safety and security impacts are associated with such a disaster. Transiting LNG tankers will place an undue economic burden on the City of Warwick’s financial resources.

PATRICK C. LYNCH, ATTORNEY GENERAL OF THE STATE OF RHODE ISLAND.   On behalf of the more than one million citizens that I was elected to represent and defend, I  am grateful for this committee taking the time to closely examine the environmental and public safety threats associated with the proposals to have LNG supertankers ply the precious coastal waterways of Rhode Island and Massachusetts, which are situated along some of the most densely populated areas in the United States. I am also compelled to state that the composition of the panels that will field questions by the Subcommittee members is clearly unbalanced in that it heavily favors industry, as well as some of the very federal agencies that have thus far demonstrated that they have not been able to discharge their duties in a manner that will adequately protect the safety of citizens of densely populated cities and communities. These citizens will be forced to live in close proximity to either the LNG terminal or LNG supertanker operations proposed for Fall River, Massachusetts, and Providence, Rhode Island. Although my office made a number of attempts to be given the chance to participate on the panels before you, and were denied that chance, I appreciate this moment to share my serious concerns about the way in which our Federal Government determines where to site LNG terminals.

Both LNG terminals, if licensed by FERC, would necessitate LNG supertankers traveling many miles through narrow waterways in order to reach their respective destination points in Fall River, Massachusetts, and Providence, Rhode Island. Much of the coastal waterway comprises Narragansett Bay, which is Rhode Island’s greatest natural and recreational resource. Narragansett Bay is one of the few estuaries in the country that remains relatively free of heavy industry. The Bay and its tributaries support not only a significant commercial fishing industry, but also form the backbone of Rhode Island’s multi-billion-dollar tourism industry. For the Fall River terminal, LNG supertankers would have to navigate up the narrow ‘‘East Passage’’ of Narragansett Bay and then through the Mount Hope Bay, 60 percent of which is in Rhode Island territory. The navigation route to Fall River requires the LNG supertankers to travel under four separate bridges, two of which are in Rhode Island—the Newport/Pell Bridge and the Mount Hope Bridge.

This past Thursday—February 10, 2005—a 350-foot tanker ran aground where LNG supertankers are also expected to travel. It stands as the latest of many groundings that have occurred over the years, and will continue to occur in the future, because of the difficult, site-specific conditions that exist along the navigation route. This recent grounding highlights the fact that the narrow federal channel along East Passage of Narragansett Bay is the wrong place to supertankers, which are as long as three football fields and carrying an extremely dangerous and volatile product.

I can not emphasize enough that all along the navigation routes whether to Fall River or Providence, there are many densely populated communities that clearly fall with the deadly thermal radiation zones that would emanate from a LNG pool fire. These affected communities include the cities of Providence, East Providence, Fall River, Warwick, and Cranston; and the towns of Bristol, Barrington, Tiverton, Warren, Middletown, Portsmouth, Newport, and Jamestown.

Last, both proposals stand to substantially interfere with the recreational uses of Narragansett Bay, disrupt other commercial operations and industries, and obstruct the multi-billion-dollar urban revitalization efforts that are unfolding along the shores of Providence and East Providence

Included within the attachments are graphics that depict thermal radiation zones where Rhode Islanders risk being injured or killed in the event of an accident or intentional act. Around the proposed KeySpan facility, we have produced an image that shows a number of schools, universities, hospitals (including the state’s primary trauma center), chlorine manufacturing facilities, and other critical energy infrastructure that would be damaged or destroyed in the event of a catastrophic breach of the LNG supertanker’s contents. Focusing solely on the KeySpan proposal, the consequences of an intentional release of LNG from a supertanker as a result of an act of terrorism are extraordinary. Furthermore, as articulated in the report by Dr. Jerry Havens, a nationally respected expert on thermal radiation zones and the consequences of LNG releases, there is great cause for concern stemming from the proposals to introduce vast quantities of LNG into population centers when the means of transportation is by marine carrier.

FERC has simply ignored these most important issues. My office has painstakingly tried to get FERC to adequately analyze the public safety implications of introducing LNG supertankers into Rhode Island’s waterways, but FERC steadfastly characterizes the risks as ‘‘manageable’’ and ‘‘acceptable’’ without any substantive analysis or explanation. Without even conducting an independent threat analysis, FERC simply chooses to rely on the past safety record of the LNG marine carrier industry without any apparent concern about the real threat posed by terrorism in the United States, particularly in the post 9/11 world.

MARY L. LANDRIEU, U.S. SENATOR FROM LOUISIANAThere are only 11 States that produce more energy than they consume. They are Utah, Colorado, Montana, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Kentucky, New Mexico, Alaska, West Virginia, Louisiana, and Wyoming being the grand prize winner. There are five States that continue to consume mountains of energy, huge amounts of energy, but refuse to produce it any way. No solar, no wind, no oil, no gas, no coal, no nuclear, but expect the rest of us to produce it. And they are California at the top of the list, New York, Florida, Ohio, and Illinois.

In Louisiana, natural gas is the major source of energy that runs our chemical and power plants. Without it, industries in my state will continue to lose their competitive edge. Take for example CF Industries in Donaldsonville, Louisiana. For them and other members of the ammonia industry the cost of natural gas can represent 70 to 90% of the total cost of manufacturing its products.  The need for more natural gas is clear, what is not clear is how we as a nation plan to meet this demand over the long haul. Our focus has turned to increasing the importation of Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) as a means to close the gap between supply and demand.

I would not be serving the people of my state well if I did not raise a red flag as to the possible long term consequences of this policy. In spite of the fact that more gas is needed in every region of the country, it does not appear the plan to import LNG is as national in scope. Of the 30 LNG plants proposed around the country, the only ones that appear to be actually moving forward aggressively are those on and off the coasts of Louisiana and Texas. In fact, we will hear testimony today about specific projects in Rhode Island and California that have run into roadblocks.

While gas prices have hovered near $6 per thousand cubic feet, Stephen Brown, the Federal Reserve’s chief energy economist for the Dallas region, estimates that if a number of these LNG projects are up and running, prices could drop as low as $3.25 per thousand cubic feet.

However, as much as Louisiana and the rest of the nation need new sources of gas, we must address at least three critical issues as we move to meet the rising demand. First, states and communities like Louisiana that are asked and in some sense required to serve as a platform for the energy needs of the nation as a whole should be directly compensated through a revenue sharing mechanism that recognizes the impact these facilities will have on them. Secondly, the safety issues related to siting these facilities in one region of the country in order to deliver gas to the other regions of the country must be fully considered. As a result of September 2001, safety has taken on an even more important role in shoring-up the security around our nation’s critical infrastructure. The security around our LNG facilities such as ships, terminals and storage areas will have to be given an even higher priority. I am pleased that the recently released Sandia report asserts that the risk arising from both intentional and accident events can be significantly reduced and managed with appropriate security, planning, prevention, and mitigation. In addition, we must also recognize that since international LNG shipping began in 1959, tankers have carried 40,000 LNG cargoes without a serious accident at sea or in port—partly due to the double hulled design of tankers. Finally, there may be environmental impacts pertaining to the use of offshore LNG facilities that need to be addressed. Some conservation groups as well as NOAA have raised appropriate concerns about the potential impact of offshore facilities on marine life (redfish, shrimp, et al.) in the Gulf of Mexico. Perhaps these concerns will prove to be unwarranted. However, we cannot ignore them.

We have a model for how to use LNG in an efficient and safe manner. Japan is the world’s largest LNG importer and relies on LNG for about 97% of its natural gas consumption. Tokyo Bay has 5 LNG terminals which receive about 8 large shipments of LNG per week without incident.

CAPTAIN DAVID L. SCOTT, CHIEF, OFFICE OF OPERATING AND ENVIRONMENTAL STANDARDS, U.S. COAST GUARD

As the Federal Government’s lead agency for maritime homeland security, the Coast Guard plays a major role in ensuring all facets of marine transportation of LNG—including LNG vessels, shore side terminals, and proposed LNG deep water ports—are operated safely and that the risks associated with the marine transportation of LNG are managed responsibly.

LNG VESSEL SAFETY.  LNG vessels have had an enviable safety record over the last 40 years. According to a recent Congressional Research Service report, since international commercial LNG shipping began in 1959, tankers have carried over 33,000 LNG shipments without a serious accident at sea or in port. Insurance records and industry sources show that there were approximately 30 LNG tanker safety incidents (e.g. leaks, groundings or collisions) through 2002. Of these incidents, 12 involved small LNG spills which caused some freezing damage, but did not ignite. Two incidents caused small vapor vent fires which were quickly extinguished.  There are approximately 175 LNG vessels operating worldwide.

THOMAS E. GILES, EXECUTIVE VP & CEO, SOUND ENERGY SOLUTIONS, MITSUBISHI, LONG BEACH, CA

Sound Energy Solutions is a subsidiary of Mitsubishi Corporation, and we are developing an LNG receiving terminal at the Port of Long Beach, California. Once completed, this terminal will receive ocean-going tankers carrying liquefied natural gas from a variety of Pacific Rim countries. The bulk of this LNG will be vaporized into natural gas at the terminal and transported to the SoCal Gas system. Some of the LNG will be sold as a liquid for the use in LNG vehicles, replacing diesel fuel and helping to clean up the air quality in the Los Angeles Basin. The facility will cost approximately $450 million to construct and have a gross annual capacity of 5 billion tons of LNG.

MICHAEL R. PEEVEY, PRESIDENT, CALIFORNIA PUBLIC UTILITIES COMMISSION, SAN FRANCISCO, CA

The California Public Utilities Commission recognizes that there is a need for additional sources of natural gas supplies from LNG facilities. The California Public Utilities Commission agrees with the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission that LNG terminals are needed to provide reliable supplies of natural gas and help put downward pressure on the already high prices for natural gas in North America.

Due to the high prices of natural gas, there are presently numerous proposals for LNG facilities to be constructed along the West Coast, which could provide substantial volumes of natural gas to California. According to the FERC’s website as of February 7, 2005, in pending applications filed with MARAD and the Coast Guard, there are two proposed sites in federal waters offshore Southern California (i.e., BHP Billion for 1.5 Bcfd and Crystal Energy for .5 Bcfd), there are two proposed sites in Baja California, Mexico (i.e., Sempra and Shell for 1.0 Bcfd and Chevron Texaco for 1.4 Bcfd), there is one proposed site in Southern California in an application filed with the FERC (i.e., Sound Energy Solutions for 0.7 Bcfd) and there is a potential site offshore Southern California identified by the project sponsor (i.e., Chevron Texaco 0.75 Bcfd). In addition, a new proposal for a floating storage and regasification unit (FSRU) offshore of Baja California, Mexico was recently announced in an article in the San Diego Union-Tribune on February 3, 2005. According to the San Diego Union-Tribune’s article, ‘‘Energy experts say only one or two liquefied natural gas receiving terminals are needed to supply the Baja California and Southern California region.’’ The California Public Utilities Commission has made no determination as to how many LNG terminals are needed in this region, but suffice it to say that nobody expects all of these projects are necessary or will be built.

There is a much greater chance of public acceptance of LNG facilities when the state has decision-making authority and is included in the process, and when there is meaningful public participation in the process as well, than when the state and the public are excluded.

JACK REED, U.S. SENATOR FROM RHODE ISLAND.  As we speak, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission is considering proposals to establish LNG receiving terminals in Providence, Rhode Island and Fall River, Massachusetts. Both of these projects would place LNG terminals in urban communities and require LNG tankers to pass by 11 Rhode Island towns and cities and more than 25 miles of densely populated coastline, literally all the way up Narragansett Bay. In my written testimony, I have outlined my major concerns with FERC’s current process for siting LNG terminals. Perhaps most important, I believe that FERC is not serving the American people well by simply processing LNG proposals submitted by energy companies on a first-come/first-serve basis without regard to the relative public policy benefits of one site over another, particularly in places like New England. FERC should, instead, consider a regional approach to LNG terminal siting. FERC should step back and take a comprehensive look at all the options, including offshore terminals, remote facilities that are being built in Canada, and other sites in the northeastern United States that are not in the heart of densely populated urban communities. Unfortunately, so far FERC has rejected our pleas for such an approach.

FERC is moving rapidly toward finalizing its environmental impact statement on the KeySpan project in Providence, yet the Coast Guard has not completed its security plan that will answer significant questions about the Federal, State, and local resources that will be required to protect the 950-foot long LNG tankers that will transit the bay up to 100 times per year.  FERC’s approval process for LNG terminals is deeply flawed and leaves too many questions unanswered. We do not know exactly what impact the arrival and departure of 100 or more LNG tankers each year will have on recreational and commercial traffic on the Bay—or whether any of our bridges will need to be closed during transits—because the Coast Guard has not completed its safety and security reviews. The Coast Guard is working diligently with KeySpan and with its state and local partners to complete those reviews, but the Coast Guard has told my office repeatedly that it does not have the resources to adequately secure these LNG tankers and marine terminals, while fulfilling its other post-9/11 responsibilities. The arrival of 950-foot long LNG vessels will require a whole new level of personnel and infrastructure, yet we have no cost estimate and no guarantee these new federal resources will be made available.  Similarly, a tremendous new burden will be placed on our state and local law enforcement and first responder agencies.

 

Senate 109-2. January 24, 2005. Natural Gas Symposium. U.S. Senate Symposium. 95 pages.

Excerpts:

PETE V. DOMENICI, New Mexico, CHAIRMAN. Our consumption is outstripping production at an increasing rate. In 2004, we imported 15% of our natural gas.  The EIA estimates that in 2025 we will have to import 25%, nearly double what we import now, most of it as LNG, liquefied natural gas. According to the EIA, in 2004, we imported 6 million cubic feet of LNG. In 2025, they think the importing will be 6.4 trillion cubic feet.  Progress so far on siting these LNG facilities has been nonexistent, almost impossible to get done. [Yet] there is a natural gas crisis, in terms of demand and supply..that affects residential, commercial, industrial consumers and has cost the consumers many billions of dollars.

ROGER COOPER, EXECUTIVE VICE PRESIDENT, AMERICAN GAS ASSOCIATION.  We need to change how we measure energy efficiency to avoid ignoring huge energy losses. What are these energy losses? It is the loss of energy when we extract a raw material, turn it into electricity, and deliver it to a customer. Typically about two-thirds of the energy is lost in that process, but currently we tend to ignore in our energy efficiency measurements looking at that side of the equation.

AGA requests that existing Federal energy efficiency legislation be amended so that we measure not only the energy efficiency of the appliance, as we do today, but we also look at the energy efficiency in a full-fuel cycle, so from wellhead to burner tip, from mine mouth to electric appliance.

Also, we need to align the interests of gas distribution utilities and their customers for greater conservation. In the past quarter century, the average residential household has reduced their natural gas consumption by 25%, about 1% a year on average. But that is not enough. Today most natural gas distribution utilities can earn their fair, State-approved returns, approved by the public utility commissions, only by getting their customers to use more, not less, natural gas. But the good news is that it need not be the case. The solution lies in changing utility rate designs. Properly done, using  conservation tariffs approved by State public utility commissions, we can reduce natural gas consumption, lower bills to consumers,  increase energy efficiency, and provide a reasonable return to shareholders. This concept has been endorsed by NARUC, by the Natural Resources Defense Council, by the ACEEE, and other organizations.

JEANNE CONNELLY, VP, Federal Relations, Calpine Corporation.  A lot of attention has been paid to improving efficiencies on the demand or the customer side, but we believe that it is also possible to improve efficiency on the supply side in the production of electricity. We have heard from many people that the majority of new power plants that have been built in the last decade have been gas-fired. But something interesting happened in the late 1990’s. While the amount of electricity produced from gas continued to grow, the amount of gas used to produce that electricity did not grow concomitantly. And the answer is improved efficiencies because at that same time in the late 1990’s, a lot of the new, very efficient, combined-cycle natural gas plants started to come on line. They use somewhere between 30 to 40% less natural gas to produce the same amount of electricity as the older, inefficient gas plants.

So from 1999 to 2003, the amount of electricity produced from gas increased 11.5%, but the amount of gas used to produce that electricity increased only 1%. So you had a savings of 650 billion cubic feet of gas. Texas, which has a competitive market for energy, improved the efficiency of its gas-fired generation by over 10% from 1999 to 2003. But Louisiana, which still operates as a regulated monopoly system, improved their efficiency by only 1%. And the difference is that in a competitive market, the most efficient units get called on first. They are dispatched first.

So our proposal for reducing the use of natural gas is to encourage all public utilities to use a system of efficient dispatch, whereby the most efficient units are dispatched first, whether they are owned by the utility or the power is generated from a non-utility owner, as long as it is available in the same region. And then the oldest, most inefficient units might never be called on or they would only be called on at times of peak usage. If all gas-fired generation were from the new, combined- cycle plants with an average heat rate of 7,500, in 2003 the country could have saved another 650 billion cubic feet of gas, just in 2003. And this translates into millions of dollars of savings to ratepayers where the cost of gas is passed right through to the ratepayer. And the environmental benefits are tremendous as well since you have quite a reduction in emissions of NOx and carbons. Since some regions of the country that have old and new gas also have an over-capacity of power right now, you could do this without having to have capital expenditures.

SCOTT ANGELLE, Secretary, Louisiana Department of Natural Resources.   Louisiana has a long and distinguished history of oil and gas production. Currently 34% of the Nation’s natural gas supply and almost 30% of the Nation’s crude oil supply is either produced offshore Louisiana or moves through the State’s coastal wetlands. This production is connected to nearly half of the total refining capacity in the United States.

We understand just how vital these energy resources are to the Nation’s economy, but Louisiana, like other coastal producing States, sustains impacts and bears the cost of onshore support infrastructure. In my State, some of this infrastructure contributes to the loss of more than 24 square miles of our coastal land each year, a rate of land loss believed to be the fastest on the planet Earth. In fact, during the time of this afternoon’s meeting alone, Louisiana will lose a football field-wide area from the Capitol Building to the Washington Monument. If what is happening in Louisiana today were happening in this city, the steps of this building would be washing away today, the White House tomorrow, and perhaps the Pentagon soon thereafter.

When States like yours, Senator Bingaman, holds drilling on Federal lands onshore, they receive 50 percent of those revenues in direct payments, which is appropriate. In contrast, Louisiana produces an average of 5 billion—that is billion with a B—off its shores and gets only a fraction of a percent back. We believe this inequity is profound. It is critical we receive our Federal share of revenues to build and maintain onshore infrastructure to continue to support this production activity. We believe it makes sense to take care of the energy-producing States that produce the energy for the benefit of the rest of the Nation.

Like a good bank account, one must make a few deposits to make a few withdrawals. Relative to America’s energy industry, Louisiana has made her share of deposits and we need to make a withdrawal on the Federal Treasury to protect the infrastructure. Help us to allow us to continue helping America. What else must Louisiana do to get the attention? Just last month, the Federal Government sited the newest LNG facility in America in Cameron Parish, Louisiana. We are doing our share but we do need some help to protect our infrastructure.

MARK D. MYERS, DIRECTOR, ALASKA DIVISION OF OIL AND GAS, STATE OF ALASKA. [There is a lot of potential in Alaska to produce natural gas if pipelines are built. These pipelines could carry 4.5 to 5.6 billion cubic feet of gas a day (bcfd) as soon as 7 years from now].   At these rates, the proven reserves in the North Slope will last between 16 and 23 years. The remaining gas for a 35-plus-year project will need to come from either conventionally yet-to-be-discovered gas or unconventional gas that is proven in the ground but not proven yet to be commercial.

Currently, 59 bcfd of natural gas is consumed daily in the United States. The EIA estimates that domestic demand for natural gas will increase to 77 bcfd by 2015, and to 84 bcfd by 2025. If the Alaska natural gas pipeline currently envisioned is built, the 35 tcf of known Alaska reserves could satisfy 4.5 bcfd of the total domestic demand for a period of two decades. Alaska’s vast gas resources are estimated to also include 250 tcf of undiscovered conventional resources, 590 tcf of onshore (100 tcf within or near existing North Slope infrastructure.  The economic return and risk associated with building a gas pipeline depends largely on its useful lifespan, a function of both available reserves and pipeline capacity.

MARK COOPER, DIRECTOR OF RESEARCH, CONSUMER FEDERATION OF AMERICA.   In the past 25 years, we have failed to adopt a coherent, balanced policy. We are paying the price today, but if we fail in the next 25 years, the price will be much greater.  Natural gas transportation, distribution, and storage infrastructure exhibit characteristics of natural monopoly and public goods. They are a natural monopoly in the sense that there are not likely to be redundant facilities in a given area because of high fixed and sunk costs.

As a result, the manipulation of markets and a socially irresponsible undersupply is likely to occur unless there is public policy. We believe a critical first step in building the consensus that we have failed to build in the past 25 years is to restore confidence in the transparency and fairness of these markets. And that means starting with an information infrastructure, that people believe in and therefore will be willing to make the hard choices that we firmly believe must be made.  We need to stop deregulating where markets are too weak to protect consumers to diminish abuse.  We need to adopt requirements to expand storage. We have inadequate storage. Every price shock we hear, stocks were low.  We need a reporting system of prices and stocks and balance in supplies that is honest, audited, and instills confidence in the public.

KEITH RATTIE, CHAIRMAN, CEO, & President, Questar Corporation.  I am here today on behalf of the Interstate Natural Gas Association of America, INGAA. The bottom line is that America will need all the natural gas the market can deliver over the next couple of decades. We cannot conserve our way out of the supply problem except at an unacceptable cost to our economy and our standard of living. We do not have the luxury of choosing to just say no to new pipelines or to new natural gas development or to LNG terminals required to access the massive amounts of natural gas that have been found in this country and around the globe. In short, we need new supply from new areas and new pipelines to move more gas.

STEVE NADEL, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, American Council for an Energy Efficient Economy.    We are a nonprofit research organization that has worked on policies for promoting energy efficiency for the past 25 years. Energy efficiency policy action is the best way to bring down natural gas prices over the next 5 years. Demand and supply are in very tight balance, and just a small reduction in energy demand could have a very significant impact on prices over the next few years before other resources start coming into play. We did a recent study using the same computer models employed by the National Petroleum Council and found that reducing natural gas and electricity use by 4 to 5% over the next 5 years could reduce gas prices by about 25% between now and 2010. Over the next 5 years, we could save over $100 billion for American consumers and businesses. So we think this is a very important first step that should be taken.  Also, we recommend that an energy efficiency resource standard be established. This would be to set energy savings goals for the energy suppliers, the gas and electric utilities, similar to Texas sets savings targets that the utilities need to meet each year.  Finally, we recommend an energy efficiency and conservation campaign to encourage consumers to reduce their use of natural gas and electricity. In particular, we think expanded funding for the Energy Star program would be a good place to start.

 

Senator ALEXANDER.  I believe the drilling rig the chairman visited might be 50 miles offshore, very difficult to see. Can anyone give me a comparison of how many wind turbines it would take, spread across the ocean, to equal one gas rig that no one can see?

Mr. KUUSKRAA. If we had a 500-megawatt power plant, that would be equal to 500 1-megawatt windmills. One rig producing about 150 million cubic feet a day, which is an average output, would be equal to that.

 

The CHAIRMAN. Are either of you aware of the huge ranch in northern New Mexico that is called the Vermejo Ranch? It is owned by Ted Turner.  The point I was going to make is—it is interesting because I did not hear from any of those who were worried about great landscapes and wilderness type areas to even comment on the fact that Mr. Turner, a friend of mine, drilled 1,500 gas wells on the Vermejo Ranch. He did not ask for permission. He did not follow the national environmental impact law. He drilled them and nobody is talking about it even to this day, about whether they should have been drilled. But I would venture that if they were public lands, there would be no chance that there would have been 1,500 wells on that property. That is just an observation.

Mr. ALBERSWERTH. Senator Domenici, I think that is because we all in this room feel that we have a stake in those public lands and we do not have a say about what Mr. Turner does on his land.

Senator THOMAS. If you own the surface and the mineral, you have a lot more freedom to do what you want to do.

The CHAIRMAN. No, but the point is Mr. Turner does not feel like that.  You understand. All of you have praised him because he is not a landlord that is supposed to be any less concerned about environmental issues on his land as we are on ours.

 

 

Posted in LNG Liquified Natural Gas, U.S. Congress Energy Policy | Tagged , , | Comments Off on The dangers and costs of importing Liquefied natural gas (LNG). U.S. Senate Hearing 2005.

The Back to the Land Movement: why it failed and why we need to try again

[ This is my book review of “Back from the Land: how young Americans went to nature in the 1970s, and why they came back”.   Some succeeded, but most failed, and there are lessons to be learned from the previous attempt, since 70 to 90% of us will need to go back-to-the-land post carbon.  

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report ]

My book review of: Eleanor Agnew.  July 21, 2005. Back from the Land: How Young Americans Went to Nature in the 1970s, and Why They Came Back. Ivan R. Dee.

As oil and natural gas decline, many of us will have to go back to the land. There is something to learn from those who have tried this in the past. Although much has been said about why communes and Utopian communities failed, little has been written about the fate of individual homesteaders.

Part 1. Review of Agnew’s “Back From the Land”

Eleanor Agnew writes about the millions of young adults who tried homesteading. She speaks from experience — she went back to the land with her husband and two boys in Troy, Maine.

Agnew estimates between 750,000 and one million people lived on communes in the 70s. Millions more went back to farm the land independently. On the whole the movement consisted of educated, young, white, middle class men and women.

Their rejection of the current system wouldn’t have been possible if the overall economy hadn’t been so wealthy. It was a luxury to be able to experiment this way.

There were many reasons people went back to the land. The value system of American society was repulsive to many. They abhorred the rat race, boring jobs, crowds, the corrupt establishment; consumerism, destruction of wilderness, and advertising to get people to buy things they didn’t need. Some also felt the need to “redeem their souls” because they’d done nothing to deserve the abundance they’d experienced. America has a long tradition of associating virtue with moderation, hard work, self-denial, and simple living. Many associated farming with the romantic notion of self-sufficient pioneers.

The oil crisis in 1973 led some to believe that the capitalist system was in imminent danger of collapse, so going back to the land would be a matter of survival.

Homesteaders wanted to invent a new and better civilization based on community, healthy food, a love of nature, and avoidance of toxic chemicals.

Many, if not most, were unrealistic about what it would take to make the urban to country transition.

Raising animals meant no days off, and the joy of raising them was shattered when they were slaughtered.

Farming was hard 

Some bought land that was mostly rocks, which made building homes and starting gardens very hard. Good topsoil was washed away in storms. Then there were assaults by flies and no-see-ums, blistered hands, and aching muscles from tending crops, which in the end might be lost to drought, frost, hail, and pests. The surviving crops required hard work to harvest and prepare for storage.

In the winter, scraping ice off of  floors and walls and clearing paths and roads of snow, chopping wood, frozen pipes, broken cars, and wood piles frozen into a block of ice added to the discomfort and hard work.

Fires could be a problem if the wood hadn’t been aged long enough — at least a year — because it didn’t burn well and added creosote to the chimney, a fire hazard.

There were many new skills to master. Building a home, clearing the land, digging holes for the foundation through rock, fixing tractors, cars, chainsaws, chasing down escaped farm animals, cooking with wood, and canning food are just a few of the many skills needed to successfully homestead.

Although many had realized they’d be cash poor on the land, they hadn’t thought of this as being real poverty. After all, they’d grow their own food, build their own homes, and trade with other community members for anything missing.

Back-to-the-landers found they couldn’t be independent from the outside economy

Isolation meant even more dependence on cars, which were absolutely essential in the country, and repairs were expensive. People couldn’t grow all of their own food and needed to get some items at the supermarket. And just about everything required money: seeds, tools, animals, stoves, and so on.

Copthorne Macdonald says alternative society never got large enough to separate from the mainstream society. You had to buy your tools at the hardware store since there weren’t enough people making them on forges. The basic infrastructure of the economy forced people to buy outside the alternative lifestyle community. The bottom line is that small economies like communes and homesteads don’t have the “size, complexity, cash flow, or diversity of goods and services to survive very well independently”.

Doing something at home didn’t pay well either. One farmer worked out he was making about ten cents an hour by the time he’d grown wheat and turned it into flour.

People had confused consumerism with cash. But even a sparse existence requires goods that can’t be made or grown on the homestead.

To afford necessities and improvements, people found they had to take jobs that were boring, low paying, with no benefits, and sometimes dangerous. Those who’d thought their middle class careers were hard or dull discovered otherwise. Since most lived far out in the country, it wasn’t usually possible to return to abandoned careers. By leaving homesteads to work outside, they lost the time and energy needed to make themselves self-sufficient – time versus money. They needed time to build homes and garden, but they needed money to buy cement and garden tools.

Many idealists had one-dimensional ideas about capitalism, that it was nothing but ruthlessness, and that they could avoid the capitalist system by becoming self-sufficient.

Homesteads failed as they tipped towards more time spent off the farm working than improving the homestead. People began to realize that rather than being homesteaders with outside jobs, they had awful jobs and happened to own a homestead. Many decided to return to the middle-class high-paying, rewarding careers they’d abandoned.

And many had no choice but to leave the land.  They were bankrupt, out of savings if not deeply in debt. Many couples had children, and didn’t feel it was fair to them to lead isolated lives on farms, far from good schools.

Misleading publications made it sound easy to live off the land

Books like “Independence on a 5-acre Farm” made it seem like it was no big deal to go back to the land. Mother Earth News had articles such as “Raise Worms for Fun and Profit” that misled people into thinking they’d earn enough money on the farm to pay for necessities.

Eliot Coleman told people that they didn’t need health insurance, and since everyone was young, healthy, and insurance companies were evil, they were glad to opt out.

Agnew devotes a chapter to how wrong Coleman was – just because you’re young doesn’t mean there won’t be a need for emergency care, especially on a farm doing heavy manual labor, where the odds are many times higher than an office job that an accident will occur.

Health care was often poor in the country – there weren’t enough doctors per capita

Those who thought they could doctor themselves with herbs were sometimes dead wrong. Comfrey, which was supposed to cure just about everything, turns out to have liver damaging and carcinogenic effects. An alternative doctor prescribed Chinese herb cocktails that led to total kidney destruction in 100 women. Natural is not always better.

Scott and Helen Nearing were the role models for the back-to-the-land community. They built an ideal homestead working four hours a day, spending the rest of their time reading, playing music, etc. They made it seem possible to do this with very little cash.  But the Nearings made money from speaking, writing books, and donations. They had many followers who worked on their farm free of charge.

Thoreau made it sound easy to build a cabin and live in the wilderness. But the truth is, he was very lose to town, just two miles, and went there just about every day to visit friends and dine with them.

Other reasons the movement failed

Divorce. Despite love being what the counterculture was all about, the reality of never-ending hard work, poverty, and lack of privacy in small cabins took a toll on marriages. When a marriage failed, one partner usually had to quit the land and go back to civilization. The other partner often found someone who didn’t want to homestead, or found no one and couldn’t cope with all the work alone.

Commune failures. Meanwhile, people on communes were returning as well. Agnew lists these reasons for commune failures: lack of clear goals and structures, aggravations of shared space, irritating personal habits, and not liking each other once acquainted. Factions developed over all sorts of things – religion, politics, etc.

The “unanimous consent” nature of decisions also caused problems – either there was a hung jury or underground resistance. Mutual consent favors the verbally aggressive and quiet people lose out, but giving in all the time soon made the silent ones resentful.

New members threw communes off balance if they weren’t screened well enough to see if they fit in.

Probably the most important factor that broke communes up was the resentment hard workers felt for slackers. People disagreed about work contributions and money making efforts. Those who worked hard didn’t want to share money with those who didn’t, and tried to get shirkers to work, but there was no way to enforce it, so these measures failed.

The Malthusian die-off didn’t happen. Back-to-the-landers hoped to escape the famine, overpopulation, war, and chaos that threatened to result from energy shortages and ecological destruction. But life went on, and friends and family on the outside were having it much easier, having more fun, living in warm homes, and leading far more interesting and intellectual lives in cities.

Fatigue. The novelty and idealism of hauling spring water in heavy buckets over rough ground, endlessly chopping wood, feeding fires all night and other hardships grew thin.

Conclusion. According to Jeffrey Jacob’s research on the success rate of back-to-the-landers, only 3% subsisted on a combination of cash crops and bartering, only 2% through “intensive cultivation of cash crops”. The others all found themselves preoccupied with money:
44% worked full-time away from homesteads
18% had pensions and investments
17% survived on part-time or seasonal work
15% got their income from businesses they could run from home

In the end they found that capitalism infused every aspect of life and was beyond overthrowing or disregarding.

Part 2. Peak Energy: Time to Go Back Again

In the 70s, ecology, energy, population, and environment were common topics of conversation. Not anymore. Environmental groups have abandoned population and immigration, even though they know it’s responsible for all of the issues they’re seeking donations for.  Now it is politically incorrect to talk about it.  Or to bring up any problem without a solution, such as peak oil.

Most young people are very much aware they’re inheriting a polluted and depleted planet, but aren’t taught much science or critical thinking in school, and certainly nothing about energy and resource depletion.

It’s truly remarkable how little awareness or discussion of ecological issues there is compared to the 70s.  President Carter had educated the public about the need to conserve so well that this was on everyone’s mind.  Anyone with Christmas lights was derided by neighbors as wasting energy.  There were waiting lists to get more fuel-efficient cars. Speed limits were reduced to 55 mph. Paul Erlich spoke about overpopulation 13 times on the Johnny Carson show, and planned parenthood was well-funded with outreach to all the high schools in the area to make it easy for teens to get birth control  Had such awareness persisted, perhaps the peak of oil production would have been delayed a few more years.

Those who are aware, and would like to go back to the land, rarely can afford to buy a farm. Land is more expensive now than in the 70’s because there are 100 million more of us. We are losing land from development, erosion, and population at a rate where there won’t be any crop land in 140 years.  And they would face the same challenges as the 70s back-to-the-landers.

Population has increased 165% since 1920. One of the reasons it was possible to grow to 320 million people was that the 20% of land used to feed horses and oxen was shifted to farmland when cars came along. This freed up a lot of land.  It would be impossible to go back to horses and oxen again for their muscle power. We will have to rely on brutal human labor this time around when we run out of diesel for tractors, harvesters, and trucks.

What needs to be done

Hirsch pointed out that you’d want to prepare for Peak Oil 20 years ahead of time with heavy oil, gas-to-liquids & liquefied natural gas, enhanced oil recovery, efficient vehicles, and coal liquids to mitigate the most critical weakness in our infrastructure: the utter dependence of diesel and gasoline combustion engines on oil.

But that won’t work (see my book “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation” 2016, Springer).

There is no way to make an alternative diesel fuel to replace oil, or any other kind of fuel or electricity to keep tractors and harvesters running.   And how are you going to get the 80% of calories grown in the wheat and corn belts to the 80% of the population who live within 200 miles of the coasts?

Nearly everyone assumes that the next step is to throw huge amounts of money at energy research and building coal liquefaction and nuclear power plants, windmills, solar panels, and so on. But transportation doesn’t run on electricity, and it looks like coal is also peaking in the USA and the world.

As former Maryland Congressman Bartlett has pointed out, there’s no point to all-out energy projects – because if we succeed, the population will double again, and the number of people experiencing hardship when the fuel runs out yet again will be even greater. Not to mention the continued destruction of fisheries, forests, and aquifers and potential extinction of humankind and other species.

We need to employ more people in agriculture to make up for the coming shortfall in energy. Author Richard Heinberg has called for “50 million farmers”. Changing agricultural methods and infrastructure takes decades as well.

Government needs to be in the driver’s seat, since energy will need to be allocated across many other essential services besides agriculture, such as water purification, delivery, and treatment, garbage collection, military and police, roads, disaster recovery, and to keep our poorly maintained infrastructure from failing.

Educating and retraining people for coping with energy descent is essential. But since less than ten percent of Americans are scientifically literate, and any politicians who tried to educate Americans on how serious our energy and population situation is wouldn’t get re-elected, it’s unlikely any action will be taken at the top. The necessary changes and awareness will have to come from a grass roots movement of self-educated citizens.

The local food movement is one such effort. Many people are buying local organic food to encourage organic farming, assuming that capitalism will take care of the situation, because if we pay more for organic food, more people will become organic farmers.

The local food movement  ignores the potentially higher amount of energy required to deliver local food. Mariola, in his paper “The Local Industrial Complex? Questioning the Sustainability of Local Foods”, points out that energy used to move a large amount of food by ship, rail, or truck is probably less, due to economies of scale, than having hundreds of local farmers move tiny amounts of food to local markets which thousands of people drive to. Perhaps if customers walked, biked, took mass transit, the energy balance might be better, this needs to be researched further.

The most important lesson learned from the previous back-to-the-land movement is that we are all part of the capitalist system, and consequently, a new organic farming movement will not survive without government help. Large, industrial farms depend on government help and receive billions of dollars in subsidies that would be better spend on small farms growing high-quality artisan food as in France. Over 5 million farmers were driven out of business against their will in the last century as farmers were forced to get bigger by mechanizing or go out of business. Now there are only 2 million farms left, mostly highly mechanized at a time when we are going back to manual labor.  And these farms are too big and powerful to allow land redistribution to happen.  Slavery in all but name will be the result if we can’t get more young people on small farms.

This could partly be done by shifting large farm subsidies to Community Supported Agriculture (CSA) and no more housing/building development on top of prime farmland.

Making a downshift to agriculture will take decades:
* Train enough people in soil science, plant propagation, integrated pest management, etc for outreach to farms to make the industrial-to-organic transition
* Shift people from ecologically unsustainable regions to food producing areas
* Improve topsoil. Industrial farming has ruined soil structure and nutrition. It will take at least five years to for soil to recover before organic food production gets back to previous levels.
* The learning curve for organic farming done in a sustainable way can take up to ten years.
* Plant forests to provide firewood, lumber, etc

The downshift needs to start now to mitigate suffering. Our nation needs to focus on a return to agriculture, not new energy infrastructure. To stay under the depletion curve, the number of people returning to the land to grow and distribute food needs to steadily increase until we’re back to 90% farmers, 10% town and city dwellers by the time wood becomes our primary energy resource again.

As far as reducing the energy used in agriculture, we can start now by cutting back on calories, eat a vegetarian diet, grow our own victory gardens, use less packaging, etc.

We need university students to major in agricultural disciplines, and above all, to try to shift mostly petrochemical and mechanization-oriented agriculture departments to teaching and researching sustainable farming methods. Cuba’s success in coping with their downturn was partly due to having enough people trained in organic farming to train petrochemical farmers how to switch to organic methods.

The huge number of agricultural students we need doesn’t exist. The Los Angeles Times article, “Agriculture schools Sprucing up their image”, says that many professional agriculture workers in soil science, pest management, and growing crops are about to retire, but enrollment in these areas is declining.

Instead, students are majoring in professions will be useless in a world of declining energy.

Given the short window of time we have left, a better alternative than university agriculture departments would be John Jeavon’s bio-intensive workshops, Rodale Institute programs, and gaining experience on sustainable organic farms (not all organic farms grow food with topsoil sustaining methods).

This time around, the model to follow for a group endeavor is already here – Community Supported Agriculture. Lazy members who don’t farm their tract will earn far less than hard-working members. Pooling resources will be an advantage over individual farms, if the members can learn to get along, cooperate, and select good leaders.

CSA’s and homesteads should be forming now, with a government agency acting as the central agent for connecting people who want to farm, providing agricultural scholarships, training, outreach, buying land and loaning money to farmers, and so on.

It will not be simple to make the transition. The easiest path is to ration the remaining oil to essential services like agriculture and continuing on as usual, not only to maintain social order, but to have food to export in exchange for oil and natural gas based fertilizers. Land will continue to be concentrated in a few hands, pushing society towards feudalism and fascism as people work for minimal wages to survive. Business as usual, until energy shortages cause sudden dislocations, leads to civil wars and collapse.

If the U-turn can start now, there’s a better chance of remaining a strong democratic nation, and to finally do what we always should have done: live within our means — what the ecosystem can provide sustainably.

There’s no point trying to prepare for energy descent and climate change if the current levels of immigration, birth rate, and loss of prime farm land continues.

Everyone needs to get involved, because we’re a social, cooperative species, utterly dependent on each other as much as bees or ants are. Peter Corning’s brilliant book, “Nature’s Magic”, shows that synergy and cooperation at group levels were far more important in the emergence of homo sapiens than competition between individuals. We must all pull together and work towards the best possible future we can imagine, because we’re all in this together.

It would be better if people chose an agricultural future with hope and courage. Farming can be an immensely satisfying and rewarding way of life. It would be best for democracy and preserving our remaining resources if Americans could embrace reality and take appropriate back-to-the-land action.

Posted in Agriculture, Books | Tagged , , , , , | Comments Off on The Back to the Land Movement: why it failed and why we need to try again

Energy Security: Historical perspectives and Modern challenges. Senate hearing 2009

[ In this hearing former President Carter was brought in by the Senate to help them cope with the energy crisis.  Carter said that no one but the President can educate the public about the energy crisis and  “explain to them their own personal and national interest in controlling the excessive influx of oil and our dependence on uncertain sources. And it requires some sacrifice on the part of Americans- lower your thermostat. We actually had a pretty good compliance with the 55-miles-per-hour speed limit for a while, and people were very proud of the fact that they were saving energy by insulating their homes and doing things of that kind.”

Senator John Kerry, Massachusetts.   “Why have we not been able to get together as a nation and resolve our serious energy problem?’’ These were the words of President Jimmy Carter in 1979. And regrettably, despite the strong efforts of President Carter and others, here we are, in 2009, still struggling to meet the same challenge today.  Ever since President Nixon set a goal of energy independence by 1980, price spikes and moments of crisis have inspired grand plans and Manhattan projects for energy independence, but the political will to take decisive action has dissipated as each crisis has passed.

Former President Carter: In an address to the Nation, I said: ”Our decision about energy will test the character of the American people and the ability of the President and Congress to govern this Nation. This difficult effort will be the ‘moral equivalent of war,’ except that we will be uniting our efforts to build and not to destroy…. When I became President, the average gas mileage on a car was 12 miles per gallon, and we mandated, by the time I went out of office, 27.5 miles per gallon within 8 years. But, President Reagan and others didn’t think that was important, and so, it was frittered away. We have gone back to the gas guzzlers which I think has been one of the main reasons that Ford and Chrysler and General Motors are in so much trouble now. Instead of being constrained to make efficient automobiles, they made the ones upon which they made more profit. Of course, you have to remember, too, that the oil companies and the automobile companies have always been in partnership, because the oil companies want to sell as much oil as possible, even the imported oil-the profit goes to Chevron and others. I’m not knocking profit, but that’s a fact. And the automobile companies knew they made more profit on gas guzzlers. So, there was kind of a subterranean agreement there.”

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation, 2015, Springer]

Senate  111–78. May 12, 2009. Energy Security: Historical perspectives and Modern challenges. U.S. Senate. 45 pages

Excerpts:

Senator John Kerry, Massachusetts “Why have we not been able to get together as a nation and resolve our serious energy problem?’’ These were the words of President Jimmy Carter in 1979. And regrettably, despite the strong efforts of President Carter and others, here we are, in 2009, still struggling to meet the same challenge today.

The downside of our continued dependence on oil is compelling, it is well known; and the downside is only growing.

Economically, it results in a massive continuous transfer of American wealth to oil-exporting nations, and it leaves us vulnerable to price and supply shocks.

But, the true cost of our addiction extends far beyond what we pay at the pump; its revenues and power sustain despots and dictators, and it obliges our military to defend our energy supply in volatile regions of the world at very great expense.

These were some of the problems that then-President Carter saw, understood, and defined, back in the latter part of the 1970s. They remain problems today. And to this long list of problems, we now add two very urgent, and relatively new, threats: Global terror, funded indirectly by our expenditures on oil, and global climate change driven by the burning of fossil fuels.

To make matters worse, we are adding billions of new drivers on the roads and consumers across the developing world, as India and China’s population and other populations move to automobiles, as lots of other folks did, all of that will ensure that the supplies of existing energy sources will grow even tighter.

All the trends are pointing in that wrong direction. According to the International Energy Agency, global energy demand is expected to increase approximately 45% between 2006 and 2030, fueled largely by growth in the developing world. So, we’re here today to discuss both the geostrategic challenges posed by our current energy supply and the need to find new and more secure sources of energy in the future.

From development to diplomacy to security, no part of our foreign policy is untouched by this issue. Region by region, our energy security challenge is varied and enormous.

Too often, the presence of oil multiples threats, exacerbates conflicts, stifles democracy and development, and blocks accountability.

  • In Europe the potential for monopolistic Russian control over energy supplies is a source of profound concern for our allies, with serious implications for the daily lives of their citizens.
  • In Nigeria, massive oil revenues have fueled corruption and conflict.
  • In Venezuela, President Chavez has used oil subsidies to great effect to buy influence with neighbors.
  • Sudan uses its energy supply to buy impunity from the global community for abuses.
  • Iran uses petro dollars to fund Hamas and Hezbollah, and to insulate its nuclear activities from international pressure
  • We know that, at least in the past, oil money sent to Saudi Arabia has eventually found its way into the hands of jihadists.
  • And oil remains a major bone of contention and a driver of violence in Kirkuk and elsewhere among Iraq’s religious and ethnic groups.

And alongside these security concerns, we must also recognize that access to energy is fundamental to economic development. Billions of people who lack access to fuel and electricity will not only be denied the benefits of economic development, their energy poverty leaves them vulnerable to greater political instability and more likely to take advantage of dirty or local fuel sources that then damage the local environment and threaten the global climate.

Taken together, these challenges dramatically underscore a simple truth: Scarce energy supplies represent a major force for instability in the 21st century. That is why, even though the price of a barrel of oil is, today, $90 below its record high from last summer, we cannot afford to repeat the failures of the past.

Ever since President Nixon set a goal of energy independence by 1980, price spikes and moments of crisis have inspired grand plans and Manhattan projects for energy independence, but the political will to take decisive action has dissipated as each crisis has passed. That is how steps forward have been reversed and efforts have stood still even as the problem has gotten worse.

In 1981, our car and light-truck fleet had a fuel efficiency rate of 20.5 miles per gallon. Today, that number is essentially the same. The only difference? Back then we imported about a third of our oil; today we import 70 percent.

In recent years, Congress and the administration have made some progress. In 2007, fleet-wide fuel efficiency standards were raised for the first time since the Carter administration. In February we passed an economic recovery package which was America’s largest single investment in clean energy that we have ever made.  [But] the lion’s share of the hard work still lies in front of us.

It’s a particular pleasure to have President Carter here, because President Carter had the courage, as President of the United States, to tell the truth to Americans about energy and about these choices, and he actually set America on the right path in the 1970s.

He created what then was the first major effort for research and development into the energy future, with the creation of the Energy Laboratory, out in Colorado, and tenured professors left their positions to go out there and go to work for America’s future.

Regrettably, the ensuing years saw those efforts unfunded, stripped away, and we saw America’s lead in alternative and renewable energy technologies, that we had developed in our universities and laboratories, transferred to Japan and Germany and other places, where they developed them. In the loss of that technology, we lost hundreds of thousands of jobs and part of America’s energy future. President Carter saw that, knew and understood that future. He dealt with these choices every day in the Oval Office, and he exerted genuine leadership. He’s been a student of these issues and a powerful advocate for change in the decades since, and we’re very grateful that he’s taken time today to share insights with us about this important challenge that the country faces.

JIMMY CARTER, Former PRESIDENT of the United States, Plains, Georgia

It is a pleasure to accept Senator Kerry’s request to relate my personal experiences in meeting the multiple challenges of a comprehensive energy policy and the interrelated strategic issues. They have changed very little during the past three decades.

Long before my inauguration, I was vividly aware of the interrelationship between energy and foreign policy. U.S. oil prices had quadrupled in 1973 while I was Governor, with our citizens subjected to severe oil shortages and long gas lines brought about by a boycott of Arab OPEC countries. Even more embarrassing to a proud and sovereign nation was the secondary boycott that I inherited in 1977 against American corporations doing business with Israel.

We overcame both challenges, but these were vivid demonstrations of the vulnerability that comes with excessive dependence on foreign oil. At the time, we were importing 50% of consumed oil, almost 9 million barrels per day, and were the only industrialized nation that did not have a comprehensive energy policy.

It was clear that we were subject to deliberately imposed economic distress and even political blackmail and, a few weeks after becoming President, I elevated this issue to my top domestic priority.

In an address to the Nation, I said: ‘‘Our decision about energy will test the character of the American people and the ability of the President and Congress to govern this Nation. This difficult effort will be the ‘moral equivalent of war,’ except that we will be uniting our efforts to build and not to destroy.’’

First, let me review our work with the U.S. Congress, which will demonstrate obvious parallels with the challenges that lie ahead. Our effort to conserve energy and to develop our own supplies of oil, natural gas, coal, and renewable sources were intertwined domestically with protecting the environment, equalizing supplies to different regions of the country, and balancing the growing struggle and animosity between consumers and producers.

Oil prices were controlled at artificially low levels, through an almost incomprehensible formula based on the place and time of discovery, etc., and the price of natural gas was tightly controlled—but only if it crossed a State line. Scarce supplies naturally went where prices were highest, depriving some regions of needed fuel. Energy policy was set by more than 50 Federal agencies, and I was determined to consolidate them into a new department. In April 1977, after just 90 days, we introduced a cohesive and comprehensive energy proposal, with 113 individual components. We were shocked to learn that it was to be considered by 17 committees and subcommittees in the House and would have to be divided into 5 separate bills in the Senate. Speaker Tip O’Neill was able to create a dominant ad hoc House committee under Chairman Lud Ashley, but the Senate remained divided under two strong willed, powerful, and competitive men, ‘‘Scoop’’ Jackson and Russell Long. In July, we pumped the first light crude oil into our strategic petroleum reserve in Louisiana, the initial stage in building up to my target of 115 days of imports. Less than a month later, I signed the new Energy Department into law, with James Schlesinger as Secretary, and the House approved my omnibus proposal.

In the Senate, the oil and automobile industries prevailed in Senator Long’s committee, which produced unacceptable bills dealing with price controls and the use of coal. There was strong bipartisan support throughout, but many liberals, preferred no legislation to higher prices. Three other Senate bills encompassed my basic proposals on conservation, coal conversion, and electricity rates.

I insisted on the maintenance of a comprehensive or omnibus bill, crucial—then and now—to prevent fragmentation and control by oil company lobbyists, and the year ended in an impasse. As is now the case, enormous sums of money were involved, and the life of every American was being touched. The House-Senate conference committee was exactly divided and stalemated. I could only go directly to the people, and I made three primetime TV speeches in addition to addressing a joint session of Congress.

Also, we brought a stream of interest groups into the White House—several times a week—for direct briefings. The conferees finally reached agreement, but under pressure many of them refused to sign their own report, and both Long and Jackson threatened filibusters on natural gas and an oil windfall profits tax. In the meantime, I was negotiating to normalize diplomatic relations with China, bringing Israel and Egypt together in a peace agreement, sparring with the Soviets on a Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty, allocating vast areas of land in Alaska, and trying to induce 67 Members of a reluctant Senate to ratify the Panama Canal treaties.

Our closest allies were critical of our profligate waste of energy, and OPEC members were exacerbating our problems. Finally clearing the conference committee and a last-minute filibuster in the Senate, the omnibus bill returned to the House for a vote just before the 1978 elections, and following an enormous White House campaign it passed, 207–206.

The legislation put heavy penalties on gas-guzzling automobiles; forced electric utility companies to encourage reduced consumption; mandated insulated buildings and efficient electric motors and heavy appliances; promoted gasohol production and car pooling; decontrolled natural gas prices at a rate of 10% per year; promoted solar, wind, geothermal, and water power; permitted the feeding of locally generated electricity into utility grids; and regulated strip mining and leasing of offshore drilling sites. We were also able to improve efficiency by deregulating our air, rail, and trucking transportation systems. What remained was decontrolling oil prices and the imposition of a windfall profits tax.

This was a complex and extremely important issue, with hundreds of billions of dollars involved. The big question was how much of the profits would be used for public benefit. By this time, the Iranian revolution and the impending Iran-Iraq war caused oil prices to skyrocket from $15 to $40 a barrel ($107 in today’s prices), as did the prospective deregulated price. We reached a compromise in the spring of 1980, with a variable tax rate of 30 percent to 70 percent, the proceeds to go into the general treasury and be allocated by the Congress in each year’s budget. The tax would expire after 13 years or when $227 billion had been collected. Our strong actions regarding conservation and alternate energy sources resulted in a reduction of net oil imports by 50%, from 8.6 to 4.3 million barrels per day by 1982—just 28% of consumption. Increased efficiency meant that during the next 20 years our Gross National Product increased four times as much as energy consumption. This shows what can be done, but unfortunately there has been a long period of energy complacency and our daily imports are now almost 13 million barrels.

The United States now uses 2.5 times more oil than China and 7.5 times more than India or, on a per capita consumption basis, 12 times China’s and 28 times India’s. Although our rich Nation can afford these daily purchases, there is little doubt that, in general terms, we are constrained not to alienate our major oil suppliers, and some of these countries are publicly antagonistic, known to harbor terrorist organizations, or obstruct America’s strategic interests.

When we are inclined to use restrictive incentives, as on Iran, we find other oil consumers reluctant to endanger their supplies. On the other hand, the blatant interruption of Russia’s natural gas supplies to Ukraine has sent a warning signal to its European customers. Excessive oil purchases are the solid foundation of our net trade deficit, which creates a disturbing dependence on foreign nations that finance our debt.

We still face criticism from some of our allies who are far ahead of us in energy efficiency.

A major new problem was first detected while I was President, when science adviser Frank Press informed me of evidence by scientists at Woods Hole that the earth was slowly warming and that human activity was at least partially responsible.

It is difficult for us to defend ourselves against accusations that our waste of energy contributes to [climate change]. Everywhere, we see the intense competition by China for present and future oil supplies (and other commodities), and their financial aid going to other key governments. Recently I found the Chinese to be very proud of their more efficient, less polluting coal power plants. They are building about one a month, while we delay our first full-scale model. We also lag far behind many other nations in … the efficiency of energy consumption

Let me emphasize that our inseparable energy and environmental decisions will determine how well we can maintain a vibrant society, protect our strategic interests, regain worldwide political and economic leadership, meet relatively new competitive challenges, and deal with less fortunate nations. Collectively, nothing could be more important.

An omnibus proposal could be addressed collectively by the Congress by committees brought together in a common approach to this complex problem, because no single element of it can be separated from the others. I think it would also minimize the adverse influence of special interest groups who don’t want to see the present circumstances changed or a new policy put into effect to deal with either energy or with the environment. Another advantage of an omnibus bill is it gives the President and other spokespersons for our Government, including all of you, an opportunity to address this so the American people can understand it.

I think that it is almost necessary to see a single proposal come forward combining energy and environment, as was the case in 1977 to 1980, so that it can be addressed comprehensively. This is not an easy thing, because now, with inflation, I guess several trillion dollars are involved; back in those days, hundreds of billions of dollars. And the interest groups are extremely powerful. I had the biggest problem, at the time, with consumer groups who didn’t want to see the price of oil and natural gas deregulated. It was only by passing the windfall profits tax that we could induce some of them to support the legislation, because they saw that the money would be used for helping poor families pay high prices on natural gas for heating their homes and for alternative energy sources.

Global warming is a new issue that didn’t exist when I was in office, although it was first detected then. I would hope that we would take the leadership role in accurately describing the problem, not exaggerating it, and tying it in with the conservation of energy. And the clean burning of coal, I think, is a very important issue, as well.

I mentioned very briefly the constraints that are already on us. We are very careful not to aggravate our main oil suppliers. We don’t admit it. But, we have to be cautious. And I’m not criticizing that decision. But, some of these people from whom we buy oil and enrich are harboring terrorists; we know it. Some of them are probably condemning America as a nation. They have become our most vocal public critics. We still buy their oil, and we don’t want to alienate them so badly that we can’t buy it.

We also see our allies refraining from putting, I’d say, appropriate influence—I won’t say ‘‘pressure’’—on Iran to change their policy concerning nuclear weapons because they don’t want to interrupt the flow from one of their most important suppliers of oil. So, I think, to the extent that the Western world and the oil-consuming world can reduce our demands, the less we will be constrained in our foreign policy to promote democracy and freedom and international progress.

One of the things that surprised me, back in the 1970s, was that we even lost a good bit of our supplies from Canada. Because when we had the OPEC oil embargo, Canada sent their supplies to other countries, as well. So, we can’t expect to depend just on oil supplies from Mexico and Canada. I would guess that our entire status as a leading nation in the world will depend on the role that we play in energy and environment in the future, not only removing our vulnerability to possible pressures and blackmail.

Senator Lugar: President Carter, in your State of the Union Address, January 23, 1980, which you have mentioned, you articulated what became known to many as the Carter Doctrine. That has several interpretations, but one of them was that the United States would use its military to protect, or to protect our access to Middle Eastern oil.  At the same time, in the same speech, you went on to say, ‘‘We must take whatever actions are necessary to reduce our dependence on foreign oil.’’ You have illustrated in your testimony today all the actions you took. It seems to me to be a part of our predicament, historically, at least often in testimony before this committee, the thought is that our relationship with Saudi Arabia has, implicitly or explicitly for 60 years, said, ‘‘We want to be friends; furthermore, we want to make certain that you remain in charge of all of your oil fields, because we may need to take use of them. We would like to have those supplies, and in a fairly regular way.’’ Now, on the other hand, we have been saying, as you stated, and other Presidents, that we have an abnormal dependence on foreign oil. I suppose one could rationalize this relationship by saying that Saudi Arabia is reasonably friendly in comparison, now, to, say, Venezuela or Iran or Russia or various others. And so, we might be able to pick and choose among them. Perhaps regardless of Presidential leadership, throughout all this period of time, the American public has decided that it wants to buy oil or it wants to buy products, whether it be cars, trucks, and so forth that use a lot of oil. As our domestic supplies have declined, that has meant, almost necessarily, that the amount imported from other places has gone up. And so, despite the Carter Doctrine, say, back in 1980s, we have a huge import bill. Increasingly, our balance-of-payment structure has been influenced very adversely by these payments. And so, many of us try to think through this predicament, and each administration has its own iteration. President Bush, most recently, in one of his State of the Union messages, said we are ‘‘addicted to oil.’’ At the same time, I remember a meeting at the White House in which he said, ‘‘A lot of my oil friends are very angry with me for making such a statement, said, ‘What’s happened to you, George?’ ’’ You know, there’s this ambivalence in the American public about the whole situation. Now, what I want to ask, from your experience, how could we have handled the foreign policy aspect and/or the rhetoric or the developments, say, from 1980 onward, in different ways, as instructive of how we ought to be trying to handle it now? I’m conscious of the fact that many of us are talking about dependence upon foreign oil. We can even say, as we have in this committee, that you can see a string of expenditures, averaging about $500 million a year, even when we were at peace, on our military to really keep the flow going, or to offer assurance. Secretary Jim Baker once, when pushed on why we were worried about Iraq invading Kuwait, said of course it was the upset of aggression, but it’s oil. And many people believe that was the real answer, that essentially we were prepared to go to war to risk American lives, and were doing so, all over oil so we could continue to run whatever SUVs or whatever else we had here with all the pleasures to which we’ve become accustomed. Why hasn’t this dependence, the foreign policy dilemmas or the economic situation ever gripped the American public so there was a clear constituency that said, ‘‘We’ve had enough, and our dependence upon foreign oil has really got to stop, and we are not inclined to use our military trying to protect people who are trying to hurt us’’? Can you give us any instruction, from your experience?

President CARTER. In the first place, no one can do this except the President—to bring this issue to the American public, to explain to them their own personal and national interest in controlling the excessive influx of oil and our dependence on uncertain sources. And it requires some sacrifice on the part of Americans— lower your thermostat. We actually had a pretty good compliance with the 55-miles-per-hour speed limit for a while, and people were very proud of the fact that they were saving energy by insulating their homes and doing things of that kind.

I made three major televised prime-time addresses, and also spoke to a special session of Congress, just on energy; nothing else. That was just the first year. I had to keep it up. The public joined in and gave us support. The oil companies still were trying to get as much as possible from the rapidly increasing prices. They were not able to do so because of the legislation passed.

In 1979, at Christmastime when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, and I looked upon that as a direct threat to the security of my country. I pointed out to the Soviet Union, in a speech, that we would use every resource at our command, not excluding nuclear weapons, to protect America’s security, and if they moved out of Afghanistan to try to take over the oil fields in the Middle East, this would be a direct threat to our existence, economically, and we would not abide by it. And, secretly, we were helping the freedom fighters—some of whom are no longer our friends—in Afghanistan overcome the Soviet invasion. And it never went further down into Iran and Iraq. Unfortunately  that same area was then taken over by the war between Iran and Iraq, and all the oil out of those two countries stopped coming forward in those few months. That’s when prices escalated greatly.

When I became President, the average gas mileage on a car was 12 miles per gallon, and we mandated, by the time I went out of office, 27.5 miles per gallon within 8 years. But, President Reagan and others didn’t think that was important, and so, it was frittered away. We have gone back to the gas guzzlers which I think has been one of the main reasons that Ford and Chrysler and General Motors are in so much trouble now. Instead of being constrained to make efficient automobiles, they made the ones upon which they made more profit. Of course, you have to remember, too, that the oil companies and the automobile companies have always been in partnership, because the oil companies want to sell as much oil as possible, even the imported oil—the profit goes to Chevron and others. I’m not knocking profit, but that’s a fact. And the automobile companies knew they made more profit on gas guzzlers. So, there was kind of a subterranean agreement there.

I would say that, in the future, we have to look forward to increasing pressures from all these factors. There’s no doubt that, as China and India, just for instance, approach anywhere near the per capita consumption of oil that America is using now, the pressure on the international oil market is going to be tremendous, and we’re going to, soon in the future, pass the $110-per-barrel figure again. And when that comes, we’re going to be in intense competition with other countries that are emerging. I’ve just mentioned two of the so-called BRIC countries. I’ve mentioned Brazil and China. But, we know that India is also in there, and Russia is, too. I used the example of the increasing influence of Brazil in a benevolent way. That’s going to continue. We’re going to be competitive with Brazil, and we’re also going to be competitive, increasingly, with China.

Everywhere we go in Africa, you see the Chinese presence, a very benevolent presence and perfectly legitimate. But, anywhere that has coal or oil or copper or iron or so forth, the Chinese are there, very quietly buying the companies themselves if they’re under stress, as they are in Australia right now, or they’re buying the ability to get those raw materials in a very inexpensive way in the future. We’re going to be competing with them. They have an enormous buildup now of capital because of our adverse trade balance and buying our bonds, and they’re able to give benevolent assistance now, wisely invested in some of the countries that I mentioned earlier. So, I think the whole strategic element of our dealing with the poorest countries in the world, of our dealing with friendly competitors, like Brazil, of our dealing with potential competitors in the future, like China, our dependence on unsavory suppliers of oil, all of those things depend on whether or not we have a comprehensive energy policy that saves energy and cuts down on the consumption and also whether we deal with environment.

Senator CARDIN.  You made an interesting observation that the interest groups will make it difficult for us to get the type of legislation passed that we need to get passed. I find it disappointing is our failure to get the interest groups that benefit from significant legislation active—as active as the opponents.   So, is there any experience that you can share with us as to how we could do a better job in mobilizing these interest groups? I know there’s a patriotism, everybody wants to do the right thing, but, when it gets down to it, they’re also interested in what they think is in their best immediate interest.  I agree that the legislation needs to be a bill that deals with energy and the environment, that if we separate it, we’re likely to get lost on both.

President CARTER. Well, I deliberately mentioned three different interest groups—one was oil, one was automobiles, and one was consumers—just to show that there’s a disparity among them in their opposition to some elements of the comprehensive energy policy that I put forward. The oil companies didn’t want to have any of their profits go to the general treasury, renewable energy and that sort of thing. The consumers didn’t want to see the price of natural gas and oil deregulated, because they wanted the cheapest possible supplies. The energy companies wanted to sell their natural gas, for instance, just in their own States where they were discovered, because the only price control on natural gas was if it crossed a State line. There was no restriction if they sold it in Texas or if they sold it in Oklahoma, where the gas was discovered. Those interest groups were varied, and they still are.

You will find some interest groups that will oppose any single aspect of the multiple issues that comprise an omnibus package, and they’ll single-shot it enough to kill it, and just the lowest common denominator is likely to pass if it’s treated in that way. The only way you can get it passed is to have it all together in one bill so that the consumers will say, ‘‘Well, I don’t like to see the increase in price, but the overall bill is better for me’’ and for the oil companies to say, ‘‘Well, we don’t like to see the government take some of our profits, but the overall bill is good for me.’’ That’s the only way you can hope to get it. It was what I had to deal with for 4 solid years under very difficult circumstances in the Congress and so forth. And I think that’s a very important issue to make.

And, to be repetitive, the only person that can do this is the President. The President has got to say, ‘‘This is important to our Nation, for our own self-respect, for our own pride in being a patriot, for saving our own domestic economy—for creating new jobs and new technology, very exciting new jobs, and also for removing ourselves from the constraint of foreigners, who now control a major portion of the decisions made in foreign policy and who endanger our security.’’ So, the totality is the answer to your question. You’ve got to do it all together in order to meet these individual special interest groups’ pressure that will try to preserve a tiny portion of it that’s better from them and, one by one, they’ll nibble the whole thing away.

I think that the fact that this Foreign Relations Committee is addressing this is extremely important, not just the Environmental Committee or the Energy Committee, but Foreign Relations, because it has so much to do with our interrelationship with almost every other country on Earth.

I would say this is about the only issue that I thought had to be treated comprehensively. It took me an entire 4 years. And I made so many speeches to the American people—fireside chats, and so forth—that the American people finally got sick of it, of my talking. [Laughter.] And the Congress was—the Senate and the House were very reluctant to take this up the second year, but I kept on the pressure, and I would say that it was costly, politically, just to harp on this issue repetitively. Anyway, I think, in general, comprehensive legislation may not be good, but, in this case, I think it’s absolutely necessary.

FREDERICK W. SMITH, Chairman, President & CEO, FEDEX CORP., Co-Chairman, Energy Security Leadership Council, Washington DC

FedEx delivers more than 6 million packages and shipments per day to over 220 countries and territories. In a 24-hour period, our fleet of aircraft flies the equivalent of 500,000 miles, and our couriers travel 2.5 million miles. We accomplish this with more than 275,000 dedicated employees, 670 aircraft, and some 70,000 motorized vehicles worldwide. FedEx’s reliance on oil reflects the reliance of the wider transportation sector, and indeed the entire U.S. economy.

Oil is the lifeblood of a mobile, global economy. We are all dependent upon it, and that dependence brings with it inherent and serious risks. The danger is clear, and our sense of urgency must match it.

I understand that this may seem contradictory. We talk about ending our dependence on oil, and in the next sentence about drilling for more oil. But the reason for this is simple: Our safety and our security must be protected throughout the entire process. It would be ideal if we could simply snap our fingers and stop using petroleum today. But that is a pipe dream, not a policy. There are no silver bullets, and we cannot allow the perfect to be the enemy of the good—especially when faced with very real dangers to our economic and national security.

Energy and climate change are related issues. That said, it is important to emphasize that the fundamental goal of reducing oil intensity is a distinct one that needs to be considered based on its own merits and the very real dangers of inaction. Put simply, pricing carbon as a stand-alone policy, whether through a tax or a cap-and-trade system, will not allow us to reach that goal. Carbon pricing will almost automatically target the power industry in general and coal in particular. The power industry, however, is responsible for a fairly small percentage of the petroleum we consume as a nation. So pricing carbon will not meaningfully affect the price of oil, the demand for oil, and therefore oil dependence.

All you have to do is to watch the nightly news and look at the enormous human cost and the cost in national wealth of prosecuting these wars in the Middle East. And any way you slice it, in large measures they are related to our dependence on foreign petroleum. There are other issues, to be sure; but, just as Alan Greenspan said in his book, ‘‘neat,’’ you know, the situation was about oil. And if we continue along the road we’ve been on these last 40 years, we’re going to get into a major national security confrontation that makes these things that we’ve been in, here the last few years, pale in comparison. So, I think every American can understand that issue by just simply relating to what we’ve been involved in, the last few years, and watching the enormous human cost of these involvements that we have in areas of the world which we wouldn’t necessarily be involved in if we weren’t as dependent on foreign petroleum. We have other issues and other interests, but I think they would not require the level of boots on the ground that we’ve been forced to get into there in these last two wars.

RICHARD G. LUGAR, U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA.  For the better part of 50 or 60 years, our foreign policy had been deeply entwined with oil, in one form or another.  Despite past campaigns for energy independence and the steady improvement in energy intensity per dollar of GDP, we are more dependent on oil imports today than we were during the oil shocks of the 1970s.

Now, we could have made a case for bringing democracy and human rights and education for children, and so forth, to a number of countries, but some would say, ‘‘This is, at best, sort of a second or third order of rationalization as to why you were there to begin with and what sort of wars you engendered by your physical presence.’’ And why were we there? Well, in large part because we were attempting, as President Carter expressed in the Carter Doctrine, to make certain we cannot be displaced from oil sources that were vital to our economy throughout that period of time. We put people in harm’s way to make sure that all of those vital things occurred, did the best we could to rationalize that we were doing a lot of other good things while we were in the area. And that still is the case.

Posted in Expert Advice, President Jimmy Carter, U.S. Congress Energy Dependence, U.S. Congress Energy Policy | Tagged , , , , | Comments Off on Energy Security: Historical perspectives and Modern challenges. Senate hearing 2009

House hearing on Canadian oil sands

House 112-128. March 20, 2012. The American Energy Initiative Part 17: A focus on the future of energy technology with an emphasis on Canadian oil sands. U.S. House of Representatives.

[ Excerpts from the 203 page transcript ]

President Obama in his speeches talks about America having only 2 percent of the world’s proven oil reserves. Today, we are going to discuss how Canada took action to increase its proven reserves several-fold by allowing the development of oil sands in Alberta.

ED WHITFIELD, KENTUCKY. There is a bountiful supply of untapped oil reserves here in the U.S., but frequently, it is too bottled up with Federal access restrictions and regulatory red tape. And I believe this needs to be changed. We will continue to fight for the Keystone XL pipeline expansion project that would bring an additional 700,000 barrels per day of this oil to Midwestern and Gulf Coast refineries.

In the vast onshore and offshore areas where the Obama administration must give the go-ahead before exploration and production can commence, the answer is usually no.

HENRY A. WAXMAN, CALIFORNIA. It is a Republican article of faith that we can drill our way to lower prices at the pump. But as we heard at the recent hearing on gas prices, if we increase production, it is easy for OPEC countries to reduce production by the same amount. That is the definition of a cartel—a group of entities that coordinates to control prices.

The fact is we are drilling more and prices are still going up. U.S. crude oil production is the highest it has been in 8 years, and the U.S. has more oil and gas drilling rigs operating right now than the rest of the world combined.

And I want to put up a chart that shows what has happened since 2000. Canada’s production and net exports have increased steadily for the past 12 years. Canada has increased its crude oil production by more than 35 percent. Canada is producing so much oil that it now exports 70 percent of all the oil they produce. If everything the Republicans have been telling us is true, then gasoline prices in Canada should have plummeted over the last 10 years. But that is not what happened.

Here is another chart I would like to have up. And this shows the U.S. and Canadian gas prices over that period. As you can see, U.S. and Canadian gasoline prices track perfectly because they are both driven by the same thing—world oil prices. In fact, Canada’s gas prices are actually higher than our prices due to taxes. More drilling, building a new tar sands pipeline or developing oil shale has not reduced gasoline prices in Canada and it won’t in the United States either. But that is not the only fantasy we will hear about today. We will also hear that the environmental harms from tar sands production have been minimized and will be solved by technology. In reality, the tar sands operations have vast and devastating effects on the land, water, air, and ecosystem. Canadian tar sands are produced in Alberta’s boreal forests. And the photo I would like to have put up you can see a pristine area before tar sands production begins. The landscape is beautiful. The air and water are clean. In the second photo of which we can put up you can see the effects of tar sands production. The land has been turned into an industrial wasteland. The forests have become an open pit mine. Maybe some of this damage can be avoided. Technology can reduce environmental impacts. But that won’t happen without stronger government regulation. I recognize that tar sands holds a large amount of oil. But it is a resource that should not be exploited without environmental safeguards that protect that land, water, and pollution, controls that stop the growing emissions of carbon and other dangerous gases. Until these problems are addressed, the oil in the tar sands is best left underground.

EDDY ISAACS. Alberta Innovates. We are one of four new provincial corporations launched by the Alberta Government in January 2010. We serve as the technology arm of the Alberta Government in Energy and Environment.

Heavy oil and bitumen are found in many places worldwide. Alberta has the largest global reserves of these hydrocarbons that are not under the control of the state.

We use in situ for the deeper deposits.

The major innovation in mining has been the development in the past 10 years of hydro-transport. Instead of using a truck and shovel, the ore is transported by a pipeline from the mine face as a slurry with water. The oil separates in transit to the plant. This method is operated at lower temperature than conventional extraction, thus reducing energy intensity and greenhouse gases. With in situ methods, our steam-based processes, cyclic steam stimulation, similar technology to what has been pioneered in California in the 1960s; steam-assisted gravity drainage, which has been only in commercial operation for the past 10 years.

New technologies are emerging that are poised to significantly reduce energy intensity, reduce water use and greenhouse gases. These include steam-solvent hybrid processes that are being applied at least by one company commercially today. Use of solvents without steam, you will be hearing about that from Dr. Nenniger and N–Solv is a good example of this type of technology. Electric heating and electromagnetic heating technology is coming into use. Electromagnetic uses radio frequency to heat the oil in the oil sands.

In the resource sector, it takes 20 to 30 years to bring new technology to market, much longer than in other sectors, and this increases the risk profile and the financial commitments required. The role of my organization is to work with industry to significantly reduce the time lag for innovation and the risk of adapting new technology, especially next-generation technology.

The majority of oil producing countries having reached their peak of oil production. Globally, reserves are being replaced by the more difficult to produce resources such as deep offshore, highly water-flooded reservoirs, tight oil and heavy crudes.

Heavy oil and bituminous resources, bring a unique set of environmental and social challenges: they are hard to extract and sensitive to market and input costs; the sophisticated technologies used to produce these crudes require a skilled labor force; and careful management of environmental issues especially land disturbance, high water use and greenhouse gas emissions is essential. Innovation and technology development have been key to reducing costs of commercial deployment of oil sands and in making “technology oil” competitive against conventional crudes in world markets. Current oil sand production of about 1.7 million barrels per day is a direct result of sustained investments in technological innovation and decades of “learning by doing.”

The technology used to produce the bitumen from surface mined oil sands was already well understood when J. Howard Pew, the American industrialist and co-founder of Sun Oil Company (Sunoco), drove the development of the first commercial oil sands project. At the opening ceremonies for the oil sands plant in 1967, Pew told his audience, “No nation can be secure in this atomic age unless it is amply supplied with petroleum … It is the considered opinion of our group that if the North American continent is to produce the oil to meet its requirements in the years ahead, oil from the Athabasca area must of necessity play an important role The first years of commercial operations involved overcoming large technological challenges, especially in equipment reliability and process efficiency.

Canada—Alberta—has increased their proved reserves of oil to 176 billion barrels, second only in size to Saudi Arabia. In comparison, the United States has approximately 22 billion barrels of proved reserves. We can learn from the development of the Alberta oil sands development.

The USGS reports that technically recoverable heavy oil is 434 billion barrels with 2834 billion barrels stranded (uneconomic to recover). Technically recoverable Bitumen is 651 billion barrels with 2,210 billion barrels stranded. Better technology and/or higher prices will allow a portion of this stranded resource to be recovered economically. See Meyer, Attanasi; Heavy Oil and Natural Bitumen – Strategic Petroleum Resources, The Energy Resources Conservation Board publishes an annual report titled ST98 Alberta’s Energy Reserves and Supply/Demand Outlook. The 2011 version reports 1.8 billion barrels in place of which 1674 billion bbls are considered to be in-situ resource and 138 billion bbls of this in-situ resource is considered economic to recover. Thus, 1536 billion barrels of in-situ bitumen are stranded.

William McCaffrey, president and CEO of MEG Energy.   I represent In situ Oil Sands Alliance, a group of independent Canadian companies dedicated to the responsible development of the Canadian oil sands using in situ technology. The main in situ technology used today is steam- assisted gravity drainage, or SAGD, as it is called. And SAGD is important because it is currently the most common commercially proven—pretty much the only commercially proven way to reach the deep reservoirs that contained 80 percent of Canada’s total oil sands reserves. And just to put that into perspective, that represents about 140 billion barrels of reserves, roughly equivalent to the entire reserves of Iran.

Now SAGD technology is pretty simple. It uses horizontal wells drilled from surface and we drill down to about 1,000 feet below the Earth’s surface. Once we reach the reservoir and complete the wells, we drill about half a mile out, inject steam into the reservoir, and bring the heated oil and the water back to surface. And from a well pad a fraction the size of this building, the subsurface equivalent of 95 NFL football fields can be accessed. This provides what is among the lowest ratios of surface disturbance to resource recovery in the oil and gas industries anywhere in the world. About 90 percent of the water that is used to create the steam is recycled with the portion we can’t recycle returned to deep, non-potable reservoirs. There are no tailing ponds created and it is essentially a closed-loop system.

One of the key research and development focuses is to reduce the amount of energy we need to produce a barrel of oil. That is critical because of both the emissions and costs associated with the energy consumption. One of the technologies we are currently applying alongside of the SAGD is cogeneration, a very energy-efficient process that produces both steam for our operations and electricity for the sale to the grid.

CERr, a non-profit Canadian energy and environmental research institute, examines the impacts of developing Canadian oil sands on the United States’ economy. The study covers the period from 2009 to 2025 and is based on the 2009 CERr “Economic Slowdown Projection”. This production forecast envisions raw bitumen production slowly climbing from current levels of approximately 1.2 million barrels per day to around 4 million barrels per day in 2025. CERr estimates the capital investment and operating costs needed during the 2009-2025 period to achieve this output at $379 billion.

The oil sands are located predominantly in Alberta, but stretches into neighboring Saskatchewan. With an estimated initial volume in-place of approximately 1.7 trillion barrels of crude bitumen, Canada’s oil sands are one of the largest hydrocarbon deposits in the world and provide the most secure supply to the US. By year-end 2008, about 10 percent (I.e., 170.4 billion barrels) of this volume is recoverable using today’s technology. Of this recoverable bitumen reserves, 18 percent is accessible through surface mining technologies, while the remaining 82 percent requires in situ recovery technologies.

As reserves and production of conventional crude oil decline, unconventional resources have moved to center stage in Canada, and are becoming increasingly important to the global oil industry.

Canada’s oil sands are composed of approximately 80 to 85 percent sand, clay and other mineral matter, 5 to 10 weight percent water, and anywhere from 1 to 18 weight percent crude bitumen. Bitumen content greater than 12 percent is considered rich, while anything less than 6 percent is poor and not usually considered economically feasible to develop.

In the Athabasca region, the oil sands are hydrophilic or “water wet”. A thin film of water, which is surrounded by crude bitumen, envelops each grain of sand. The sands are unconsolidated with grain-to-grain contact. Being silica quartz, the sands are extremely abrasive, thus posing significant challenges in the mining and extraction processes. This abrasive product damages pipelines and equipment, so alternative methods to transport the bitumen in pipelines, such as creating bitumen emulsions and adding large quantities of water into pipelines for hydro transport. These and other innovative initiatives helped turn the resource into a viable source of oil.

Crude bitumen is a thick, viscous crude oil that, at room temperature, is in a near solid state. The definition used in the industry is that crude bitumen is “a naturally occurring viscous mixture, mainly of hydrocarbons heavier than pentane, that may contain sulphur compounds and that, in its naturally occurring viscous state, will not flow to a well”.

The term crude bitumen generally refers to petroleum with a density greater than 960 kilograms per cubic meter. Much of the bitumen in Canada’s oil sands deposits has densities that exceed 1,000 kg/m3 (API Gravity of less than 10 degrees). Because of its high gravity and high viscosity characteristics, crude bitumen may be blended with a light hydrocarbon liquid (condensate) before it is shipped to markets by pipeline.

Crude Oil Type Density
Athabasca Crude Bitumen 1,015
Cold Lake Crude Bitumen 1,009
Maya 921
Athabasca Bitumen Blend (a) 919
Cold Lake Bitumen Blend (a) 919
Bow River Blend 894
Arab Light 858
Bonny Light 841
West Texas Intermediate 827
Federated Light 826
Commercial Condensate 720

Table 2.1 Curde Oil Densities (kg/m3). (a) Athabasca and Cold Lake Bitumen Blends are derived by adding diluent to crude bitumen to reduce viscosity prior to being transported by pipeline. The most commonly used diluent is very light natural gas liquid (C5+ or pentanes plus), which is a by-product of natural gas processing. A condensate diluent typically constitutes 24-32 percent of the bitumen blend. Sources: Markets for Canadian Bitumen-Based Feedstock, CERI Study No. 101; and (2) Alberta Research Council Open File Report 1993-25.

Currently a majority of the oil derived from oil sands being produced are by surface mining, although only about 20 percent of oil sands are recoverable through this method. This method is used when bitumen is close to the surface. The remaining 80 percent of resources are recoverable through in-situ technology. This method is employed when the bitumen deposits are further underground. Most in-situ operations use steam-assisted gravity drainage (SAGD). This involves pumping steam underground through a horizontal well to liquefy the bitumen and pump it to the surface. Current investments in advanced technology will make this method of extraction more widely used in the years to come.

Various proponents of oil sands projects have withdrawn their applications, announced delays and/or placed their proposed projects on hold until the economy rebounds and the investment can generate a reasonable rate of return.

Figure 2.3 represents CERI’s outlook for oil sands production, which shows that somewhere between 4 and 6 MMbpd might be achieved.

In 2008, CERI was projecting a potential for oil sands production of over 5 million barrels per day (MMbpd) by 2015, and over 6 MMbpd by 2030. It was our opinion that the likely development path of the oil sands would be far lower than the CERI Unconstrained Projection (2008). The CERI Reference Case Projection (2008) indicated 3.4 MMbpd of bitumen production by 2015, increasing to just under 5 MMbpd by 2025.

The slowdown projection reflects a scenario in which the price of oil stays below US$60 WTI/bbl for most of 2009 and the credit markets still lack liquidity. Under this projection, economic recovery begins in early 2010, as indicated by the previously provided oil price forecast, and liquidity slowly starts to return to the economy. In conjunction with the economic recovery, oil sands development stalls until 2013, with no major growth until 2015. Previously announced and approved (by government) projects remain delayed, and some remain in peril. This scenario is similar to what is currently taking place in the oil sands industry. While the price of oil and the global economy are expected to rebound in 2010, it will take another two years before oil sands production growth resumes. CERI assumes this resumption to be limited to established oil sands projects and others with adequate financing in place prior to the credit collapse of 2008; it takes at least two years for most mining and in situ projects to start production after construction begins. However, many projects will not start construction in 2010, but will begin a reassessment and refinancing period that could take several years. Some projects are likely to be deferred until 2015, which will create a further backlog in projects, pushing those with 2015 plans (as announced in 2006 to early 2008) beyond 2020. While CERI does not anticipate a rapid recovery and explosion in growth, as many had previously projected, we have included a margin of error in our projections, as indicated by the grey area on Figure 2.3. This reflects the Probable Production Range for oil sands development, which is highly dependent upon the recovery in the price of oil and increased liquidity in the capital markets. In 2015 the total production band is 1.9 to 2.9 MMbpd, which broadens by 2025 to 3.5 to 5.1 MMbpd.

The Alberta Energy and Utilities Board (EUB) estimates the initial volume of crude bitumen in place to be 270.3 billion m3 (1,701 billion barrels) as of December 31, 2006. The Athabasca region alone accounts for almost 80 percent or 217.7 billion m3 (1,369 billion barrels) of the total. Table A.1 summarizes the volumetric resources by oil sands area (OSAs) and oil sands deposit (OSDs). OSAs define the geographical boundaries of crude bitumen occurrence, while OSDs contain the specific geological zones declared as oil sands deposits. Both, OSAs and OSDs are designated by the ERCB. Table A.l Initial In-Place Volumes of Crude Bitumen

As of December 31, 2008, remaining established reserves were estimated by the EUB to be 27.07 billion m3 (170.4 billion barrels). Remaining established reserves are calculated separately for those that are likely to be recovered by mining methods and those by in situ methods using established technology and under anticipated economic conditions.

Bitumen from the shallower oil sands deposits is extracted through open-pit mining operations. These mines expose the oil sands by stripping the overburden. The oil sand is then removed by using truck and shovel mining methods. Bitumen is separated from the sand through a process of adding warm water and agitation. Roughly two tons of sand are mined, moved and processed to produce one barrel of bitumen. In situ, on the other hand, means “in-place”, and indicates that the bitumen is extracted from the sand in the reservoir. These techniques are employed for deeper oil sands deposits (generally greater than about 75 meters to the top of the oil sands formation). The two main in situ processes currently being used are cyclic steam stimulation (eSS) and steam-assisted gravity drainage (SAG D). These methods inject steam into the formation to heat the bitumen, allowing it to flow and be pumped to the surface.

The EUB determined mineable established reserves by identifying potential mineable areas using economic strip ratio (ESR) criteria, a minimum saturation cutoff of 7 weight percent, and a minimum saturated zone thickness cutoff of 3.0 meters.

The EUB determined in situ established reserves for those areas considered amenable to in situ recovery methods. Reserves attributable to thermal development were determined using a minimum saturation cutoff of three weight percent crude bitumen and a minimum zone thickness of ten meters. For primary development, the same saturation cutoff of three weight percent was used, with a minimum zone thickness of three meters. Recovery factors of twenty percent for thermal development and five percent for primary development were applied to the areas within the cutoffs. The recovery factor for future thermal development is assumed to be lower than recoveries being achieved by some of the active in Situ projects. This is to account for the uncertainty in the future recovery processes and the uncertainties inherent with developing poorer quality resource areas (areas under active development are of higher quality than future areas). While the resource base is very large, it is worth noting that many in Situ recovery technologies are still in the early development stage and there is still considerable uncertainty about how much crude bitumen will ultimately be recovered.

My name is Melina Laboucan-Massimo. I come from northern Alberta, Canada. I am a member of the Lubicon Cree First Nation, which is one of the many communities impacted by tar sands development.

For those of us in Canada who are experiencing the detrimental effects of tar sands, it is encouraging to see that many decision- makers and citizens in the United States are beginning to ask questions around whether or not the tar sands are in the right direction and which we should be pursuing in an already carbon-constrained world. In the past 5 years, I have worked in communities throughout Albert and British Columbia that are very concerned about the approval of tar sands pipelines not only because of potential spills but also because it will increase pressure for more tar sands expansion in Alberta. I personally have felt the impacts of both pipeline spills and tar sands-driven industrialization of the landscape in the north. Last spring, I returned home where I was born to witness the aftermath of one of the largest spills in Alberta’s history, which was 50 percent larger than the oil spill in the Kalamazoo River in Michigan. What I saw was a landscape forever changed where my family fished, hunted, and trapped for generations. Days before the Federal or provincial government admitted that this had happened, my family was sending me messages telling me of headaches, burning eyes, nausea, and dizziness, asking me if I could find out more information as to if it was an oil spill and how big it might be. This was one of the saddest and most frustrating points because my family was not the first, nor the last, to experience these effects. It was alarming to hear that the first phase of the Keystone had already leaked and spilled 14 different times in its first 12 months of operation. Where I come from billions of dollars are taken out of our traditional territories.

Yet, until this day, my family still has no running water. The indigenous communities have lived in these regions for thousands of years and yet are being pushed out, unable to access their traditional territories and unable to practice their treaty rights due to tar sands expansion.

Communities like Fort McKay First Nation can no longer drink the water from their taps and their children are developing skin rashes from bathing in this contaminated water. A cancer study done by Alberta Health Services reveal that there was a 30 percent increase in the community downstream of Fort Chipewyan. Leukemias and lymphomas were increased by three-fold and bile duct cancers increased by seven-fold. Almost all of the cancer types that were elevated were linked in scientific literature to chemicals in oil or tar. We have toxic tailing ponds sitting in the north of Alberta that span over 170 square kilometers, which is equivalent to 42,000 acres.

We have endured decades of promises that have taught us that promises of new technologies that will repair this damage feel like empty words. The reality is that SAGD solutions usually move the problem elsewhere such as pumping the toxic byproduct underground where they can leak into aquifers rather than storing them in tailing ponds from the mines. Meanwhile, the scale of production is increasing and the overall programs are getting worse.

Companies will leave irreparable damage to our lands and our homes, and the Alberta government claims to reclaim the land. However, many prominent scientists dispute that this is possible. Just last week, a report was published in the proceedings of the National Academy of the Sciences of the United States of America stating ‘‘any suggestion that oil sands reclamation will put things back to the way they were is greenwashing.’’

First Nations in British Columbia are also adamant that the Enbridge pipeline will not be built through their territories. Over 100 First Nations have signed on to this declaration to oppose the construction of the Enbridge pipeline and its associated supertankers on the west coast of Canada and First Nations are willing to pursue litigation if the Enbridge pipeline is approved in Canada as they have constitutionally protected rights under Section 35 of the Canadian Constitution.

Companies will leave irreparable irreversible damage to the land and our homes. The Alberta government claims otherwise, vowing to “reclaim” the land – however, many prominent scientists dispute that this is even possible. As of December 2010, only 0.15% of the land devastated by tar sands mining operations has been certified as reclaimed. The Proceedings of the National Academies of Sciences of the United States of America published research just last week stating that “companies have no obligation to restore or compensate for the destroyed wetlands” and “any suggestion that oil sands reclamation will put things back the way they were is greenwashing.,,

First Nations are not the only ones to oppose this pipeline. In British Columbia, surveys show that 80% of British Columbians oppose super tankers on the Pacific West Coast. Many people do not think the pipeline or super tankers will benefit the province of BC especially with a thriving fishing and eco-tourism economy, which brings in over $1 Billion dollars to BC annually.

As we see the landscape change, my father who is a Cree hunter has more and more difficulty in finding moose to feed our family and community. A couple of years ago, he found 3 tumors in the carcass of a moose while hunting in our traditional territory. Pristine forest, wetlands, bogs and fens are torn up and destroyed which will be replaced by acidic soil, end cap lakes and tree farms – a mere shadow of what once was.

Tailing ponds contain a whole slew of toxic chemicals from arsenic, cyanide, mercury, lead, benzene, ammonia, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon and naphthenic acids some of which are known carcinogens.

Last week I was visiting the community of Fort McKay, which is completely surrounded by tar sands mines and in situ projects. They have been advised NOT to drink water or cook with the tap water or take long showers. Children are developing sores on their bodies from exposure to the water they have to bathe in. The First Nation has had to cart bottled water in from Fort McMurray for community members, which is just under an hour’s drive away. Communities are also pulling mutated fish with tumours and boils on them out of the various rivers and lakes in the region and unable to consumed these as a part of their diet. We are also seeing elevated rates of cancers in the north of Alberta. I myself have had family members live and die with cancer. And we are also seeing increased rates of respiratory illnesses such as emphysema, asthma, and chronic pulmonary disease due to the increased level of sulfur dioxide, and hydrogen sulfide. A cancer study done by Alberta Health Services revealed that there was a 30% increase in cancers in Fort Chipewyan compared with expected over the last 12 years. Leukemias and lymphomas increased by 3-fold and Bile duct cancers increased by 7-fold and other cancers such as soft tissue sarcomas, and lung cancers were elevated. Almost all of the cancer types that were elevated have been linked scientifically to chemicals in oil or tar.

Many types of cancers have also been linked in scientific literature to petroleum products, including VQCs, dioxin-like chemicals, other

Extracting oil from the tar sands is one of the most expensive and most environmentally destructive ways to produce oil in the world. While open pit mines are more visually horrifying, SAGO is far more carbon-intensive, water-intensive, and energy-intensive, which will be 80% of the way tar sands will be produced.

Continuing to produce this type of fossil fuel in an already carbon distraught world – is essentially carbon suicide. Not only are we producing CO2 emissions at an unsustainable rate, but we are also fragmenting and destroying one of the last intact boreal forests in the world that helps us to keep carbon in check. And this is the path that the Harper government wants to keep us on for the next 50 to 100 years.

We have a choice to change the direction we are taking in the world. We could become world leaders in the clean, renewable energy solutions that meet our energy needs without undermining the health of our communities and ecosystems. We won’t get there, however, if we try to attach techno-fixes onto what is, at every stage, a profoundly destructive form of energy. The reality is that the tar sands are managed to maximize profits, and not to protect the environment or downstream communities like the one where my family lives. We have endured decades of broken promises, which has taught us that corporate promises of new technologies that will repair this damage are simply empty words – greenwash intended to reassure people like yourselves that this time it will be different.

I urge you to look beyond what is good for the oil companies’ next few quarterly profits, and think about what is in the best interest of the next generation.

JOHN SHIMKUS, ILLINOIS. It is good to continue to talk about energy security and lower-priced crude oil, lower-priced gasoline, decrease in our reliance from Iran, decrease in our reliance from the Strait of Hormuz, countries that dislike us and looking north to our friends and allies, the Canadians. I am not a big carbon guy, OK? If you follow my public testimony and my comments, this climate change thing, pricing carbon, I am not in that camp. But if you go in that direction, 80 percent of this oil sands recovery can be in situ, and that is what I hope my colleagues on the other side learn about today. Two different types of recovering oil sands, mining operations, in situ. Eighty percent of the oil up there now is in situ and it is in pipelines and there is no footprint.

 

Posted in Tar Sands (Oil Sands), U.S. Congress Energy Policy | Tagged , , | Comments Off on House hearing on Canadian oil sands

How is California’s AB2514 experiment with utility scale battery storage coming along?

[ This is an excellent article by Tod Kiefer about tests of sodium-sulfur batteries, which are the only kind of battery for which there is enough material on earth to make.

Battery electric storage is meant to “replace nimble, fast-ramping natural gas plants that are currently required to buffer and back up the intermittent power produced by California’s fleet of wind and solar farms”.  He doesn’t mention it, but natural gas is finite, so long-term a substitute must be found if the grid is to stay up.  At this point, batteries are still far from being cost effective.  And “despite all the hype and giga-promises, there has yet been no breakthrough in electricity storage technology that delivers all the requisite features of high energy density, high power, long life, high round-trip efficiency, safe handling, and competitive cost.”  Kiefer points out many other major technical challenges, though neglects to mention that lithium is also finite and therefore not a good choice for utility scale energy storage.  He concludes with “batteries are still a long way from being a substitute for fossil fuel power plants or any other actual power generators because of physical and economic limits of current technology.”

This article talks only about very short periods of balancing the grid. But given the seasonality of wind and solar, at least 6 weeks of energy storage are needed, mainly from batteries since there are few places left to build dams for pumped-hydro or salt caverns for Compressed Air Energy Storage.  Here is an excerpt from my book “When Trucks stop running” about what would be required to store just one day of U.S. electricity generation (11.12 TWh), using data from the Department of Energy (DOE/EPRI 2013) “Electricity storage handbook in collaboration with NRECA”, to calculate the cost, size, and weight of Sodium Sulfur NaS batteries capable of storing 24 hours of electricity generation in the United States.  The cost would be $40.77 trillion dollars, the battery would cover 923 square miles, and weigh a husky 450 million tons.

Sodium Sulfur (NaS) Battery Cost Calculation:

  • NaS Battery 100 MW. Total Plant Cost (TPC) $316,796,550. Energy
    Capacity @ rated depth-of-discharge 86.4 MWh. Size: 200,000 square feet.
  • Weight: 7000,000 lbs, Battery replacement 15 years (DOE/EPRI p. 245).
  • 128,700 NaS batteries needed for 1 day of storage = 11.12 TWh/0.0000864 TWh.
  • $40.77 trillion dollars to replace the battery every 15 years = 128,700 NaS * $316,796,550 TPC.
  • 923 square miles = 200,000 square feet * 128,700 NaS batteries.
  • 450 million short tons = 7,000,000 lbs * 128,700 batteries/2000 lbs.

Using similar logic and data from DOE/EPRI, Li-ion batteries would cost $11.9 trillion dollars, take up 345 square miles, and weigh 74 million tons. Lead–acid (advanced) would cost $8.3 trillion dollars, take up 217.5 square miles, and weigh 15.8 million tons.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report ]

Tod “Ike” Kiefer. November 21, 2016. CAISO Battery Storage Trial.  The Grid Optimization Blog.

The Hope.   In the wake of the massive natural gas leak from Sempra Energy’s Aliso Canyon storage facility in 2015, the California State Assembly and California Public Utility Commission directed the state’s electric utilities to build and deploy electricity storage at an unprecedented scale and pace [in AB2514].  The current requirement is 1,325 MW of battery storage by 2020, with emergency authority to fast-track projects that can be online by 31 December 2016.  This electricity storage capacity is intended to replace nimble, fast-ramping natural gas plants that are currently required to buffer and back up the intermittent power produced by California’s fleet of wind and solar farms.  These natural gas plants are short of fuel reserves for the winter due to the leak, and California legislators also want to move away from fossil fuel plants long-term to reduce CO2 emissions.

The Trial. This week, Pacific Gas and Electric released a report of an 18-month trial of installed utility-scale battery storage on the grid.  The trial encompassed 6 MW of storage split between two sites, both integrated to function as dispatched by the California Independent System Operator (CAISO) that manages operations of the state’s grid and wholesale power market.  The specific storage hardware examined was sodium-sulfur batteries, which are at the high-end of the technology maturity scale and the low end of the cost spread for storage options of similar performance, having been used at utility scale in several nations for 25 years.

The Report. The report contains very valuable details of the various grid services that batteries can provide, and the market prices of those services.  It also illuminates the unique complexities of managing non-generating resources that don’t have a pre-purchased fuel supply and thus a reasonably stable volumetric O&M cost.  In a nutshell, operating electricity storage is to simultaneously play multiple markets: the day-ahead and real-time markets for various grid services that batteries happen to be postured to perform, and the real-time market for the cost of wholesale electricity from the grid from which the batteries must repeatedly pull and push electricity as they perform their grid services.  It is not unlike playing poker and blackjack at the same time and only getting a net payoff when both hands are winners.

The Spin. Various web sites and advocacy groups are trying to spin this PG&E report as purely positive and a sign of battery storage coming of age.  However, a careful reading and some simple mathematical analysis reveal this report is actually a cautionary tale.

My Executive Summary:

1. Batteries are still far from cost-effectiveCertain grid services can generate enough revenue to cover operating costs, but none can come close to recouping the capital investment, even within the trial’s very optimistic assumption of 20-year battery life.  Therefore deploying battery storage today has to be for reasons other than intrinsic economics.  A 2MW/14MWh sodium-sulfur battery storage array (PG&E’s Vaca site) cost approximately $11 million ($5,500/kW, $783/kWh) to build.  The report included two external studies that found that cost of battery storage must come down to about $800/kW to achieve economic break-even.  However that number has two false assumptions baked in: a 20-year service life and only 15-minutes of storage capacity.  To aggressively dispatch the batteries as was done in the trial to maximize revenue requires at least 30 minutes of storage capacity and would consume the 4,500-cycle service life within 10 years.  With these adjustments, the real break-even cost is approximately $200/kW.  Indeed, $197/kW is the estimate PG&E itself empirically found to be the break-even cost for a typical month in 2015.  This is a factor of 27 cheaper than the Vaca system cost of $5,500/kw.

2. Charging and discharging batteries for energy arbitrage (charging when electricity is cheap and discharging when it is expensive) is what first comes to mind as an obvious use of electricity storage.   This time-shifting of generation to match consumption peaks involves techniques such as peak shaving and load leveling; these are easy to envision and model and optimize when looking at yesterday’s load and price curves, but very difficult to do in real-time when the load and price are varying stochastically and neither the height nor timing of the actual load peak can be known or recognized till well after the fact.  In practice, energy arbitrage only generated enough revenue to barely cover operating expensesThe margin achieved in cost of power arbitrage was consumed by the 25% power lost between cycles due to charging and discharging inefficiencies and the stream of energy necessary to keep the batteries at operating temperature.  When marketed to CAISO for all possible services including energy arbitrage, the $11 million 2MW array netted less than $9,000 per month.

3. The most lucrative use of batteries on the grid, as evidenced by this trial and the almost universal employment of utility-scale battery storage around the world, is what is called frequency regulation.  In this mode, the batteries are maintained close to 50% charge levels and stand ready to charge or discharge rapidly to damp out momentary dips and spikes in grid frequency that mark mismatches between generation and load.  CAISO monitors grid frequency continuously and sends out automatic generation control (AGC) signals every 4 seconds that tell generators to ramp up or ramp down to chase increasing or decreasing load.  Those resources that can ramp the fastest and most precisely can earn the most money for this service.  Batteries are ideal for this role as they can follow the AGC signal almost instantaneously with their full capacity.   However, the frequent charging and discharging is hard on the cells and causes them to age more quicklyThis high stress is also unforgiving of any mechanical failures or design flaws, and batteries used in this role have the most frequent incidence of firesThe relatively low capacity of batteries also limits how much regulation they can do in a particular direction, as they must stay within their charge and discharge limits.  In this case, the guessing game is to predict whether more up-regulation or down-regulation is expected in the next operating period, and to enter that window with the appropriate state of charge (SOC) to allow maximum headroom.  Since SOC must be managed by real-time power purchases and sales, energy arbitrage can work for or against revenue when operating in frequency regulation mode.  When marketed exclusively for frequency regulation, the 2MW storage array netted less than $35,000 per month; much better than other strategies, but still far short of achieving payback for the expensive capital asset.

4. Actual revenue during the trial was less than predicted by CAISO-approved models for storage.  This was due to two main factors: falsely idealized load and price curves that proved less predictable in practice, and over-estimated market price for the various grid services.

5. The trial also revealed how different batteries are from actual generation resources.  To optimally take advantage of day-ahead and real-time market pricing, dispatch (operational control) has to be managed remotely by CAISO, as it does for generators.  However, it proved essential that the dispatcher know the battery SOC at all times, as it affected what types of services the batteries could immediately perform.   Batteries morph in their capabilities and value for specific grid services depending upon SOC, and the dispatcher must be kept abreast of that shifting menu of the moment.  A critical question is who decides when and how much to charge the batteries – the owner/operator (PG&E) or the customer (CAISO)?  A bad decision can prevent the asset from being optimally dispatched for the most lucrative service, or might prevent it from being utilized at all.  Or the energy arbitrage costs of charging and discharging to manage SOC may consume the revenue from the actual services.  Maintenance of SOC and precise dispatch is also complicated by parasitic load, a periodic maintenance task called “string balancing,” and charging rates that differ depending upon SOC.  Optimal use of storage is dependent upon developing finely-tuned algorithms tailored to a specific battery technology and the rules and prices of a particular wholesale market and independent system operator (ISO), and also upon developing the necessary supervisory control and data acquisition (SCADA) linkages to allow robust remote monitoring and dispatch.  These factors exceed in complexity their counterparts for generation resources.

6. Round-trip efficiency for the two systems tested averaged 75%, matching a thumb rule that has been true for decades.

7. Parasitic load for sodium sulfur batteries averaged 60kW/MW.  These particular batteries have to be heated to 300C to operate, and thus consume more electricity for maintenance when they are idle and less when they are generating heat from activity.  Other battery types have to be cooled when they are active and thus have more parasitic load when in use.  Since this parasitic load comes off the same grid the batteries are serving, it changes the batteries’ raw input/output to a net input/output that makes their performance less precise and complicates dispatch.

8. A surprising finding was that wholesale electricity price varied so much by geographic location on the California grid that often it was not economical for these two battery arrays to store surplus power being generated by wind or solar farms.  California now has enough “renewable” energy capacity that it can produce negative locational marginal price (LMP) in the vicinity of the wind and solar farms.  However, these low prices do not necessarily propagate as far as the electricity storage sites.  This is often blamed on “grid congestion” as if to say it is a shortcoming of the pre-existing grid, but in reality this bottlenecking is a predictable consequence of adding large capacities of remote, diffuse, and uncontrollably intermittent generators at the fringes of the grid far from the load centers that consume their power.  If batteries are to be used for energy arbitrage, they would be optimally co-located at the fringes with the wind or solar farms.  However, if they are to be used for frequency regulation, they are better located near the loads in cities and industrial centers.  Since the revenue stream of the latter is much more attractive than the former, it is likely that the utilities would prefer downtown rather than desert locations for assets they own.  That leaves solar and wind developers to install storage at their sites.

PG&E’s Cautionary Summary Statement to the California Assembly:

“The project gained significant real-world data on the financial performance of battery energy storage resources providing energy and ancillary services in CAISO markets that can better inform an assessment of market benefits in cost-effectiveness valuations of future battery storage procurements. Over the course of the 18 months of market participation during this project, the financial revenues from battery participation in CAISO markets were limited. If revenues from market participation are to be the key driver of evaluating the cost-effectiveness of battery storage, it is recommended to be conservative in the forecasting of those revenues. With California Assembly Bill 2514 and its requirements that utilities procure 1.3 gigawatts of energy storage, California ratepayers could expect to pay billions of dollars for the deployment and operations of these resources.”

Other Battery Technologies: While not mentioned in the trial, it is good for comparison purposes to briefly consider alternative battery technologies.  The most common lithium-ion battery storage chemistry in commercial use today as manufactured by Panasonic and utilized by Tesla is lithium nickel cobalt aluminum oxide (NCA).  It is good for about 500 cycles, 1/9th the life of sodium-sulfur batteries.  Alternative lithium battery chemistries with 2,000-8,000 cycles of service life are emerging and may be on the verge of become price competitive with sodium-sulfur.  Many of the near-term proposals being heard by the California Public Utility Commission are for lithium batteries.  It is telling to note that ancient lead-acid battery technology continues to be competitive enough in cost and performance to be the starter battery of virtually every automobile on the road, including every state-of-the-art Prius hybrid, and has only recently faded as a grid-storage player.  Despite all the hype and giga-promises, there has yet been no breakthrough in electricity storage technology that delivers all the requisite features of high energy density, high power, long life, high round-trip efficiency, safe handling, and competitive cost. 

Conclusion

Batteries are still a long way from being a substitute for fossil fuel power plants or any other actual power generators because of physical and economic limits of current technology.

Posted in Batteries, Battery - Utility Scale, Electricity Infrastructure | Tagged , , , , , | 1 Comment

Review of “The Powerhouse: Inside the Invention of a Battery to Save the World” by Steve LeVine

Preface. This is a book review of Steve Levine’s 2015 “The Powerhouse: Inside the Invention of a Battery to Save the World”. If you ever wondered why batteries are still not even close to powerful enough to replace fossil fuels, this book may give you an inkling, though a much faster way to understand why is in my post Who Killed the Electric Car & more importantly, the Electric Truck?

I read this book because I’ve done extensive research on batteries and was surprised to find that perhaps there had been a real battery breakthrough, even though it hadn’t appeared in any scientific papers I could find.  And my book, “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation” explains why civilization will end within a week if trucks can’t be electrified with batteries (after explaining why hydrogen and other fuels won’t work either).

Spoiler alert: There was no battery breakthrough, but LeVine assumed that the battery would be a winner. Yet he must have have been aware it wasn’t guaranteed since he writes:

  • “After accounting for the loss of energy in combustion, a kilogram of gasoline contains 1,600 watt-hours of stored energy. State-of-the-art lithium-ion batteries, by comparison, delivered about 140.”
  • Within the periodic table “only so many of the elements that were truly attractive in a battery.”
  • “In 1859, a French physicist named Gaston Planté invented the rechargeable lead-acid battery. … In more than a century, the science hadn’t changed.”
  • In 1966, Ford Motor tried to bring back the electric car. It announced a sodium sulfur battery that that had several disadvantages. “The Ford battery did not operate at room temperature but at about 300 degrees Celsius. The internal combustion engine operates at an optimal temperature of about 90 degrees Celsius. Driving around with much hotter, explosive molten metals under your hood was risky” and not suitable for cars, only for stationary storage.
  • The same electro-chemical reactions that enabled lithium batteries also made them want to explode: the voltage would run away with itself, a cell would ignite, and before you knew it the battery was spitting out flames. But you seemed no better off if you played it safe and used other elements—you’d find that they slowly fell apart on repeated charge and discharge.
  • The public and regulators insisted battery-electric cars must be safe, so of course a battery that was chronically explosive would be rejected.  But a safe battery that could go a long “distance and [with high] acceleration tended to make the battery more dangerous.”
  • “Thackeray’s goal for NMC 2.0 was to double current performance plus cut the cost. But even that would leave batteries still about a sixth the energy density of gasoline.”
  • “The battery race would involve a series of unforeseen, terrible problems that you simply could not recognize in the tiny volumes and coin cells produced in the national labs. You needed a ton of the material and hundreds of cells, and you had to charge and recharge them again and again before the problems surfaced. Only then could you think about the solutions necessary to get the technology into a car.”
  • “Consumer electronics typically wear out and require replacement every two or three years. They lock up, go on the fritz, and generally degrade. They are fragile when jostled or dropped and are often cheaper to replace than repair. If battery manufacturers and carmakers produced such mediocrity, they could be run out of business, sued for billions and perhaps even go to prison if anything catastrophic occurred. Automobiles have to last at least a decade and start every time. Their performance had to remain roughly the same throughout.”

But then LeVine says “When a development is needed badly enough, it comes. Without some drastic change, American cities will eventually become uninhabitable. The electric automobile can stop the trend toward poisoned air. Its details are yet to be decided. But it will come. And it won’t be long.”

According to George Blomgren, a former senior technology researcher at EverReady “It’s been more than 200 years and we have maybe 5 different successful rechargeable batteries” .  Yet a better battery has always been just around the corner:

  • 1901: “A large number of people … are looking forward to a revolution in the generating power of storage batteries, and it is the opinion of many that the long-looked-for, light weight, high capacity battery will soon be discovered.” (Hiscox)
  • 1901: “Demand for a proper automobile storage battery is so crying that it soon must result in the appearance of the desired accumulator [battery]. Everywhere in the history of industrial progress, invention has followed close in the wake of necessity” (Electrical Review #38. May 11, 1901. McGraw-Hill)
  • 1974: “The consensus among EV proponents and major battery manufacturers is that a high-energy, high power-density battery – a true breakthrough in electrochemistry – could be accomplished in just 5 years” (Machine Design).
  • 2014 internet search “battery breakthrough” gets 7,710,000 results, including:  Secretive Company Claims Battery Breakthrough, ‘Holy Grail’ of Battery Design Achieved, Stanford breakthrough might triple battery life, A Battery That ‘Breathes’ Could Power Next-Gen Electric Vehicles, 8 Potential EV and Hybrid Battery Breakthroughs.

Since civilization ends if trucks stop running, batteries for TRUCKS are what matters. Battery electric cars do nothing to solve the liquid fuels transportation energy crisis since diesel engines can’t burn gasoline, so the fuel saved is no big deal. The heavy-duty trucks that do the actual work of civilization (and locomotives and ships) can’t run on batteries because even if batteries were improved 10-fold they’ll still be too heavy (see electric truck posts here).

What follows are kindle notes that give you a rough idea of the book, and why it is so damned hard to improve batteries. In “Who killed the electric car” I mention essential traits that transportation batteries must have, and how every time you improve one of them you might have harmed or undone another.  In this book there are even more essential factors that are way too technical to list because they take many paragraphs to explain.  Anyhow, I’m sure not holding my breath!

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy”, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

***

Related Articles (some links probably broken after republishing them with new info)

Notes from “The Powerhouse”:

Before returning home to Beijing, Wan, China’s minister of science, had asked to visit two places—Argonne National Laboratory, a secure federal research center outside Chicago, and a plant near Detroit where General Motors was testing the Volt, the first new electric car of its type in the world. Jabbing his finger into a book again and again, Chamberlain said that Wan was no mere sightseer. He had a mission, which was to stalk Chamberlain’s team of geniuses, the scientists he managed in the Battery Department at Argonne. They had invented the breakthrough lithium-ion battery technology behind the Volt, and Wan, Chamberlain was certain, hoped to appropriate Argonne’s work. But Chamberlain was not going, and hoped that no one at the lab would not explicitly mention nickel manganese cobalt, or NMC, the compound at the core of the Argonne invention contained in the Volt during an Gang’s visit.

Argonne possessed formidable intellectual firepower and inventions, such as the American patent for its NMC breakthrough. It achieved three grand aims—allowing the Volt to travel 40 miles on a single charge, to accelerate rapidly, and to do both without bursting into flames.

The electric age would puncture the demand for oil and thus rattle petroleum powers such as Russia’s Vladimir Putin, Saudi Arabia’s ruling family, and the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries as a whole, stripped of tens of billions of dollars in income. China could put its population in electric cars, shun gasoline propulsion, and clean up its air. Generally speaking, the world might spend less on oil and worry less about climate change.

By 2030, advanced battery companies would swell into a $100 billion-a-year industry and the electric car business into several $100 billion-a-year behemoth corporations.  When you sought justification for this enthusiasm, you heard a mainstream assumption that hybrid and pure electric vehicles would make up 13 to 15% of all cars produced around the world by 2020; a decade or two later, they would reach about 50 percent.

Volta created his battery while carrying out experiments to disprove Galvani. Benjamin Franklin, a contemporary, had already coined the word to describe a rudimentary electric device he built out of glass panes, lead plates, and wires. But Franklin’s was a battery in name only, while Volta’s was a true electric storage unit. After Volta’s brainchild, scientists kept hooking up batteries to corpses to see if they could be coaxed back to life. Many wondered whether electricity could cure cancer or if it was the source of life itself. What if souls were electric impulses?

To make a battery, you start with two components called electrodes. One is negatively charged, and is called the anode. The other, positively charged electrode is called the cathode. When the battery produces electricity—when it discharges—positively charged lithium atoms, known as ions, shuttle from the negative to the positive electrode (thus giving the battery its name, lithium-ion). But to get there, the ions need a facilitator—something through which to travel—and that is a substance called electrolyte. If you can reverse the process—if you can force the ions now to shuttle back to the negative electrode—you recharge the battery. When you do that again and again, shuttling the ions back and forth between the electrodes, you have what is called a rechargeable battery. But that is a quality that only certain batteries possess.

The small number of parts has both helped and hindered the efforts of scientists to improve on Volta’s creation. They had only the cathode, the anode, and the electrolyte to think about, and, to fashion them, a lot of potentially suitable elements on the entire periodic table. Yet this went both ways—there was no way to bypass those three parts and, as it soon became apparent, only so many of the elements that were truly attractive in a battery.

In 1859, a French physicist named Gaston Planté invented the rechargeable lead-acid battery. Planté’s battery used a cathode made of lead oxide and an anode of electron-heavy metallic lead. When his battery discharged electricity, the electrodes reacted with a sulfuric acid electrolyte, creating lead sulfate and producing electric current. But Planté’s structure went back to the very beginning—it was Volta’s pile, merely turned on its side, with plates stacked next to rather than atop one another. The Energizer, commercialized in 1980, was a remarkably close descendant of Planté’s invention. In more than a century, the science hadn’t changed.

In 1966, Ford Motor tried to bring back the electric car. It announced a battery that used liquid electrodes and a solid electrolyte, the opposite of Planté’s configuration. It was a new way of thinking, with electrodes—one sulfur and the other sodium—that were light and could store 15 times more energy than lead-acid in the same space. There were disadvantages, of course. The Ford battery did not operate at room temperature but at about 300 degrees Celsius. The internal combustion engine operates at an optimal temperature of about 90 degrees Celsius. Driving around with much hotter, explosive molten metals under your hood was risky. Realistically speaking, that would confine the battery’s practical use to stationary storage, such as at electric power stations. Yet at first, both Ford and the public disregarded prudence. With its promise of clean-operating electric cars, Ford captured the imagination of a 1960s population suddenly conscious of the smog engulfing its cities. Popular Science described an initial stage at which electric Fords using lead-acid batteries could travel 40 miles at a top speed of 40 miles an hour. As the new sulfur-sodium batteries came into use, cars would travel 200 miles at highway speeds, Ford claimed. You would recharge for an hour, and then drive another 200 miles.

A pair of rival reporters who were briefed along with the Popular Science man were less impressed—despite Ford’s claims, one remarked within earshot of the Popular Science man that electrics would “never” be ready for use. The Popular Science writer went on: They walked out to their cars, started, and drove away, leaving two trains of unburned hydrocarbons, carbon monoxide, and other pollution to add to the growing murkiness of the Detroit atmosphere.

When a development is needed badly enough, it comes. Without some drastic change, American cities will eventually become uninhabitable. The electric automobile can stop the trend toward poisoned air. Its details are yet to be decided. But it will come. And it won’t be long.

For a few years, the excitement around Ford’s breakthrough resembled the commercially inventive nineteenth century all over again. Around the world, researchers sought to emulate and, if they could, best Ford. As it had been on nuclear energy, Argonne sought to be the arbiter of the new age. In the late 1960s, an aggressive electrochemist named Elton Cairns became head of a new Argonne research unit—a Battery Department. Cairns initiated a comprehensive study of high-temperature batteries like Ford’s. Someone suggested a hybrid electric bus assisted by a methane-propelled phosphoric acid fuel cell, and it was examined as well. Welcoming suggestions, the lab director insisted only that any invention be aimed at rapid introduction to the market. To be sure that would happen, he invited companies to embed scientists at Argonne for periods of a few months to a year, and many did so. John Goodenough, a scientist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, said that everything suddenly changed. Batteries were no longer boring. Goodenough attributed the frenzy to a combination of the 1973 Arab oil embargo, a general belief that the world was running out of petroleum, and rousing scientific advances on both sides of the Atlantic.

The same electro-chemical reactions that enabled lithium batteries also made them want to explode: the voltage would run away with itself, a cell would ignite, and before you knew it the battery was spitting out flames. But you seemed no better off if you played it safe and used other elements—you’d find that they slowly fell apart on repeated charge and discharge.

In 1980, four years after Goodenough arrived at Oxford, lithium-cobalt-oxide was a breakthrough even bigger than Ford’s sodium-sulfur configuration. It was the first lithium-ion cathode with the capacity to power both compact and relatively large devices, a quality that made it far superior to anything on the market. Goodenough’s invention changed what was possible: it enabled the age of modern mobile phones and laptop computers. It also opened a path to the investigation of a potential resurrection of electric vehicles.

In 1991, Sony, pivoting off Yoshino’s brainchild, released a lithium-ion battery for small electronic devices. Later versions of the Sony battery would contain a better anode made of benign graphite, whose absorptive layers were a perfect temporary burrowing place for lithium ions. But the advance as a whole—the combination of Goodenough’s cathode and a carbon or graphite anode—created an overnight blockbuster consumer product. It enabled several multibillion-dollar-a-year industries of small recording devices and other electronics. It triggered copycat batteries and a frenzy in labs around the world to find even better lithium-ion configurations that would pack more energy in a smaller and smaller space.

If you were thinking about an electric car, the NMC led to a better cathode than Goodenough’s lithium-cobalt-oxide, his lithium-iron-phosphate, or Thackeray’s own manganese spinel. Not only was it cheaper and safer, but Thackeray also calculated that the extra lithium in the system improved its performance. The double lattice let you pull out 60 or 70% of the lithium before collapsing, well over the 50 percent you could withdraw from Goodenough’s lithium-cobalt-oxide. That extra lithium—the added 10 or 20%—meant more energy.

Very few people would settle for a single trait in an electric car. The ability to travel a long distance was important, but it was not sufficient; drivers demanded other qualities, too. They wanted the car to take off—immediately—when they pressed the accelerator, and to keep on accelerating to high speeds. They insisted that their vehicle be safe—consumers, not to mention regulators, would reject any car with a chronically explosive battery. The last quality was possibly the hardest to deliver: pushing for such performance in distance and acceleration tended to make the battery more dangerous.

The NMC and manganese spinel—in a combined-formulation battery for the Volt, its first new electrified car, a plug-in hybrid that it launched in 2010. GM said the battery’s 40-mile distance was ideal for a first-iteration Volt.

Dahn, a blunt and outspoken battery researcher whose own version of the NMC had been patented by the 3M Company just after the Argonne pair, announced a big jump in the material’s performance. It happened when, as an experiment, he juiced the voltage. The capacity surged. If you pack lithium into a battery and apply voltage to move it from the cathode to the anode—the act of charging the battery—the structure puts up fierce resistance. It restricts the lithium’s free movement, thus limiting how fast energy can be extracted, and thus how fast a car could go. Some goes astray along the way, stuck in one or the other side of the battery. In the case of NMC, it had high energy—you could pack in a lot of lithium—but relatively low power, meaning that you could not extract the lithium very fast. What Dahn did was to raise the voltage used to charge the battery above 4.5 volts—to about 4.8 volts, considerably more than the usual 4.3. That boost triggered a race of shuttling electrons. The result was staggering.

Theoretically speaking, Dahn was putting almost all of the lithium into motion between the cathode and the anode. In principle, you should not have been able to extract that much lithium from the cathode, thus removing important walls from the latticework of the cathode—the house of oxygen and metal atoms should collapse. But Dahn discovered that he could do so. Johnson went into the lab and tried to duplicate Dahn’s claims using the Li2MnO3. He pushed the voltage over 4.5 volts. Just as Dahn had reported, the capacity surged. It was an important discovery. The numbers told the tale. Ordinarily, lithium-ion batteries such as Goodenough’s lithium-cobalt-oxide store around 140 milliampere-hours of electric charge per gram, a revolutionary capacity when it was invented but insufficient for the ambitions of the new electric age. By pushing the voltage, Johnson was getting much more—250 milliampere-hours per gram, which was even higher than the 220 that Dahn was reporting. Trying again, Johnson got 280, almost twice lithium-cobalt-oxide’s performance. The experiments suggested that the NMC was even more powerful than they had thought on pioneering it five years earlier—far more. At once Li2MnO3 was not simply a fortifying agent, as had been presumed. At just over 4.5 volts, it came alive in a very muscular manner. At this higher voltage, you activated a new, heretofore unrecognized dimension of NMC. This was NMC 2.0, the breakthrough that could push electric cars over the bar and challenge gasoline-fueled engines.

It was his voice that captured attention in meetings. In a room of competing opinions, his basso profundo seemed to prevail. The voice made it impossible to ignore Chamberlain when he began to moralize. Among his gripes was “anti-intellectualism among elected officials.” Another was how Americans were “beholden to the interests of those who produce oil.” Chamberlain would continue to anyone listening: “We are the Saudi Arabia of coal and have nuclear energy. We should aim at energy independence with coal, solar, wind, and nuclear, then use them to charge up electric cars. Use electricity instead of oil—for everything. How do we get there?” He was hokey, which endeared him to the rank and file, scientists who were unmoved by talk of a battery war but gung-ho on the subject of importing less Middle East oil. Their passions rose at the idea that batteries could help stop climate change.

They believed Chamberlain when he said over the following years that many oil despots would be in trouble if drivers turned to electric cars to the degree Obama and Wan Gang both sought and those vehicles were charged with electricity produced by natural gas. Oil prices would fall, undercutting the long-running flood of money to Russia and OPEC, especially members that themselves did not possess gas. Since China would require less foreign oil, a current subtext to tension with outsiders—its colossal need for imported resources—would soften, and its air would be cleaner. When you added up these factors, you also emitted much less carbon. What was to dislike? Chamberlain understood that his boosterism infused the lab with a sense of purpose and that led him to promote the big energy picture even more.

Chamberlain and Schroeder tried another idea. A material known as a dendritic polymer was generating excitement. It was a compound that could be turned into a variety of products. What caught Chamberlain’s and Schroeder’s attention was that it could prevent melting in silicon wafers, a crucial need in computers—you needed to remove as much metal as possible and keep down the heat or your system would go down. A New England inventor had found a way to make dendritic polymers cheaply, and Chamberlain and Schroeder took his idea to Silicon Valley. Here was a certain path to fortune. But no venture capitalist they met felt the same confidence. All the pair heard was, “Do you have anything in energy?” The issue was timing. The smart money was shifting from chips to alternative energy.

So he began talking to American companies that were in the battery game. He pushed them to shift to the NMC. Johnson Controls and Procter & Gamble both said they could in principle manufacture batteries installed with the NMC. But they would have to give it a long think. Configuring factories anew for a different battery would take five years. That he and Sinkula had launched their own start-up company. It would center around the NMC and be marketed to carmakers. In the coming years, the move on their own would be the subject of a considerable dispute with Michael Pak, NanoeXa’s CEO. But for now, fortune was with them. As Jeff Chamberlain had found in his own start-up stage, energy was the rage in Silicon Valley. Venture capital firms were competing fiercely for the most promising ideas. They had decided that renewable energy was the next big boom. But their eagerness seemed different from the past manias. It wasn’t just about money. The fever aligned with the Valley’s strain of politics, which generally vilified oil, embraced its technological rivals, and fretted about climate change. Here was a way for the venture capitalists to do well and do good.

Nationally and globally, a similar sentiment took hold about global warming. Barack Obama, at the time an American senator initiating a campaign for president, vowed to promote non–fossil fuel technology and reduce emissions of heat-trapping gases. But it was generally believed that whoever was elected, Democrat or Republican, would push through laws and federal spending to buoy solar, wind, biofuel—and battery companies. Silicon Valley’s venture capital community was prepared for these new policies and the commerce that would follow.

Moroccan-born Khalil Amine unapologetically hired only foreigners. His group included not a single American-born researcher. Over the years, Amine had employed the occasional American and even a Frenchman. But now, apart from two other Moroccans (and himself), his group was entirely Chinese. Over sushi after work, Amine said he had concluded that the job was too demanding for United States–born Americans. And not just for them—some Asians, too, were not up to the task. “I have had Caucasians in my group before. Also Indians, Koreans,” Amine said. “But I will tell you this—I’m very demanding. I come to work at six A.M., five A.M. I work weekends. I have to make sure that we produce. The Chinese work this way, too—they are extremely hardworking. But some of the Caucasians, they don’t like that. It seems like big stress on them.

Amine was not alone in invoking a supposedly unique Asian cultural DNA when it came to science, technology, and the work ethic, in particular one native to Chinese, but he said the results spoke for themselves. If you considered inventions and published papers, his group was the most prolific in the Battery Department. By Amine’s own count, his group had produced 120 or so inventions over the last decade. “The next group is not even close,” he said, which was true. “And if you look at papers—last year we published about forty-seven, forty-eight. Some professors, they publish that many in their entire careers.

The subtext wasn’t merely the view that foreign-born battery guys worked harder but that Americans were simply not a large part of the job pool. The battery guys said that when they advertised a new position, dozens of applicants would respond of whom just two or three typically would be American. The proportions explained why these few Americans, whatever their qualifications, were often outshined by the mountain of overseas competition. There simply did not seem to be many Americans eager to invent the next big battery. Americans trained in the disciplines attacking the battery challenge—in physics, chemical engineering, material science. But their jobs of choice tended to be in other fields. Among the places they landed were Silicon Valley’s high-tech firms. Or, even if they did go into batteries, they rejected basic research, which almost certainly required up to three years of uncertain toil as a postdoctoral assistant, and went into private industry.

One trait of Argonne’s foreign-born staff was traditional personal and family aspirations: they were seeking a new life with greater prospects for their children. “I’m not saying it in a way to degrade the other guys,” Amine said, “but Caucasian Americans—they don’t want to do Ph.D.s. They go for an MBA or something like that. For example, I was invited to give a talk at MIT. I would say seventy percent of the students were Asian. Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese. I went to Berkeley—same thing.” Foreign battery guys in fact often completed not just one postdoctoral assistantship before securing permanent employment, but two or even three three-year stints. A postdoctoral researcher at Argonne earned about $61,000 a year, which was high for such a position. When offered a staff job, the pay was bumped up a bit and rose regularly from there, which became even more attractive in combination with the stability of federal lab work. But it was not high-tech scale. Their determination was distinct not just from Americans’ but also from that of the Silicon Valley immigrants. Once you settled on a life in batteries, a simple calculus made Argonne and the other national labs special magnets for such foreign Ph.D.s—the number of private battery companies was small and with it the possibility of obtaining an H-1B visa. The national labs, on the other hand, could sponsor an unlimited number of H-1Bs—in 2000, Congress had created a working visa exemption for nonprofit, university, and national labs.

“They go an extra length. They’re smart. And they are extremely reliable,” Amine said. Why was his team predominantly Chinese? “That’s why,” he said. Amine said his strategy did not always work in his favor. He had lost numerous military contracts because the Pentagon permitted only American citizens to work on such sensitive projects, and his group lacked them. But he was straightening that out, too. Six years earlier, Amine himself had taken American citizenship. His two Moroccan researchers had as well, and a Chinese scientist was on his way. “I think within five years, all these Chinese will be U.S. citizens,” Amine said. “It’s just a matter of time.” Ultimately, Amine said, his personnel preferences were unimportant. “At Argonne, the policy is you hire people based on capability. Not nationality,” he said. Of course, Amine had determined that there was a difference—he was hiring according to nationality. It was among the reasons why an American victory in the battery race oddly depended on scientists from rival countries.

Government incentives were attracting increasing numbers of Chinese students to repatriate but this trend largely excluded the staff at Argonne. Of the lab’s foreign researchers, the Chinese were among the least likely to repatriate.  The professional conditions in China were a disincentive, you could end up lost in a sprawling lab in your native country, serving an autocratic boss interested not in new ideas but largely in retaining his own position.

Argonne employed some 3,000 scientists but Amine was appalled at its relatively small intellectual property unit. The lab seemed content to file away strong inventions without seeking publicity. There was no explaining it apart from either a diffidence toward the business of science or plain languor. Whichever, Argonne’s IP team was passive when it came to licensing the lab’s inventions. So Amine set out to create his own little Japan. Amine organized his staff along the lines of the Kyoto invention machine where he learned his craft. He whipped his researchers into a cadre that at his direction worked systematically through every possible approach to the solution of a chemical puzzle—hundreds if necessary. The enviable record of papers, patents, and industry interest followed. Of one of his Chinese researchers, Amine said, “When you give him an experiment, he does it fast. He’ll give you the result in two days. With some people it’s like pulling teeth.” Amine’s critics pilloried his record of picking up a promising idea produced elsewhere, blending it with his own flashes of intuition and the work of his efficient staff, and emerging with a patent application or a new paper. They insinuated that it was theft. But in Japan—or any of the big Asian manufacturing economies—his methods would be recognized as fair and even sensible. Japan, China, and South Korea continued to retain their economic edge with a willingness to build on others’ ideas and spend money for years and years with the confidence that a profitable industry would eventually result. Amine was merely following the Japanese way. As critical as they were of him, Amine was savage toward the usual practices in American industry and labs. Western scientists championed the visionary moment but that led to “the moon or nothing. So they have nothing,” he said. He was prepared to go step by step. And he winnowed down his group to those who would work the way he saw fit.

That meant only two nationalities—Chinese and Moroccans.  On its face, Amine’s hiring sounded racist. His management style was dictatorial. But Amine was neither unethical nor a bigot. Rather, he was opportunistic in noticing others’ advances, uncanny in identifying and resolving a flaw, and ruthless in cutting through to a product bearing his name. That made him no different from countless other successful Americans. Jun Lu, a researcher on futuristic lithium-air batteries, defended Amine’s Japanese notions. Jun and his wife, Temping Yu, who also worked at Argonne, had no relatives in the Chicago area. “So we have more time to focus on research. You work harder” on Amine’s team, he said, but that was only part of the picture. “If you want to be successful, you still have to have the ideas. You have to have common sense.” But there were also pockets of anger in Amine’s group. This was not Japan. Some members of his group did not appreciate serving as cogs in Amine’s machine rather than innovators and thinkers in their own right. Amine held out the coin of the realm—an American visa and the later hope of citizenship. Their names appeared on the papers to which their grunt work contributed. But some of Amine’s best staff bristled at

There was a divide between the Chinese and the rest of the battery department. The Americans were suspicious of the Chinese and also themselves insular. The old days of Argonne scientists hanging out at one another’s homes were long past—in 2011, five years after he joined the lab, Chamberlain had yet to throw a party. Almost none of the battery guys had ever been to his house. An administrative staff member’s ears perked up when her boss mentioned dinner plans with a colleague—it was the first time she had ever heard of lab executives socializing together. She could only speculate why so little entertaining went on. It wasn’t that the scientists were unfriendly. But there seemed to be an unspoken midwestern distance. Andy Jansen and Kevin Gallagher, both battery guys, threw backyard barbecues for department colleagues, but Asians were rarely present.

Kang moved to Chicago with a position on Khalil Amine’s team at double his Austin pay. It was not long before Kang felt like “a workhorse.” He was carrying out repetitive tasks in which Amine was attempting again and again to advance yet another theory that would produce yet another paper or patent “that doesn’t change anything.” The Moroccan traveled frequently but provided his subordinates no opportunity to attend the same international conferences, mix with peers, or make a name

Americans, Kang said, had more potential than almost anyone because they had the fundamentals—from childhood, they were trained to argue and discuss. But they, too, were handicapped: they were not desperate. “They are not prepared to lose everything.” At Argonne itself, senior scientists did too little to prepare their young subordinates for big future breakthroughs.

A typical way to express the economics of a battery was the cost to produce a steady 1,000 watts of electricity for an hour (the amount needed to iron your clothes, for instance). According to Kumar, the Envia cathode lessened the battery cost to $250 per kilowatt-hour at laboratory scale, less than half the prevailing market rate at the time it was built. Envia’s next product promised to shrink the cost further—to $200 per kilowatt-hour, a very large jump. The ultimate aim, if Kumar succeeded with a superbattery on which he was currently working, would be a phenomenal $180 per kilowatt-hour. Kumar told Nissan that he could reach that goal in eighteen or so months. His promises, not to mention the time line, were exceedingly bold seeing as how GM was thought to be currently spending $650 to $750 per kilowatt-hour on the battery in the Volt, for a total of $12,000 to $14,000. Dave Howell, head of the electric-car battery research effort at the Department of Energy, was challenging researchers to lower costs to $300 a kilowatt-hour by 2014 or 2015. His longer objective was $125 a kilowatt-hour by 2022. But Kumar was suggesting he needed a mere year and a half to cut battery costs by three quarters and bring down the Volt battery to around $3,000. Given those numbers, you could understand

The Obama administration had allotted about $2 billion to build six lithium-ion battery factories largely from scratch. No one could say how many would survive, but most had no intellectual property of their own. In Kumar’s view they ought to be eager to grab Envia’s battery material. But, hearing silence, he said, “I don’t think it’s my job to convince them. I am working to make a product.

Though it boosted GM’s image, the Volt did not actually sell well. The car cost $41,000 and most motorists were unimpressed by the 40 miles it could travel on a charge.

Studies showed that that was the maximum average distance that American motorists traveled in a day. But in practice, actual potential buyers wanted to pay less, drive farther, and charge up where and when they wanted. Until these benchmarks were met, most were not buying the Volt or any other electric vehicle.

As for Steven Chu, he felt like a member of the “chosen ones” when he joined Bell in 1978. The atmosphere was “electric,” and “the joy and excitement of doing science permeated the halls,” he said. Chu grew up on Long Island, the son of Chinese immigrants who expected their children to earn Ph.D.s. His maternal grandfather was an American-trained engineer. His father was an MIT-educated chemical engineer and his mother an economist. He earned his doctorate at Berkeley and was hired to stay on as an assistant professor, but before starting the job he was offered a leave of absence to broaden his experience and he used the time to go to work at Bell. Chu’s first Bell boss admonished him to be satisfied with nothing less than starting a new scientific field. Five years later, he was leading the lab’s quantum electronics research team. Among his first accomplishments was measuring the energy levels of positronium, an atomlike object with its electric charges flipped. Measurements were hard because positronium has an average lifetime of 125 picoseconds (125 trillionths of a second, a scale that is to a second as a second is to 31,700 years). Then Chu puzzled out how to use laser light to cool and trap atoms. “Life at Bell Labs, like Mary Poppins, was practically perfect in every way,” he said. As secretary of energy under Obama, Chu wanted to capture the magic of Bell and its peers, the great industrial labs that had been run by scientific and commercial visionaries like Thomas Edison and T. J. Watson. He wanted to assemble the best minds in one place and focus on a single mission. The objective would be to disrupt the largest industry on the planet—fossil fuels.

He himself could be an exacting boss. When he later was named director of Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, he became known for his “Chu-namis,” stormy fits of pique when something had not been carried out to his standard. Chu wanted to replicate this atmosphere at the national labs that the Department of Energy funded.

One day, Jim Greenberger, an outside member of the group with which Chamberlain was speaking, mentioned a vague boyhood link to a close ally of Senator Obama, whose presidential campaign was gaining momentum. Obama seemed to be intensely interested in batteries. Why not pitch the battery Sematech proposal to the senator’s team? Everyone agreed that it was a good idea. The group found itself in a Chicago office before a single economic adviser to Obama. Greenberger described Sematech and the aim of beating the big Asian battery makers. “Why do you think we can compete with the Japanese auto industry?” the adviser asked. Chamberlain said American companies, while currently struggling, could recover and figure large in a reconstituted global industry. But he added that if electrics truly took off, Detroit, with its record of stodginess, “will go the way of the dinosaur.” They would not manage the transition to the new world. “What kind of money do you need?” The group had discussed this question. If they were modeling on Sematech, the sum should be around $500 million. But they wanted a cushion in case expenses were higher. So they decided on $1 billion. It was perhaps a hubristic price, but that was what they would request for the battery Sematech. “Two billion dollars,” Greenberger said. The rest of the group went quiet. Chamberlain could not see the expression on the Obama adviser’s face, and no one could fathom the origin of the new number.

“Okay,” the adviser said. Outside, the group laughed. Why did Greenberger double the figure? “I don’t know,” he said. “It just felt right.” As Obama was elected, the economic landscape transformed. The world was in financial collapse and the country in a panic. On taking office two months later, Obama quickly proposed, and Congress approved, a $787 billion economic stimulus package. It was meant to rescue the economy and plant the seeds of future industries. Chamberlain smiled as he studied the breakdown of spending. It included a $2.4 billion line item—a $2 billion lithium-ion battery manufacturing program plus $400 million for the development of electric-car–manufacturing processes. Rahm Emanuel, Obama’s new chief of staff, had remarked that, politically speaking, no crisis should go to waste. The battery Sematech was a “go.” It was and it wasn’t. The money would fund the creation of an American lithium-ion battery industry, just as Chamberlain and the companies envisioned.

Only now, with the unexpected largesse of a $2.4 billion research-and-development fund, the companies changed their minds about working collaboratively. Johnson Controls received $249 million of the fund, EnerDel won $118 million, and $200 million went to A123. They would compete against one another for the market. There would be no battery Sematech—no industry-government consortium. But the United States would be in the battery game. Steven Chu also saw no reason to squander the crisis. In his case, there was the matter of his dream to recreate Bell Labs. He proposed eight projects, each tasked to solve a single big problem, at a total five-year cost of $1 billion. For those who did not grasp the significance, he said, “We are taking a page from America’s great industrial laboratories in their heyday.” On paper, they would be called “innovation hubs.” But more explicitly, they were “Bell Lablets.” One of Chu’s hubs was to be aimed at revolutionizing batteries.

As impressive as NMC 2.0 was compared with its predecessors, it couldn’t power an electric car competitively with the internal combustion engine. After accounting for the loss of energy in combustion, a kilogram of gasoline contains 1,600 watt-hours of stored energy. State-of-the-art lithium-ion batteries, by comparison, delivered about 140.

Thackeray’s goal for NMC 2.0 was to double current performance plus cut the cost. But even that would leave batteries still about a sixth the energy density of gasoline. The Battery Hub’s goal was to make the next big jump after lithium-ion—to 600 or 800 watt-hours a kilogram. Toward that goal, the Battery Hub would receive $25 million of federal funding a year for five years, $125 million in all. A competition would decide which university, national lab, or consortium would host the Hub. Chu advised that those interested stay tuned as to

John Newman, an electrochemistry professor at UC Berkeley, phoned Thackeray. Newman was an icon who had written the standard university textbook on electrochemical systems. “Why don’t you lead the Battery Hub and we’ll do it with you?” Newman said. The competition had not yet been announced, but Newman was suggesting an interesting head start. He wanted Argonne and Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, traditionally bitter rivals in the battery space, to submit a joint bid. The approach was surprising given the jealousy between their two institutions. Argonne and Berkeley never worked together. They harbored a deep well of mutual suspicion. The stakes, however, were enormous—whoever landed the hub would be the undisputed center of American battery research. Therefore, if they joined hands, agreed to divide the research funds, and did not quarrel, Berkeley and Argonne might stand an improved chance of winning the competition. In June 2009, Newman traveled as part of a Berkeley group to Argonne. Crowded into a small conference room, they began to brainstorm what a Battery Hub would look like. So much was already going on in the field—depending on the year, the Department of Energy alone was spending $50 million to $90 million on battery research. What could a hub add? Someone suggested starting over—that they wipe the whiteboard clean and simply construct a chart of a first-rate, industry-leading battery research program. They could then shade in areas where there was already sufficient work. What remained would be the proposed Argonne-Berkeley Battery Hub. The result was a blockbuster, over-the-top plan for a $100-million-a-year, multiyear partnership of companies and scientific institutions. On paper, it was four times the size of Chu’s hubs. Both teams loved it. When Chamberlain described it quietly to a few industry friends, they seemed equally enthusiastic, making clear they were prepared in principle to share the cost fifty-fifty with the Department of Energy. Chamberlain thought he understood the companies’ eagerness. It wasn’t that it looked like Sematech, although the resemblance to Chamberlain’s obsession was more than passing. It was because “it was like Bell,” he said. Genuinely like Bell, and not the lablets that Chu was proposing. The Argonne-Berkeley team called it the National Center for Energy Storage Research, which they pronounced “En-Caesar.

Congress had to directly approve such spending, and it treated Chu’s proposal with skepticism. Its 2010 budget funded just three of the eight innovation hubs. Worse, it guaranteed the money for only a year rather than five and allocated $22 million for each hub instead of the proposed $25 million. The Battery Hub did not make the cut.

“Oh, crap,” Chamberlain said. He was reading a news bulletin on the Internet—a Chevy Volt had caught fire while undergoing federal crash testing in Wisconsin. The vehicle had been through the usual harsh examinations, which included ramming a pole into its side, and had already achieved the top five-star rating. Three weeks later, as the car sat on the lot, the battery burst into flames. It engulfed the Volt along with three other vehicles parked nearby.

Fox News blamed Obama. Neil Cavuto, a Fox commentator, said the Volt was part of a gigantic social disaster that would lead to divorces “when someone forgets to plug it in,” not to mention a conspiracy. “Someone bought off Motor Trend to say it was car of the year,” Cavuto said. “You have to be a dolt to buy a Volt.” The vehicle had nothing to do with Obama and in fact was conceived during the George W. Bush administration. But by embracing electrics, Obama infuriated the right. The carping grew when two more fires occurred during tests just six months later. The thing about large lithium-ion battery packs was that if you were not going to use them for a long time, you were advised to drain them of electricity. When fully charged, they could be unstable.

Chamberlain said that it wasn’t only his personal connection to the car that decided him. Notwithstanding the opinion of Fox News, he agreed with the assessment of Motor Trend, which was that the Volt was “a game-changer.” The Volt was the future, he said, “something that is amazing.”

Rechargeable lithium-ion batteries became commercial products only a decade later. When Sony commercialized Goodenough’s battery in 1991, it became the go-to formulation for virtually every laptop, smart phone, recorder, or really any battery-enabled consumer device. Goodenough’s batteries lasted longer than the technology they superseded—nickel metal hydride—and did not suffer nearly the severity of capacity loss after long use. Even two decades later, lithium-cobalt-oxide batteries remained the world’s workhorse consumer battery.

The inspiration to use lithium-ion to revive electric cars, though, came later still. Lithium-cobalt-oxide was too expensive—specifically the ingredient cobalt—for serious contemplation in passenger vehicles. It packed a wallop of energy density—the best among any commercial battery—but was economically feasible only for compact purposes, meaning small electronic devices. When Toyota pioneered the modern-day push into electrics in Japan in 1997, its Prius hybrid again contained nickel-metal-hydride batteries.

Riley received an e-mail from a 41-year-old South Korean staff researcher named Young-Il Jang. NMC 2.0, Young said, appeared to have a problem. And not just any problem, but one so substantial as to possibly doom it outright for use in cars. Young told Riley and other colleagues copied in the e-mail that the jolt of voltage that gave NMC 2.0 its potency also seemed to thermodynamically change it. When the high voltage forced much of the lithium to begin shuttling, thus removing the cathode’s pillars, the structure sought to shore itself up and keep its shape. Other atoms rearranged themselves. Nickel took the place of lithium, and cobalt of oxygen. When the lithium returned, its old places were occupied. It had to try to find a new home. Thermodynamics made the atoms seek a new natural balance. The voltage steadily declined. Hence in actual application in an automobile, NMC 2.0 might not provide the consistent potency suggested when Thackeray was working on coin-size test cells in the laboratory. Unless the atomic reorganization could be controlled, Young concluded, the material might never find use in a car, which required reliability. In a gasoline-driven vehicle, the driver expected the engine to deliver more or less the same propulsion each time the accelerator was depressed—the pistons had to push out a smooth flow of power continuously, every time. It could not deliver the acceleration of a Ferrari the first day and a Mini Cooper on the hundredth. Similarly, in an electric system, the voltage in the second cycle could not differ from that of the fiftieth; you could not create a dependable, ten-year propulsion system with such instability.

Riley was suggesting that the parade of companies that had paid to license NMC 2.0—not just Envia, but BASF, GM, LG, and Toda—were holding a seriously flawed product. As his researcher had stated, NMC 2.0 perhaps could not be deployed for the purpose for which it had been purchased—longer-range, cheaper electrified vehicles. At least in its current state, it perhaps could only be used at lesser voltages, which would mean performance not much different from the lithium-cobalt-oxide batteries commercialized two decades before. There might be no reason for anyone to absorb the expense of switching to NMC 2.0. If you asked the battery guys at what stage they understood that there was a problem with NMC 2.0, it prompted a nervous response. They would go quiet, glance around, and provide not quite precise answers. This conveyed the impression that either no one knew the precise answer or no one wanted to disclose it. The reason being that, if you looked at the situation squarely, you could not escape the conclusion that Argonne had in fact sold the companies a faulty invention. Not that the companies themselves were off the hook—the engineers, venture capitalists, and other executives and staff who had signed off on the licenses had to be in some hot water among their bosses, too. If anyone was predominantly responsible, it was the Thackeray team, because their names were on the patent. Chamberlain, who had led the negotiations on Argonne’s behalf, said simply, “We didn’t know about it.” But how was that possible? “Because making a product is not the scientists’ objective. You have to look at a certain data set to notice the fade,” he said. “If you look at a different data set where all of your requirements are for capacity, you can actually miss the voltage curves.” He added, “That is why interaction with industry is so important, because if you are making a product, like a battery that is going into a car, you look at everything like this.

Department of Energy staff summoned him to Washington. They wanted to hear more about voltage fade. A few days before his departure to Seoul, Kang sat before six Department of Energy officials with his slide deck. His core message resembled A123’s: NMC 2.0 required a fundamental fix. How did some of the best minds in batteries overlook a defect this basic? Voltage fade was deeply pernicious, Kang said. It was what Chamberlain said—if you were employing the standard measuring tools, determining a battery’s stability by checking its capacity, you would notice nothing wrong with the NMC 2.0. From cycle to cycle, you observed a stable composition. That is what Thackeray and Johnson saw and reported in their invention. Voltage fade became conspicuous only when you incorporated gauges of stability that, while familiar in industry, were highly uncommon in research labs. Only then did you understand that NMC 2.0 was profoundly flawed.

Further in the future, Faguy saw the problem as a dress rehearsal for nightmares to come. The battery race would involve a series of unforeseen, terrible problems that you simply could not recognize in the tiny volumes and coin cells produced in the national labs. You needed a ton of the material and hundreds of cells, and you had to charge and recharge them again and again before the problems surfaced. Only then could you think about the solutions necessary to get the technology into a car.

Croy said the slides assumed two ways to understand voltage fade: it was either repairable or forever unmanageable, the latter because of the immutable laws of thermodynamics, the most basic physics of energy. The answer, he said, was actually both—voltage fade challenged the limits of fundamental physics, but there could be a fix. To get there, he and Thackeray had used the beam line to explore the bowels of the NMC. They observed that the nickel and manganese had wanderlust. The metals liked to move around through the layers. It was their nature—once the lithium shuttled to the anode, taking a bit of oxygen out of the cathode, the nickel and manganese could not help but shift in order to find a new, comfortable balance. By the time the metals settled down, the material itself was changed—its voltage profile was vastly different. For a carmaker, such a transformation was unacceptable. But how could you stop it?

The extra manganese in NMC 2.0—the Li2MnO3—that was largely responsible for the battery’s exceptional performance also contributed to its instability. The manganese settled down and stopped rattling the structure when near nickel. So wherever you had manganese, you wanted to make sure nickel was also present. The flower pattern represented the best depiction of that balance.

In February 2012, about a thousand men and women assembled at an upscale Orlando golf resort called Champions Gate. There are two types of battery conferences—scientific gatherings that attract researchers and technologists attempting to create breakthroughs; and industry events, attended by merchants and salespeople. Orlando was the latter. A pall hung over the assembled businesspeople. Americans were not snapping up electric cars: GM sold just 7,671 Volts the previous year against a forecast of 10,000. There was no reasonable math that got you to the one million electric vehicles that Obama said would be navigating American roads by 2015, even when you threw in the Japanese-made Nissan Leaf, of which 9,674 were sold in 2011. That became even clearer when just 603 Volts sold in January 2012. No one seemed consoled that China was doing even worse, selling just a combined 8,159 across the country, fewer than half the American number.

There could eventually be the type of market shift that both Obama and Wan Gang had forecast. But it would not be in the current decade. Until at least the 2020s, electric cars would remain at best a niche product.

The Japanese believed the race was already over. They—and their Prius—had won. Toyota was nearing four million cumulative hybrid sales worldwide, including 136,463 Priuses in the United States alone—the world’s second-largest car market behind China—in 2011. The Japanese themselves bought 252,000 Priuses.

Researchers might achieve a genuine breakthrough in a decade or so, Anderman said. But meanwhile the internal combustion engine would keep improving and raising the bar.

The vice presidents of major industry players like GM, Ford, Bosch, and Nissan, the men who, one step down from the CEO, decided what cars their companies actually produced. They tended not to “put up with any crap,” Hillebrand said. “They are not interested in what sounds interesting and what sounds cool,” he said, but in “things that are really going to happen.” It became evident that they did not foresee a breakout of the electric car for many years to come. Electrics cost too much to produce. There was no indication that the economics were going to significantly improve. Motorists might keep buying 20,000 or 30,000 Leafs and Volts a year, they said, but there was no sign that either model would achieve the hundreds-of-thousands-of-cars-a-year sales that signaled mass appeal. The old guys were right, Hillebrand said.

He himself foresaw internal combustion vehicles that could run automatically on almost any fossil fuel. As it stood, mass-market diesel engines, relying on compression rather than spark plugs to ignite the fuel that drove the car, were probably the most efficient on the planet—fully 45% of the diesel poured into the tank ended up in the propulsion of the vehicle; just 55% burned off as wasted heat in the process of combustion. As for gasoline, just 18% of its energy actually reached the wheels; a whopping 82% went into the ether.

Consumer electronics typically wear out and require replacement every two or three years. They lock up, go on the fritz, and generally degrade. They are fragile when jostled or dropped and are often cheaper to replace than repair. If battery manufacturers and carmakers produced such mediocrity, they could be run out of business, sued for billions and perhaps even go to prison if anything catastrophic occurred. Automobiles have to last at least a decade and start every time. Their performance had to remain roughly the same throughout. They had to be safe while moving—or crashing—at high speed.

The generally accepted physical limit of a lithium-ion battery using a graphite anode was 280 watt-hours per kilogram. No one had ever created a 400-watt-hour-per-kilogram battery. In all, ARPA-E received some 3,700 submissions for $150 million in awards. Thirty-seven were selected. Envia was among them—Kumar won a $4 million grant.

The subsequent year, Kumar’s team worked through the handful of silicon anode concepts he had proposed until it settled on one. Kumar said Amine’s anode, a composite of silicon and graphene, pure carbon material the thickness of an atom, had failed to meet the necessary metrics. Instead, the best anode was made of silicon monoxide particles embedded into carbon. Kumar’s team built pores into this silicon-carbon combination measuring between 50 nanometers and 5 microns in diameter, and filled them with electrolyte. Carbon in the shape of fibers or nano-size tubes were also mixed into the anode, thus creating an electrically conductive network. The silicon’s expansion was thus redirected and absorbed. Even if the silicon broke apart immediately, the carbon fibers and tubes provided a path across which the lithium ions could pass on their way to and from the cathode. Kumar said the results were excellent

This path to the better battery was expensive. You started with a vacuum reactor and a costly substrate, sometimes using platinum, a precious metal. Then you grew nanowires and nanotubes. What resulted was like pixie dust—you derived just milligrams of material each time while what was required was bulk powder. The process might decline in cost over time, but for now it could not be justified.  The battery was only a prototype—he had charged and discharged it just 300 times. Experts in the audience knew that Kumar would have to more than triple the number of cycles before the battery could be used in a car.

Dahn was notorious for ripping into the ideas of his colleagues—publicly and usually with precision. He pointed out flaws that most battery guys, knowing how hard it was to make an advance of any type, typically kept to themselves. Dahn was with Anderman in the belief that battery scientists often cherry-picked their results in order to postulate nonexistent advances.

The basic NMC-spinel battery in the GM Volt delivered about 100 watt-hours per kilogram. Since GM over-engineered the battery to maintain a margin for error, about 37% of it went unused—the excess was there just in case added capacity was needed. So it was effectively running at about 66 watt-hours per kilogram. If you now doubled the capacity using the Envia formulation and slimmed down the unused capacity, you would triple your range—rather than 40 miles, the Volt would travel more than 120 miles on a single charge. Alternatively, GM could stay with the 40-mile range and cut about $10,000 off the price of the car. “You have your choice,” Dahn said. “This is why people are fighting for higher energy and longer life. It is what it is all about.” Dahn had questions. For example, why Envia’s 300 cycles would increase. “How long and how fast? Nobody knows,” Dahn said. “But you can bet your bottom dollar it is going to get better.

Canadian energy thinker Vaclav Smil was his favorite writer, and Gates was a seed investor in a molten metal battery prototype invented by Donald Sadoway, a celebrity MIT chemist. Conversing with Chu, Gates said that clean power was perhaps the world’s greatest challenge. It would be exceptionally harder than anything he himself had attempted. Bill Gates said that when you contrasted energy and computer software, “people underestimate the difficulty getting the breakthroughs. And they underestimate how long it is going to take.” Crossing from the invention to the marketplace was the longest wait of all—the general adoption of a new energy technology could take five to six decades, he said. That’s right, Chu replied.

A photograph of Kumar and the Envia team went up on the triple screens. The day before, Majumdar said, this start-up company had announced “the world record in energy density of a rechargeable lithium-ion battery.” Its 400-watt-hour-per-kilogram battery, if scaled up, could take a car that entire Washington-to-New York journey in a single charge at half the cost of the current technology. And more was coming, he said.

At a major presentation Majumdar said that the Envia team had achieved “the world record in energy density of a rechargeable lithium-ion battery.” Its 400-watt-hour-per-kg battery when scaled up would take a car Washington to New York on a single charge at half the cost of current technology.

Envia claimed this could be done for hundreds of cycles, but in fact it went just 3 cycles before the energy plunged. To be usable in an electric car it would need to be capable of being charged and discharged 1,000 times.

The Argonne battery guys cringed and then went ballistic. Kevin Gallagher said Majumdar’s claims about Envia were “bullshit” and made him wonder about the other 8 start-ups showcased. ARPA-E with its pressures to deliver big leaps was “basically set up for companies to lie”.

Gallagher didn’t belive Envia could go 300 miles on a single charge—he would have had to densely pack the lithium into an unusually thick cathode. That was the only way. The problem was that thick electrodes were a blunt-force method—they could deliver the distance, BUT ONLY IN THE LAB. They couldn’t be placed with confidence into a 300-mile electric car. Being so fat, they would suffer early and fatal maladies and die long before the 10-year life span required and might even shatter. The opposite was needed – slender electrodes and cathodes less than 100 microns thick.

In the audience, the Argonne battery guys cringed. Then they went ballistic. Kevin Gallagher said Majumdar’s claims about Envia were “bullshit,” making him wonder about the other eight start-ups that he showcased. ARPA-E as a whole, with its pressures to deliver big leaps, was “basically set up for companies to lie,” he said.

Chamberlain said that deceit was in the DNA of start-ups and VCs: you needed that quality in order to raise funding, sell your product, and ultimately achieve a successful exit—to flip your company in either an acquisition or an IPO.

He decided that Majumdar’s high-profile announcement was politically driven. Department of Energy investments were a primary target of harsh Obama critics. The furor centered on Solyndra, a California solar power company that was awarded a $535 million stimulus loan and then filed for bankruptcy. Solyndra, critics said, exemplified the folly of “picking winners”—of favoring specific companies rather than general swaths of potential economic prosperity in which any enterprise might emerge a success. The loan, they said, was particularly suspect given that a Department of Energy official handling it was simultaneously a presidential campaign fund-raiser and married to a Solyndra lawyer. In fact, ARPA-E and other programs were picking winners. But that was what they were supposed to do. The question was whether they picked wisely. In any case, while the wisdom of the Solyndra loan was debatable, its origins were in the Bush administration.

Gallagher was still irritated about Envia. He did not desire a public argument over the matter but said again that Kumar’s 400-watt-hour-per-kilogram disclosure was just show. Gallagher was disposed to irritable pessimism—Thackeray said that was to be expected since he was an engineer. But he defended his suspicions on the basis of the girth of Kumar’s electrodes: in order to deliver the performance that Envia claimed—meaning that an electric car could travel three hundred miles on a single charge—he would have had to densely pack the lithium into an unusually thick cathode. That was the only way. The problem was that thick electrodes were a blunt-force method—they could deliver the distance, but only in the lab. They probably could not be placed with confidence into a three-hundred-mile electric car. Being so fat, they would suffer early and fatal maladies and die long before the ten-year life span required for such batteries. They might even shatter. The future, Gallagher said, was slender electrodes—cathodes less than one hundred microns thick, or slimmer than the diameter of a human hair. In its rush to the market, Gallagher said, Envia had unveiled an attention-grabbing but flawed product that still required fundamental improvement.

Lynn Trahey called Gallagher “K-Funk.” She had joined Argonne three years earlier as a postdoc from Berkeley. Scientists in the United States were not only largely foreign born, but also mostly men. So Trahey was an anomaly on both accounts—she was the only female staff scientist in the Battery Department. She had been a cheerleader and played varsity doubles tennis in high school. As a graduate student, she wore a purple- and green-dyed ponytail. Trahey’s current toned-down style appeared aimed at reducing her conspicuousness among these mostly plain men. She tied her hair back, unadorned. She dressed like one of the guys in loose-fitting jeans and sneakers.

None of it worked. Trahey still stuck out. The guys behaved bizarrely around her. They spoke inexpressively, almost robotically. Except for Gallagher and Mike Slater, a lot of them simply stayed away. While colleagues behaved awkwardly, she was ideal for public relations exercises. At Berkeley, her professors dispatched her on community-outreach visits to neighborhood schools and senior-citizen groups. She would show up and attract favorable press for the department. Chamberlain employed Trahey to the same advantage. He featured a photograph of her posed in protective glasses on the department’s home page and in a handful of press releases.

“Why don’t we get rid of the old people” at the lab? Gallagher said. “I’d like to see their output. I’ll bet it’s low.” He said that if you calculated the average age of the department’s researchers, you might be surprised as to how elderly the staff was as a whole. Gallagher and Trahey agreed that their older colleagues were costing too much money. Trahey said, “The reason there are so few jobs is these people won’t leave. These guys suck up all this money that could go to other things.” It particularly galled her that Gruen was paid at the lab’s top salary rank. “He is a 710!” she said. Such grousing poured out of the pair. They suggested that battery science was a young person’s game. But were the ideas developed by over-the-hill scientists under scrutiny, or was it simply their ages?

One reason battery science didn’t produce results was that scientists proposed a new chemistry, got funding, proved or failed to make it work in coin cells, wrote a paper, garnered any accolades, and moved onto the next thing. The small coin cells were never tested for practicality.  At no point was your idea typically tested for practicality—no one checked whether it could produce a superior battery. Experimentation alone was the final product.

Elon Musk’s Tesla made no battery breakthrough at all – he just strung together existing battery technology – 8,000 batteries made by Panasonic weighing 1,300 pounds. He chose this battery based on price, it was cheapest based on kilowatt-hour.

The Argonne scientists disputed the wisdom of Musk’s choice because nickel-cobalt-aluminum was the most volatile of the lithium-ion chemistries and easily caught on fire.  If a pure lithium node could be made that didn’t catch on fire, it was be a colossal achievement and great recognition to anyone who could figure out how to do this.

Another thing Kumar at Envia needed to fix was DC resistance in the cathode, which made the car suddenly sluggish when it got to the last 20 miles of a 100 to 200 mile battery.

Envia’s 400 watt-hour per kilogram – not doing that by a long shot. They did on the 2nd cycle, but by 5th cycle it was down to 302, the 100th cycle 267, the 200th cycle 249, and by the 342nd cycle of 232 it had lost 42% of its energy.

The GM team didn’t even get 2 cycles at 400. GM insisted that Envia get 4.4 volts – but at that state of charge, atoms begin to move around at an accelerated pace, the cathode expanded and contracted with shuttling of lithium and the material could crack.

Envia had contracted with GM and had again missed the milestones on both the volt and 200 mile car batteries.  The 400-2att-hour-per-kg material was still not performing as advertised.

The GM men were furious. “The anode material is not Envia’s,” said Matthus Joshua, the automaker’s purchasing executive. Envia had “misrepresented the material. The product claims prior to the contract were inaccurate and misleading.”

The anode was represented as proprietary but was actually bought from a 3rd party. After Envia admitted it had misrepresented the composition, origin and intellectual property content of their prototype battery, they asked for additional time and still the project hadn’t moved forward, and was unable to even replicate prior reported test results.  Given the facts GM was entitled to terminate the contract and wanted back the $4 million it had paid out.

Was Kumar a con man? Was he looking to cash out before he was found out?  The Argonne guys–all of them skeptics from the time that Kumar began to boast about his big breakthrough–could not decide.

Nor were journalists educated enough in battery technology to catch the problems with Kumar’s technology, even though slides were shown by Kumar and Kapadia at an ARPA-E Summit, though many of the slides were extremely deceptive (see page 277-278 for details).  These slides depicted only the capacity giving the impression that the energy density of 400 watt-hours per kilogramp was being achieved for hundreds of cycles, even though the energy density was going haywire.

Despite this, the board of investors and executives kept quiet hoping that Kumar would somehow still improve the battery enough so they could cash out. GM did too since there was no profit in going public with a fiasco and discredit the Volt and GM’s ability to develop new technology, plus Wall street might pummel the stock.

When the Envia board refused to depart, a 52-page civil suit was filed in the Alameda county courthouse against Envia and Kumar personally that alleged fraud and other charges, a lawsuit that revealed many of the past 6 years of corporate secrets, and all hopes of keeping the sorry story under wraps was blown.

Faguy at the Department of Energy realized that the problem of voltage fade couldn’t be solved simply by throwing money at it. “These kind of problems are intractable.”

 

Posted in Automobiles, Batteries, Energy Books | Tagged , | Comments Off on Review of “The Powerhouse: Inside the Invention of a Battery to Save the World” by Steve LeVine

Stansberry on “The End of America”

[ Stansberry has been predicting a market crash and currency collapse for a long time.  But this hasn’t happened yet, so Stansberry re-evaluates his ideas. He notes that the top 20 industrialized nations have pension and retiree obligations that aren’t on the balance sheets, with over $80 trillion coming due in 10 to 20 years.  The unprecedented explosion of debt the past 20 years is now more guaranteed by governments than the Market.

He says “Over the next decade, the biggest threat to your wealth won’t be the risk of losing your savings to a market crash. The biggest threat, by far, is the risk of losing your wealth to our government via confiscation or devaluation… or both….By guaranteeing so many of these debts and obligations, governments are setting up an unprecedented collapse of not only the banking system, but of the political system itself.  The U.S. government has already pledged a large amount of your wealth to other people …My fear is that the stock market disappears. My fear is that the government defaults. My fear is that no bank will survive.”

“Negative interest rates have become pervasive in two out of the three major developed currency blocs. And we could certainly be next.” Stansberry asks how that could possibly work out in the long-run: “Do you think the public is going to volunteer to buy bonds that not only don’t pay interest, but charge a monthly fee to own? How will life-insurance companies meet death-benefit claims if bonds no longer pay any interest? How much capital would you put into the banking system if the banks begin charging you 2% or 3% a year just to keep your savings with them?”

He doesn’t offer any solutions, and never mentions declining energy or natural resources, which is the true source of our problems.

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation, 2015, Springer]

Porter Stansberry. April 22, 2016. The End of America. The Stansberry Digest.

“Remember the ‘End of America’?… How the global economy got ‘Enronized’… How negative interest rates work… What happens when doctors won’t take Medicare?…  Longtime readers might remember a documentary we produced back in 2010 called the “End of America.”

The thesis was pretty straightforward: America, having racked up debts (both private and public) so large they could never be repaid in sound money, would inevitably be forced to print its way out of perdition. As a result, our dollar would inevitably lose its position as the world’s leading reserve currency.  For Americans, the days of cheap and easy credit would be over. Going forward, we wouldn’t be allowed to merely print up paper to pay for our foreign loans. Such a development would be catastrophic to a lot of Americans, similar in many ways to the economic and social challenges Great Britain faced after World War II.

In our “End of America” presentation, we predicted several important developments that have since come to pass, such as a general increase in social unrest. See the recent riots in Baltimore and the “Occupy Wall Street” movement. We were right about America’s credit rating, which was downgraded from “AAA” in 2011 by ratings agency Standard & Poor’s. We were right about the rise of new “alternative currencies” like Bitcoin.

We’ve also seen more and more political challenges to the status quo, and even a sharp rise in political violence. You’d have to be completely ignorant of history if “strongmen” like Donald Trump don’t remind you of Mussolini or other similar figures from history. Leaders like this arise as countries go bankrupt because the public doesn’t want to accept the consequences of its profligacy. Wars break out, too… like the kind Trump seems determined to start against Mexico… or the kind that Hillary will probably continue to wage in the Middle East.

But in one important way, our predictions haven’t come to pass (at least, not yet). Incredibly… the currency collapse hasn’t happened – either in America or in any other major developed nation. Sure, the yen and the euro have weakened a lot against the dollar. They’re down 15% and 28% since 2012. But we haven’t seen the kind of panic I know we’ll see sooner or later in the world’s leading paper-money brand – the U.S. dollar.

I (Porter) have been thinking about why that’s so… and how the system could endure for far longer than I believe is possible. Let’s look at the numbers.

Here’s an incredible statistic: Since 2009, total global debt has increased by $57 trillion, according to consulting firm McKinsey. That’s about the same amount of debt as America owed, in total, back in 2009. Said another way, in a little more than six years, the world has added a new pile of debt as big as the one that blew up the American economy.

Meanwhile, total debt (public and private) in the U.S. has increased, too. We’re up to $65 trillion, from around $55 trillion in 2009. Our total debt is up 150% since 2000. Just think about that for a minute. Imagine what our economy would have looked like over the past 15 years without that incredible level of stimulus. Think about what our unemployment figures would look like without all of that debt.

What’s the big deal? Who cares about some “hot money” lending? The problem, as McKinsey points out, is that all around the world, debt growth is far outpacing economic growth. As a result, we haven’t had the ability to finance these new obligations. This raises the question: If economic growth can’t finance these new loans (or the old ones), who is foolhardy enough to lend all of this money?

The answer won’t surprise you. It’s the government, of course!

A new report published by the Richmond, Virginia branch of the Federal Reserve says 61% of all liabilities in the U.S. financial system are now implicitly or explicitly guaranteed by the government. That’s way up from 1999, when only 45% of the liabilities of the financial system were guaranteed (mostly Fannie and Freddie). In other words, more and more of our financial institutions rely on the government (aka taxpayers) for access to credit.

These guarantees, however, can’t be found on any U.S. government balance sheet.

Imagine if a publicly traded company did the same. It would be called “Enron” and its leaders would be put in jail. That’s the status of our entire banking system: It has been “Enronized.” It runs on the same financial engineering as Enron. And not just in America. You can find the same problem in every major economy in the world.

Does that sound like a good idea?

Well, it has been fun so far. Over the last 20 years or so, the world has seen an explosion of debt unlike any other period in history. Most of these obligations wouldn’t have been financed by the free market. Individuals investing their own savings would have never agreed to those risks or the tiny interest rates now being offered to lenders in every major economy.

But rather than live within the means of the free market, governments from almost every major nation have engaged in massive currency and interest-rate manipulation. And that’s not all. They haven’t merely guaranteed the availability of capital in more and more ways… They’ve also guaranteed the principal of the loans.

Does that sound sensible?

I know, you’ve heard all of this before… But none of these problems stopped the big bull market we’ve seen since 2012. So even if we’re right that this isn’t sustainable, how can anyone know when the boom will end or when the music will stop? We don’t know, of course. Nobody can know for certain if the next market correction or bear market will be the “big one.”

But here’s an indicator of where things might finally hit a real breaking point: Banking giant Citigroup (C) warned in a recent report that the top 20 industrialized nations have pension and retiree obligations (also held off the balance sheets) that exceed $80 trillion. All of these come due over the next decade or two. And of course, none of these obligations can be financed based on current GDPs or tax rates. The mountains of debt these economies continue to labor under ensure there is no growth.

How will it all end? I wish I knew exactly… but I have no doubt that it will be far worse and far more violent than anyone could possibly predict.

So I hope that while you’re thinking about what the stock market will do next week or next month, you also spend a little bit of time thinking about the bigger picture. Over the next decade, the biggest threat to your wealth won’t be the risk of losing your savings to a market crash. The biggest threat (by far) is the risk of losing your wealth to our government via confiscation or devaluation… or both.

 

Just think about it… If these loans were purely private, a run on the bank would result in the collapse of the banking system. Depositors would suffer massive losses. We would see the same kind of credit deflation we last saw in the 1930s. Most financial assets and a lot of “hard assets” would be lost to bankruptcy. Prices would decline massively. But the real wealth wouldn’t disappear. All that would happen is a massive transfer of wealth from creditors to lenders.

But that isn’t the only thing that will happen this time. By guaranteeing so many of these debts and obligations, governments are setting up an unprecedented collapse of not only the banking system, but of the political system itself. You might not know it, but the U.S. government has already pledged a large amount of your wealth to other people. And when that bill comes due, we’re going to have a huge problem. Think Detroit, on an international scale.

We’re already so late in the game that the expense of just maintaining the existing debts can’t be honestly financed. Negative interest rate policy (“NIRP”) is the new idea. Charging insurers and big banks negative interest rates might work for a while to keep the music playing because the public generally fears and hates these massive institutions.

But what will happen when the government must finally begin to tax the ultimate guarantor in our debt-backed, global banking system? What will happen when the taxpayers face negative interest rates, huge increases in taxes, enormous cuts in benefits, or crashing currency values?

When I look at the big picture, my fear isn’t that the market will crash… or that default rates will rise… or that interest rates will go up (or down). Those things are all going to happen in the normal course of events. My fear is that the stock market disappears. My fear is that the government defaults. My fear is that no bank will survive.

Sounds a little crazy, I’m sure. But it’s obvious to anyone who looks at the numbers that our current path is not sustainable. It is clearly beginning to completely break down.

Try to explain how negative interest rates will influence the housing market, for example. Will we soon see people applying for a “mortgage” at the Federal Housing Administration or Fannie Mae, and then being paid a monthly stipend in exchange for living in a house, for free, that someone else paid to build?

Does that make any sense?

Or consider the government-bond market itself. Do you think the public is going to volunteer to buy bonds that not only don’t pay interest, but charge a monthly fee to own? How will life-insurance companies meet death-benefit claims if bonds no longer pay any interest? How much capital would you put into the banking system if the banks begin charging you 2% or 3% a year just to keep your savings with them?

None of that stuff makes any sense. And yet, negative interest rates have become pervasive (along with their handmaiden, unsustainable levels of debt) in two out of the three major developed currency blocs. And we could certainly be next.

So were we right about the End of America? In some ways, yes, and in some ways, no. Like Yogi Berra famously said, “it’s tough to make predictions, especially about the future.” But in the most important way of all, our warnings simply weren’t big enough. We could never have imagined the debt bubble would continue to grow at an even faster pace… or that the government would have agreed to guarantee still more (and lower-quality) obligations, like student loans.

What should you do? The most important thing is to learn to avoid the “normalcy bias.” As these financial pressures build, keep your eye out for things that just don’t look right.

Here’s a good example… About 10,000 doctors each year “opt out” of serving Medicare patients. Thus, according to a new study from the nonprofit Kaiser Family Foundation, more than 20% of all U.S. primary care physicians will not accept Medicare patients. These numbers will continue to get worse as the government can’t afford to pay for the entire Baby Boomer generation’s health care costs. That means no matter what you’ve been promised about health care, actually getting an appointment (or care) keeps getting harder and harder.

Nobody will tell you doctors abandoning their profession by the tens of thousands every year is a sign that the value of the dollar is falling. The nightly news will keep telling people that the consumer price index is flat – no matter how much actual living expenses are rising. And most people will believe it. Don’t be one of them.

That’s just one example of how the system is breaking… and it’s a tiny harbinger of what’s to come. If you keep your eyes open, you’ll see dozens more signs like this… the way stuff just doesn’t seem to work like it used to… and there doesn’t seem to be any way to get anything done unless you can afford to spend a lot of money.

Why is this all happening? The system is falling apart because the most important input in capitalism is the cost of money – the cost of capital. The longer the government manipulates the cost of borrowing, the worse all of these problems are going to get… and the slower our economy will grow.

The other sure sign that something is fundamentally broken in our society is that wages haven’t risen in about 40 years – just debts. How is that going to end? I think you know. Again… just keep your eyes on these topics. Look at the numbers. Don’t trust the government. It’s not going to save you… It’s going to try to save itself.

I might not write about these big, “behind the scenes” macroeconomic themes often, but I’m definitely watching them for you. ”

 

 

Posted in Crash Coming Soon | Comments Off on Stansberry on “The End of America”

Book review of “Spiral: Trapped in the forever war”

[ I understand why anyone who might be believed about the energy crisis keeps their mouth shut about peak oil, it would be like shouting “fire” in a crowded theater and could bring down stock markets world-wide.  Why?  Because there are no businesses that don’t depend on energy to exist and grow. Only in a growing economy can debts be repaid.  In a shrinking, post-fossil economy, creditors will no longer be willing to lend money (i.e. peak oil study done for the German military.)  Above all, heavy-duty transportation is nearly 100% dependent on oil.  Every item in every supply chain depends on oil, and especially on trucks, if only for the last mile.  Trucks and diesel-engine equipment are the Achilles heal of fossil-fueled civilization, they also do the mining, plant and harvest food, construct roads and buildings, log, dig, and any other work that requires so much power that a diesel engine must be used (see “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”).  They can’t run on gasoline, ethanol, or diesohol.

So I am annoyed when experts like Mark Danner get a lot of media attention and don’t even mention the word oil. Oil is never mentioned in this book! 

Perhaps I wouldn’t have bothered with this book review if I hadn’t sat through an excruciatingly long interview with Danner at U.C. Berkeley on “weapons of mass destruction” and whether these weapons existed or not.  I kept thinking he would use this opportunity to explain that we didn’t go to war over weapons of mass destruction, but because we depend so much on oil.  But no, the word “oil” didn’t even get mentioned.

We wouldn’t be torturing people if we didn’t need oil so badly! And now that we are at peak fossil fuels, we won’t be torturing people for long.

If experts don’t dare mention peak oil, there are other things they can do.  Especially bring up population and talk about the need for population control and women’s right to control their own bodies and lives with birth control and abortion to stop the 6th extinction. And also because getting population down via one child per woman is one of the only ways left at this very late date to soften energy and resource decline.  Why doesn’t Danner use his public platform to get gun control laws so that when times get hard, we don’t all shoot each other? I’ve read a lot of world history, and it appears to me that only the most brutal and the most cooperative survive in hard times, war, and collapse. With over half of Americans owning a gun, surely our destiny is brutal and not cooperative, dictatorship rather not democracy, local terrorists, not foreign.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts:  KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report ]

Mark Danner. 2016. Spiral: Trapped in the Forever War.

The opening quote in this book is “We must define the nature and scope of this struggle, or else it will define us.” Obama 2013

Danner has defined the nature and scope of this struggle as a war on terror.  He says that our presence in Iraq and Afghanistan is a Republican attempt to replace “being tough on communism as a defining cause in their political identity” with a war on terrorism.

To make the case for a “war on terror” as our reason for being there, Danner needs to state why we are NOT there for the 1980 Carter doctrine, which states “the overwhelming dependence of the Western democracies on oil supplies from the Middle East…[any] attempt by an outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.”

Or the the Reagan Corollary to the Carter Doctrine, in which the U.S. guarantees both the territorial integrity and internal stability of Saudi Arabia.

Since then we’ve invaded, occupied, or bombed Iran (1980, 1987–1988); Libya (1981, 1986, 1989, 2011); Lebanon (1983); Kuwait (1991); Iraq (1991–2011, 2014–present); Somalia (1992–1993, 2007-present); Saudi Arabia (1991, 1996); Afghanistan (1998, 2001–present); Sudan (1998); Yemen (2000; 2002-present); Pakistan (2004-present); and now Syria.

The reason Carter said this is because many Americans, Europeans, and Chinese would die if the oil stopped flowing, but especially Americans since no other nation on earth is as dependent on oil as we are (why we have to be the world’s unpaid policeman is another topic).  Just consider a few of the things that what would happen if trucks stopped running:  by day 6 grocery stores would be out of food, restaurants, pharmacies, and factories closed, ATMS out of cash, sewage treatment sludge and slime storage tanks full, gas stations closed, 685,000 tons of trash piling up every day, livestock suffering from lack of feed deliveries. Within 2 weeks clean water would be gone since purification chemicals couldn’t be delivered. Within 1 to 2 months coal power plants would shut down due to lack of coal, and much natural gas is pumped through pipelines electrically, so natural gas power plants would shut down too.  And there goes the financial system – our energy, electricity, and other 16 vital infrastructures are inter-dependent, which makes us incredibly vulnerable, since many of them can pull each other down (see [[ASIN:3319263730 When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation (SpringerBriefs in Energy)]] for details)

Michal Breen, of the Truman National Security Project, explained at the 2012 U.S. House of Representatives hearing “The American energy initiative part 23: A focus on Alternative Fuels and vehicles” why we’re doomed to continue to fight wars in the Middle East.  He said:  “Our dependence on oil as a single source of transportation fuel poses a clear national security threat to the nation. As things now stand, our modern military cannot operate without access to vast quantities of oil. A lack of alternatives means that oil has ceased to be a mere commodity. Oil is a vital strategic commodity, a substance without which our national security and prosperity cannot be sustained. The United States has no choice but to do whatever it takes in order to obtain a sufficient supply of oil. We share that sad and dangerous predicament with virtually every other nation on earth”

The word “oil” appears just once in the book as an adjective for Iraq (secular, middle-class, urbanized, rich with oil), and the words petroleum, gasoline, and diesel don’t appear at all.  But the words torture, terror, terrorist, and terrorism each appear about 90 times.

If we want to get out of the middle east, and stop risking that our ghastly activities on citizens of the Middle East aren’t turned on our own citizens in the U.S. someday, then the President needs to educate the public about the need for energy conservation.  Right now, Americans rush out to buy gas guzzling cars every time the price of gasoline goes down.  In fact, the New York Times reported today (June 24, 2016) that people are turning in their electric vehicles for gas guzzlers (see “American Drivers Regain Appetite for Gas Guzzlers”).  CAFÉ standards were supposed to go up to 54 mpg, but they’ve dropped to 24 mpg since gasoline prices began dropping in 2014.

Former President Carter was invited to a 2009 Senate Hearing “Energy Security: Historical perspectives and modern challenges” to advise the Senate.  He said the president has a responsibility to educate the American public about energy, like he did over his four years in office. Memorably, one of his speeches in 1977 began: “Tonight I want to have an unpleasant talk with you about a problem unprecedented in our history. With the exception of preventing war, this is the greatest challenge our country will face during our lifetimes. The energy crisis has not yet overwhelmed us, but it will if we do not act quickly. It is a problem we will not solve in the next few years, and it is likely to get progressively worse through the rest of this century. We must not be selfish or timid if we hope to have a decent world for our children and grandchildren. We simply must balance our demand for energy with our rapidly shrinking resources. By acting now, we can control our future instead of letting the future control us”. This was unpleasant dinner conversation. President Carter was not invited back to serve a second term.

Energy and transportation policy, diesel engines, and the trucking companies need to focus on energy efficiency, not endless growth. Conventional oil peaked in 2005 and has been on a plateau since then. That’s why our economy isn’t growing either – try to think of a business that doesn’t use energy.  We need to reduce our consumption.  Alternatives to Just-in-time delivery where trucks arrive half empty with just what’s needed and return empty has to stop.

We’ve traded away energy to gain time. We’ve traded away energy security to get stuff ASAP. Do we really have to have everything RIGHT NOW?

To address some of the comments at amazon:

This book is not worth reading if the premise is incorrect.

The one good thing about peak oil, peak coal, and peak natural gas is that starting possibly this year, fossil fuel production of oil, and perhaps coal (we’re near or past peak coal), and natural gas as well are about to decline, since peak oil means peak everything since it’s master resource that makes all other resources possible, including wind, solar, nuclear and other “alternatives” possible, from mining to diesel-fueled supply chains and delivery.

The premise that climate change is the greatest worry is incorrect. We are on the cusp of an energy crisis, and few see it coming because everyone assumes that solar, wind, biofuels and so on can save us.  Oil, coal, and natural gas replaced our wood/biomass civilization and enabled the human population to grow from 1.5 to 7 billion.

That means possibly starting this year, or within the next decade, carbon dioxide will begin to decline, although 20% of it is likely to remain in the atmosphere for millennia. Still, at at worst this means only the lowest 4 or so of the IPCC projections will be reached.  At  energyskeptic I back this up with peer-reviewed science at: 3) Fast Crash, Extinction, But not from climate change: peak fossil fuels.  I am not a climate change denier, and I worry that we’ve already set in place some non-linear, irreversible changes.

Low oil prices have led to fracked oil and gas production declining 25%. Fracked oil comprised about half of the rise of oil production since the plateau began in 2005, and low oil prices have led to less oil found in 2015 than since over 60 years ago, and in 2016 we’re finding even less oil.  Only 3 billion new barrels were found in 2015 but globally we burned 30 billion.  It won’t help for the price to rise again either, that will drive us back into an even worse depression than the 2008 crash, and oil prices even lower.  All we have left is nasty, remote, hard to get expensive oil that takes far more energy (and money) to get than the cheap oil that has fueled us up to 7 billion people from 1.5 billion the past 100 years.

Clearly the biggest danger is that resource wars will lead to nuclear war and a consequent nuclear winter that will kill billions of people. Preventing nuclear war, and using the remaining fossil energy to bury nuclear and other industrial waste should clearly be our main priority.  And allowing carrying capacity globally to go 5.5 billion people beyond what a biomass (wood)-based civilization can support in the future means that our fellow citizens will be the new terrorists in the future as the middle east reverts back to a nearly uninhabited desert as it was before the brief age of oil.

Posted in Caused by Scarce Resources, Social Disorder, Terrorism, War Books | Tagged , , , | Comments Off on Book review of “Spiral: Trapped in the forever war”