The Back to the Land Movement: why it failed and why we need to try again

[ This is my book review of “Back from the Land: how young Americans went to nature in the 1970s, and why they came back”.   Some succeeded, but most failed, and there are lessons to be learned from the previous attempt, since 70 to 90% of us will need to go back-to-the-land post carbon.  

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report ]

My book review of: Eleanor Agnew.  July 21, 2005. Back from the Land: How Young Americans Went to Nature in the 1970s, and Why They Came Back. Ivan R. Dee.

As oil and natural gas decline, many of us will have to go back to the land. There is something to learn from those who have tried this in the past. Although much has been said about why communes and Utopian communities failed, little has been written about the fate of individual homesteaders.

Part 1. Review of Agnew’s “Back From the Land”

Eleanor Agnew writes about the millions of young adults who tried homesteading. She speaks from experience — she went back to the land with her husband and two boys in Troy, Maine.

Agnew estimates between 750,000 and one million people lived on communes in the 70s. Millions more went back to farm the land independently. On the whole the movement consisted of educated, young, white, middle class men and women.

Their rejection of the current system wouldn’t have been possible if the overall economy hadn’t been so wealthy. It was a luxury to be able to experiment this way.

There were many reasons people went back to the land. The value system of American society was repulsive to many. They abhorred the rat race, boring jobs, crowds, the corrupt establishment; consumerism, destruction of wilderness, and advertising to get people to buy things they didn’t need. Some also felt the need to “redeem their souls” because they’d done nothing to deserve the abundance they’d experienced. America has a long tradition of associating virtue with moderation, hard work, self-denial, and simple living. Many associated farming with the romantic notion of self-sufficient pioneers.

The oil crisis in 1973 led some to believe that the capitalist system was in imminent danger of collapse, so going back to the land would be a matter of survival.

Homesteaders wanted to invent a new and better civilization based on community, healthy food, a love of nature, and avoidance of toxic chemicals.

Many, if not most, were unrealistic about what it would take to make the urban to country transition.

Raising animals meant no days off, and the joy of raising them was shattered when they were slaughtered.

Farming was hard 

Some bought land that was mostly rocks, which made building homes and starting gardens very hard. Good topsoil was washed away in storms. Then there were assaults by flies and no-see-ums, blistered hands, and aching muscles from tending crops, which in the end might be lost to drought, frost, hail, and pests. The surviving crops required hard work to harvest and prepare for storage.

In the winter, scraping ice off of  floors and walls and clearing paths and roads of snow, chopping wood, frozen pipes, broken cars, and wood piles frozen into a block of ice added to the discomfort and hard work.

Fires could be a problem if the wood hadn’t been aged long enough — at least a year — because it didn’t burn well and added creosote to the chimney, a fire hazard.

There were many new skills to master. Building a home, clearing the land, digging holes for the foundation through rock, fixing tractors, cars, chainsaws, chasing down escaped farm animals, cooking with wood, and canning food are just a few of the many skills needed to successfully homestead.

Although many had realized they’d be cash poor on the land, they hadn’t thought of this as being real poverty. After all, they’d grow their own food, build their own homes, and trade with other community members for anything missing.

Back-to-the-landers found they couldn’t be independent from the outside economy

Isolation meant even more dependence on cars, which were absolutely essential in the country, and repairs were expensive. People couldn’t grow all of their own food and needed to get some items at the supermarket. And just about everything required money: seeds, tools, animals, stoves, and so on.

Copthorne Macdonald says alternative society never got large enough to separate from the mainstream society. You had to buy your tools at the hardware store since there weren’t enough people making them on forges. The basic infrastructure of the economy forced people to buy outside the alternative lifestyle community. The bottom line is that small economies like communes and homesteads don’t have the “size, complexity, cash flow, or diversity of goods and services to survive very well independently”.

Doing something at home didn’t pay well either. One farmer worked out he was making about ten cents an hour by the time he’d grown wheat and turned it into flour.

People had confused consumerism with cash. But even a sparse existence requires goods that can’t be made or grown on the homestead.

To afford necessities and improvements, people found they had to take jobs that were boring, low paying, with no benefits, and sometimes dangerous. Those who’d thought their middle class careers were hard or dull discovered otherwise. Since most lived far out in the country, it wasn’t usually possible to return to abandoned careers. By leaving homesteads to work outside, they lost the time and energy needed to make themselves self-sufficient – time versus money. They needed time to build homes and garden, but they needed money to buy cement and garden tools.

Many idealists had one-dimensional ideas about capitalism, that it was nothing but ruthlessness, and that they could avoid the capitalist system by becoming self-sufficient.

Homesteads failed as they tipped towards more time spent off the farm working than improving the homestead. People began to realize that rather than being homesteaders with outside jobs, they had awful jobs and happened to own a homestead. Many decided to return to the middle-class high-paying, rewarding careers they’d abandoned.

And many had no choice but to leave the land.  They were bankrupt, out of savings if not deeply in debt. Many couples had children, and didn’t feel it was fair to them to lead isolated lives on farms, far from good schools.

Misleading publications made it sound easy to live off the land

Books like “Independence on a 5-acre Farm” made it seem like it was no big deal to go back to the land. Mother Earth News had articles such as “Raise Worms for Fun and Profit” that misled people into thinking they’d earn enough money on the farm to pay for necessities.

Eliot Coleman told people that they didn’t need health insurance, and since everyone was young, healthy, and insurance companies were evil, they were glad to opt out.

Agnew devotes a chapter to how wrong Coleman was – just because you’re young doesn’t mean there won’t be a need for emergency care, especially on a farm doing heavy manual labor, where the odds are many times higher than an office job that an accident will occur.

Health care was often poor in the country – there weren’t enough doctors per capita

Those who thought they could doctor themselves with herbs were sometimes dead wrong. Comfrey, which was supposed to cure just about everything, turns out to have liver damaging and carcinogenic effects. An alternative doctor prescribed Chinese herb cocktails that led to total kidney destruction in 100 women. Natural is not always better.

Scott and Helen Nearing were the role models for the back-to-the-land community. They built an ideal homestead working four hours a day, spending the rest of their time reading, playing music, etc. They made it seem possible to do this with very little cash.  But the Nearings made money from speaking, writing books, and donations. They had many followers who worked on their farm free of charge.

Thoreau made it sound easy to build a cabin and live in the wilderness. But the truth is, he was very lose to town, just two miles, and went there just about every day to visit friends and dine with them.

Other reasons the movement failed

Divorce. Despite love being what the counterculture was all about, the reality of never-ending hard work, poverty, and lack of privacy in small cabins took a toll on marriages. When a marriage failed, one partner usually had to quit the land and go back to civilization. The other partner often found someone who didn’t want to homestead, or found no one and couldn’t cope with all the work alone.

Commune failures. Meanwhile, people on communes were returning as well. Agnew lists these reasons for commune failures: lack of clear goals and structures, aggravations of shared space, irritating personal habits, and not liking each other once acquainted. Factions developed over all sorts of things – religion, politics, etc.

The “unanimous consent” nature of decisions also caused problems – either there was a hung jury or underground resistance. Mutual consent favors the verbally aggressive and quiet people lose out, but giving in all the time soon made the silent ones resentful.

New members threw communes off balance if they weren’t screened well enough to see if they fit in.

Probably the most important factor that broke communes up was the resentment hard workers felt for slackers. People disagreed about work contributions and money making efforts. Those who worked hard didn’t want to share money with those who didn’t, and tried to get shirkers to work, but there was no way to enforce it, so these measures failed.

The Malthusian die-off didn’t happen. Back-to-the-landers hoped to escape the famine, overpopulation, war, and chaos that threatened to result from energy shortages and ecological destruction. But life went on, and friends and family on the outside were having it much easier, having more fun, living in warm homes, and leading far more interesting and intellectual lives in cities.

Fatigue. The novelty and idealism of hauling spring water in heavy buckets over rough ground, endlessly chopping wood, feeding fires all night and other hardships grew thin.

Conclusion. According to Jeffrey Jacob’s research on the success rate of back-to-the-landers, only 3% subsisted on a combination of cash crops and bartering, only 2% through “intensive cultivation of cash crops”. The others all found themselves preoccupied with money:
44% worked full-time away from homesteads
18% had pensions and investments
17% survived on part-time or seasonal work
15% got their income from businesses they could run from home

In the end they found that capitalism infused every aspect of life and was beyond overthrowing or disregarding.

Part 2. Peak Energy: Time to Go Back Again

In the 70s, ecology, energy, population, and environment were common topics of conversation. Not anymore. Environmental groups have abandoned population and immigration, even though they know it’s responsible for all of the issues they’re seeking donations for.  Now it is politically incorrect to talk about it.  Or to bring up any problem without a solution, such as peak oil.

Most young people are very much aware they’re inheriting a polluted and depleted planet, but aren’t taught much science or critical thinking in school, and certainly nothing about energy and resource depletion.

It’s truly remarkable how little awareness or discussion of ecological issues there is compared to the 70s.  President Carter had educated the public about the need to conserve so well that this was on everyone’s mind.  Anyone with Christmas lights was derided by neighbors as wasting energy.  There were waiting lists to get more fuel-efficient cars. Speed limits were reduced to 55 mph. Paul Erlich spoke about overpopulation 13 times on the Johnny Carson show, and planned parenthood was well-funded with outreach to all the high schools in the area to make it easy for teens to get birth control  Had such awareness persisted, perhaps the peak of oil production would have been delayed a few more years.

Those who are aware, and would like to go back to the land, rarely can afford to buy a farm. Land is more expensive now than in the 70’s because there are 100 million more of us. We are losing land from development, erosion, and population at a rate where there won’t be any crop land in 140 years.  And they would face the same challenges as the 70s back-to-the-landers.

Population has increased 165% since 1920. One of the reasons it was possible to grow to 320 million people was that the 20% of land used to feed horses and oxen was shifted to farmland when cars came along. This freed up a lot of land.  It would be impossible to go back to horses and oxen again for their muscle power. We will have to rely on brutal human labor this time around when we run out of diesel for tractors, harvesters, and trucks.

What needs to be done

Hirsch pointed out that you’d want to prepare for Peak Oil 20 years ahead of time with heavy oil, gas-to-liquids & liquefied natural gas, enhanced oil recovery, efficient vehicles, and coal liquids to mitigate the most critical weakness in our infrastructure: the utter dependence of diesel and gasoline combustion engines on oil.

But that won’t work (see my book “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation” 2016, Springer).

There is no way to make an alternative diesel fuel to replace oil, or any other kind of fuel or electricity to keep tractors and harvesters running.   And how are you going to get the 80% of calories grown in the wheat and corn belts to the 80% of the population who live within 200 miles of the coasts?

Nearly everyone assumes that the next step is to throw huge amounts of money at energy research and building coal liquefaction and nuclear power plants, windmills, solar panels, and so on. But transportation doesn’t run on electricity, and it looks like coal is also peaking in the USA and the world.

As former Maryland Congressman Bartlett has pointed out, there’s no point to all-out energy projects – because if we succeed, the population will double again, and the number of people experiencing hardship when the fuel runs out yet again will be even greater. Not to mention the continued destruction of fisheries, forests, and aquifers and potential extinction of humankind and other species.

We need to employ more people in agriculture to make up for the coming shortfall in energy. Author Richard Heinberg has called for “50 million farmers”. Changing agricultural methods and infrastructure takes decades as well.

Government needs to be in the driver’s seat, since energy will need to be allocated across many other essential services besides agriculture, such as water purification, delivery, and treatment, garbage collection, military and police, roads, disaster recovery, and to keep our poorly maintained infrastructure from failing.

Educating and retraining people for coping with energy descent is essential. But since less than ten percent of Americans are scientifically literate, and any politicians who tried to educate Americans on how serious our energy and population situation is wouldn’t get re-elected, it’s unlikely any action will be taken at the top. The necessary changes and awareness will have to come from a grass roots movement of self-educated citizens.

The local food movement is one such effort. Many people are buying local organic food to encourage organic farming, assuming that capitalism will take care of the situation, because if we pay more for organic food, more people will become organic farmers.

The local food movement  ignores the potentially higher amount of energy required to deliver local food. Mariola, in his paper “The Local Industrial Complex? Questioning the Sustainability of Local Foods”, points out that energy used to move a large amount of food by ship, rail, or truck is probably less, due to economies of scale, than having hundreds of local farmers move tiny amounts of food to local markets which thousands of people drive to. Perhaps if customers walked, biked, took mass transit, the energy balance might be better, this needs to be researched further.

The most important lesson learned from the previous back-to-the-land movement is that we are all part of the capitalist system, and consequently, a new organic farming movement will not survive without government help. Large, industrial farms depend on government help and receive billions of dollars in subsidies that would be better spend on small farms growing high-quality artisan food as in France. Over 5 million farmers were driven out of business against their will in the last century as farmers were forced to get bigger by mechanizing or go out of business. Now there are only 2 million farms left, mostly highly mechanized at a time when we are going back to manual labor.  And these farms are too big and powerful to allow land redistribution to happen.  Slavery in all but name will be the result if we can’t get more young people on small farms.

This could partly be done by shifting large farm subsidies to Community Supported Agriculture (CSA) and no more housing/building development on top of prime farmland.

Making a downshift to agriculture will take decades:
* Train enough people in soil science, plant propagation, integrated pest management, etc for outreach to farms to make the industrial-to-organic transition
* Shift people from ecologically unsustainable regions to food producing areas
* Improve topsoil. Industrial farming has ruined soil structure and nutrition. It will take at least five years to for soil to recover before organic food production gets back to previous levels.
* The learning curve for organic farming done in a sustainable way can take up to ten years.
* Plant forests to provide firewood, lumber, etc

The downshift needs to start now to mitigate suffering. Our nation needs to focus on a return to agriculture, not new energy infrastructure. To stay under the depletion curve, the number of people returning to the land to grow and distribute food needs to steadily increase until we’re back to 90% farmers, 10% town and city dwellers by the time wood becomes our primary energy resource again.

As far as reducing the energy used in agriculture, we can start now by cutting back on calories, eat a vegetarian diet, grow our own victory gardens, use less packaging, etc.

We need university students to major in agricultural disciplines, and above all, to try to shift mostly petrochemical and mechanization-oriented agriculture departments to teaching and researching sustainable farming methods. Cuba’s success in coping with their downturn was partly due to having enough people trained in organic farming to train petrochemical farmers how to switch to organic methods.

The huge number of agricultural students we need doesn’t exist. The Los Angeles Times article, “Agriculture schools Sprucing up their image”, says that many professional agriculture workers in soil science, pest management, and growing crops are about to retire, but enrollment in these areas is declining.

Instead, students are majoring in professions will be useless in a world of declining energy.

Given the short window of time we have left, a better alternative than university agriculture departments would be John Jeavon’s bio-intensive workshops, Rodale Institute programs, and gaining experience on sustainable organic farms (not all organic farms grow food with topsoil sustaining methods).

This time around, the model to follow for a group endeavor is already here – Community Supported Agriculture. Lazy members who don’t farm their tract will earn far less than hard-working members. Pooling resources will be an advantage over individual farms, if the members can learn to get along, cooperate, and select good leaders.

CSA’s and homesteads should be forming now, with a government agency acting as the central agent for connecting people who want to farm, providing agricultural scholarships, training, outreach, buying land and loaning money to farmers, and so on.

It will not be simple to make the transition. The easiest path is to ration the remaining oil to essential services like agriculture and continuing on as usual, not only to maintain social order, but to have food to export in exchange for oil and natural gas based fertilizers. Land will continue to be concentrated in a few hands, pushing society towards feudalism and fascism as people work for minimal wages to survive. Business as usual, until energy shortages cause sudden dislocations, leads to civil wars and collapse.

If the U-turn can start now, there’s a better chance of remaining a strong democratic nation, and to finally do what we always should have done: live within our means — what the ecosystem can provide sustainably.

There’s no point trying to prepare for energy descent and climate change if the current levels of immigration, birth rate, and loss of prime farm land continues.

Everyone needs to get involved, because we’re a social, cooperative species, utterly dependent on each other as much as bees or ants are. Peter Corning’s brilliant book, “Nature’s Magic”, shows that synergy and cooperation at group levels were far more important in the emergence of homo sapiens than competition between individuals. We must all pull together and work towards the best possible future we can imagine, because we’re all in this together.

It would be better if people chose an agricultural future with hope and courage. Farming can be an immensely satisfying and rewarding way of life. It would be best for democracy and preserving our remaining resources if Americans could embrace reality and take appropriate back-to-the-land action.

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Energy Security: Historical perspectives and Modern challenges. Senate hearing 2009

[ In this hearing former President Carter was brought in by the Senate to help them cope with the energy crisis.  Carter said that no one but the President can educate the public about the energy crisis and  “explain to them their own personal and national interest in controlling the excessive influx of oil and our dependence on uncertain sources. And it requires some sacrifice on the part of Americans- lower your thermostat. We actually had a pretty good compliance with the 55-miles-per-hour speed limit for a while, and people were very proud of the fact that they were saving energy by insulating their homes and doing things of that kind.”

Senator John Kerry, Massachusetts.   “Why have we not been able to get together as a nation and resolve our serious energy problem?’’ These were the words of President Jimmy Carter in 1979. And regrettably, despite the strong efforts of President Carter and others, here we are, in 2009, still struggling to meet the same challenge today.  Ever since President Nixon set a goal of energy independence by 1980, price spikes and moments of crisis have inspired grand plans and Manhattan projects for energy independence, but the political will to take decisive action has dissipated as each crisis has passed.

Former President Carter: In an address to the Nation, I said: ”Our decision about energy will test the character of the American people and the ability of the President and Congress to govern this Nation. This difficult effort will be the ‘moral equivalent of war,’ except that we will be uniting our efforts to build and not to destroy…. When I became President, the average gas mileage on a car was 12 miles per gallon, and we mandated, by the time I went out of office, 27.5 miles per gallon within 8 years. But, President Reagan and others didn’t think that was important, and so, it was frittered away. We have gone back to the gas guzzlers which I think has been one of the main reasons that Ford and Chrysler and General Motors are in so much trouble now. Instead of being constrained to make efficient automobiles, they made the ones upon which they made more profit. Of course, you have to remember, too, that the oil companies and the automobile companies have always been in partnership, because the oil companies want to sell as much oil as possible, even the imported oil-the profit goes to Chevron and others. I’m not knocking profit, but that’s a fact. And the automobile companies knew they made more profit on gas guzzlers. So, there was kind of a subterranean agreement there.”

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation, 2015, Springer]

Senate  111–78. May 12, 2009. Energy Security: Historical perspectives and Modern challenges. U.S. Senate. 45 pages

Excerpts:

Senator John Kerry, Massachusetts “Why have we not been able to get together as a nation and resolve our serious energy problem?’’ These were the words of President Jimmy Carter in 1979. And regrettably, despite the strong efforts of President Carter and others, here we are, in 2009, still struggling to meet the same challenge today.

The downside of our continued dependence on oil is compelling, it is well known; and the downside is only growing.

Economically, it results in a massive continuous transfer of American wealth to oil-exporting nations, and it leaves us vulnerable to price and supply shocks.

But, the true cost of our addiction extends far beyond what we pay at the pump; its revenues and power sustain despots and dictators, and it obliges our military to defend our energy supply in volatile regions of the world at very great expense.

These were some of the problems that then-President Carter saw, understood, and defined, back in the latter part of the 1970s. They remain problems today. And to this long list of problems, we now add two very urgent, and relatively new, threats: Global terror, funded indirectly by our expenditures on oil, and global climate change driven by the burning of fossil fuels.

To make matters worse, we are adding billions of new drivers on the roads and consumers across the developing world, as India and China’s population and other populations move to automobiles, as lots of other folks did, all of that will ensure that the supplies of existing energy sources will grow even tighter.

All the trends are pointing in that wrong direction. According to the International Energy Agency, global energy demand is expected to increase approximately 45% between 2006 and 2030, fueled largely by growth in the developing world. So, we’re here today to discuss both the geostrategic challenges posed by our current energy supply and the need to find new and more secure sources of energy in the future.

From development to diplomacy to security, no part of our foreign policy is untouched by this issue. Region by region, our energy security challenge is varied and enormous.

Too often, the presence of oil multiples threats, exacerbates conflicts, stifles democracy and development, and blocks accountability.

  • In Europe the potential for monopolistic Russian control over energy supplies is a source of profound concern for our allies, with serious implications for the daily lives of their citizens.
  • In Nigeria, massive oil revenues have fueled corruption and conflict.
  • In Venezuela, President Chavez has used oil subsidies to great effect to buy influence with neighbors.
  • Sudan uses its energy supply to buy impunity from the global community for abuses.
  • Iran uses petro dollars to fund Hamas and Hezbollah, and to insulate its nuclear activities from international pressure
  • We know that, at least in the past, oil money sent to Saudi Arabia has eventually found its way into the hands of jihadists.
  • And oil remains a major bone of contention and a driver of violence in Kirkuk and elsewhere among Iraq’s religious and ethnic groups.

And alongside these security concerns, we must also recognize that access to energy is fundamental to economic development. Billions of people who lack access to fuel and electricity will not only be denied the benefits of economic development, their energy poverty leaves them vulnerable to greater political instability and more likely to take advantage of dirty or local fuel sources that then damage the local environment and threaten the global climate.

Taken together, these challenges dramatically underscore a simple truth: Scarce energy supplies represent a major force for instability in the 21st century. That is why, even though the price of a barrel of oil is, today, $90 below its record high from last summer, we cannot afford to repeat the failures of the past.

Ever since President Nixon set a goal of energy independence by 1980, price spikes and moments of crisis have inspired grand plans and Manhattan projects for energy independence, but the political will to take decisive action has dissipated as each crisis has passed. That is how steps forward have been reversed and efforts have stood still even as the problem has gotten worse.

In 1981, our car and light-truck fleet had a fuel efficiency rate of 20.5 miles per gallon. Today, that number is essentially the same. The only difference? Back then we imported about a third of our oil; today we import 70 percent.

In recent years, Congress and the administration have made some progress. In 2007, fleet-wide fuel efficiency standards were raised for the first time since the Carter administration. In February we passed an economic recovery package which was America’s largest single investment in clean energy that we have ever made.  [But] the lion’s share of the hard work still lies in front of us.

It’s a particular pleasure to have President Carter here, because President Carter had the courage, as President of the United States, to tell the truth to Americans about energy and about these choices, and he actually set America on the right path in the 1970s.

He created what then was the first major effort for research and development into the energy future, with the creation of the Energy Laboratory, out in Colorado, and tenured professors left their positions to go out there and go to work for America’s future.

Regrettably, the ensuing years saw those efforts unfunded, stripped away, and we saw America’s lead in alternative and renewable energy technologies, that we had developed in our universities and laboratories, transferred to Japan and Germany and other places, where they developed them. In the loss of that technology, we lost hundreds of thousands of jobs and part of America’s energy future. President Carter saw that, knew and understood that future. He dealt with these choices every day in the Oval Office, and he exerted genuine leadership. He’s been a student of these issues and a powerful advocate for change in the decades since, and we’re very grateful that he’s taken time today to share insights with us about this important challenge that the country faces.

JIMMY CARTER, Former PRESIDENT of the United States, Plains, Georgia

It is a pleasure to accept Senator Kerry’s request to relate my personal experiences in meeting the multiple challenges of a comprehensive energy policy and the interrelated strategic issues. They have changed very little during the past three decades.

Long before my inauguration, I was vividly aware of the interrelationship between energy and foreign policy. U.S. oil prices had quadrupled in 1973 while I was Governor, with our citizens subjected to severe oil shortages and long gas lines brought about by a boycott of Arab OPEC countries. Even more embarrassing to a proud and sovereign nation was the secondary boycott that I inherited in 1977 against American corporations doing business with Israel.

We overcame both challenges, but these were vivid demonstrations of the vulnerability that comes with excessive dependence on foreign oil. At the time, we were importing 50% of consumed oil, almost 9 million barrels per day, and were the only industrialized nation that did not have a comprehensive energy policy.

It was clear that we were subject to deliberately imposed economic distress and even political blackmail and, a few weeks after becoming President, I elevated this issue to my top domestic priority.

In an address to the Nation, I said: ‘‘Our decision about energy will test the character of the American people and the ability of the President and Congress to govern this Nation. This difficult effort will be the ‘moral equivalent of war,’ except that we will be uniting our efforts to build and not to destroy.’’

First, let me review our work with the U.S. Congress, which will demonstrate obvious parallels with the challenges that lie ahead. Our effort to conserve energy and to develop our own supplies of oil, natural gas, coal, and renewable sources were intertwined domestically with protecting the environment, equalizing supplies to different regions of the country, and balancing the growing struggle and animosity between consumers and producers.

Oil prices were controlled at artificially low levels, through an almost incomprehensible formula based on the place and time of discovery, etc., and the price of natural gas was tightly controlled—but only if it crossed a State line. Scarce supplies naturally went where prices were highest, depriving some regions of needed fuel. Energy policy was set by more than 50 Federal agencies, and I was determined to consolidate them into a new department. In April 1977, after just 90 days, we introduced a cohesive and comprehensive energy proposal, with 113 individual components. We were shocked to learn that it was to be considered by 17 committees and subcommittees in the House and would have to be divided into 5 separate bills in the Senate. Speaker Tip O’Neill was able to create a dominant ad hoc House committee under Chairman Lud Ashley, but the Senate remained divided under two strong willed, powerful, and competitive men, ‘‘Scoop’’ Jackson and Russell Long. In July, we pumped the first light crude oil into our strategic petroleum reserve in Louisiana, the initial stage in building up to my target of 115 days of imports. Less than a month later, I signed the new Energy Department into law, with James Schlesinger as Secretary, and the House approved my omnibus proposal.

In the Senate, the oil and automobile industries prevailed in Senator Long’s committee, which produced unacceptable bills dealing with price controls and the use of coal. There was strong bipartisan support throughout, but many liberals, preferred no legislation to higher prices. Three other Senate bills encompassed my basic proposals on conservation, coal conversion, and electricity rates.

I insisted on the maintenance of a comprehensive or omnibus bill, crucial—then and now—to prevent fragmentation and control by oil company lobbyists, and the year ended in an impasse. As is now the case, enormous sums of money were involved, and the life of every American was being touched. The House-Senate conference committee was exactly divided and stalemated. I could only go directly to the people, and I made three primetime TV speeches in addition to addressing a joint session of Congress.

Also, we brought a stream of interest groups into the White House—several times a week—for direct briefings. The conferees finally reached agreement, but under pressure many of them refused to sign their own report, and both Long and Jackson threatened filibusters on natural gas and an oil windfall profits tax. In the meantime, I was negotiating to normalize diplomatic relations with China, bringing Israel and Egypt together in a peace agreement, sparring with the Soviets on a Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty, allocating vast areas of land in Alaska, and trying to induce 67 Members of a reluctant Senate to ratify the Panama Canal treaties.

Our closest allies were critical of our profligate waste of energy, and OPEC members were exacerbating our problems. Finally clearing the conference committee and a last-minute filibuster in the Senate, the omnibus bill returned to the House for a vote just before the 1978 elections, and following an enormous White House campaign it passed, 207–206.

The legislation put heavy penalties on gas-guzzling automobiles; forced electric utility companies to encourage reduced consumption; mandated insulated buildings and efficient electric motors and heavy appliances; promoted gasohol production and car pooling; decontrolled natural gas prices at a rate of 10% per year; promoted solar, wind, geothermal, and water power; permitted the feeding of locally generated electricity into utility grids; and regulated strip mining and leasing of offshore drilling sites. We were also able to improve efficiency by deregulating our air, rail, and trucking transportation systems. What remained was decontrolling oil prices and the imposition of a windfall profits tax.

This was a complex and extremely important issue, with hundreds of billions of dollars involved. The big question was how much of the profits would be used for public benefit. By this time, the Iranian revolution and the impending Iran-Iraq war caused oil prices to skyrocket from $15 to $40 a barrel ($107 in today’s prices), as did the prospective deregulated price. We reached a compromise in the spring of 1980, with a variable tax rate of 30 percent to 70 percent, the proceeds to go into the general treasury and be allocated by the Congress in each year’s budget. The tax would expire after 13 years or when $227 billion had been collected. Our strong actions regarding conservation and alternate energy sources resulted in a reduction of net oil imports by 50%, from 8.6 to 4.3 million barrels per day by 1982—just 28% of consumption. Increased efficiency meant that during the next 20 years our Gross National Product increased four times as much as energy consumption. This shows what can be done, but unfortunately there has been a long period of energy complacency and our daily imports are now almost 13 million barrels.

The United States now uses 2.5 times more oil than China and 7.5 times more than India or, on a per capita consumption basis, 12 times China’s and 28 times India’s. Although our rich Nation can afford these daily purchases, there is little doubt that, in general terms, we are constrained not to alienate our major oil suppliers, and some of these countries are publicly antagonistic, known to harbor terrorist organizations, or obstruct America’s strategic interests.

When we are inclined to use restrictive incentives, as on Iran, we find other oil consumers reluctant to endanger their supplies. On the other hand, the blatant interruption of Russia’s natural gas supplies to Ukraine has sent a warning signal to its European customers. Excessive oil purchases are the solid foundation of our net trade deficit, which creates a disturbing dependence on foreign nations that finance our debt.

We still face criticism from some of our allies who are far ahead of us in energy efficiency.

A major new problem was first detected while I was President, when science adviser Frank Press informed me of evidence by scientists at Woods Hole that the earth was slowly warming and that human activity was at least partially responsible.

It is difficult for us to defend ourselves against accusations that our waste of energy contributes to [climate change]. Everywhere, we see the intense competition by China for present and future oil supplies (and other commodities), and their financial aid going to other key governments. Recently I found the Chinese to be very proud of their more efficient, less polluting coal power plants. They are building about one a month, while we delay our first full-scale model. We also lag far behind many other nations in … the efficiency of energy consumption

Let me emphasize that our inseparable energy and environmental decisions will determine how well we can maintain a vibrant society, protect our strategic interests, regain worldwide political and economic leadership, meet relatively new competitive challenges, and deal with less fortunate nations. Collectively, nothing could be more important.

An omnibus proposal could be addressed collectively by the Congress by committees brought together in a common approach to this complex problem, because no single element of it can be separated from the others. I think it would also minimize the adverse influence of special interest groups who don’t want to see the present circumstances changed or a new policy put into effect to deal with either energy or with the environment. Another advantage of an omnibus bill is it gives the President and other spokespersons for our Government, including all of you, an opportunity to address this so the American people can understand it.

I think that it is almost necessary to see a single proposal come forward combining energy and environment, as was the case in 1977 to 1980, so that it can be addressed comprehensively. This is not an easy thing, because now, with inflation, I guess several trillion dollars are involved; back in those days, hundreds of billions of dollars. And the interest groups are extremely powerful. I had the biggest problem, at the time, with consumer groups who didn’t want to see the price of oil and natural gas deregulated. It was only by passing the windfall profits tax that we could induce some of them to support the legislation, because they saw that the money would be used for helping poor families pay high prices on natural gas for heating their homes and for alternative energy sources.

Global warming is a new issue that didn’t exist when I was in office, although it was first detected then. I would hope that we would take the leadership role in accurately describing the problem, not exaggerating it, and tying it in with the conservation of energy. And the clean burning of coal, I think, is a very important issue, as well.

I mentioned very briefly the constraints that are already on us. We are very careful not to aggravate our main oil suppliers. We don’t admit it. But, we have to be cautious. And I’m not criticizing that decision. But, some of these people from whom we buy oil and enrich are harboring terrorists; we know it. Some of them are probably condemning America as a nation. They have become our most vocal public critics. We still buy their oil, and we don’t want to alienate them so badly that we can’t buy it.

We also see our allies refraining from putting, I’d say, appropriate influence—I won’t say ‘‘pressure’’—on Iran to change their policy concerning nuclear weapons because they don’t want to interrupt the flow from one of their most important suppliers of oil. So, I think, to the extent that the Western world and the oil-consuming world can reduce our demands, the less we will be constrained in our foreign policy to promote democracy and freedom and international progress.

One of the things that surprised me, back in the 1970s, was that we even lost a good bit of our supplies from Canada. Because when we had the OPEC oil embargo, Canada sent their supplies to other countries, as well. So, we can’t expect to depend just on oil supplies from Mexico and Canada. I would guess that our entire status as a leading nation in the world will depend on the role that we play in energy and environment in the future, not only removing our vulnerability to possible pressures and blackmail.

Senator Lugar: President Carter, in your State of the Union Address, January 23, 1980, which you have mentioned, you articulated what became known to many as the Carter Doctrine. That has several interpretations, but one of them was that the United States would use its military to protect, or to protect our access to Middle Eastern oil.  At the same time, in the same speech, you went on to say, ‘‘We must take whatever actions are necessary to reduce our dependence on foreign oil.’’ You have illustrated in your testimony today all the actions you took. It seems to me to be a part of our predicament, historically, at least often in testimony before this committee, the thought is that our relationship with Saudi Arabia has, implicitly or explicitly for 60 years, said, ‘‘We want to be friends; furthermore, we want to make certain that you remain in charge of all of your oil fields, because we may need to take use of them. We would like to have those supplies, and in a fairly regular way.’’ Now, on the other hand, we have been saying, as you stated, and other Presidents, that we have an abnormal dependence on foreign oil. I suppose one could rationalize this relationship by saying that Saudi Arabia is reasonably friendly in comparison, now, to, say, Venezuela or Iran or Russia or various others. And so, we might be able to pick and choose among them. Perhaps regardless of Presidential leadership, throughout all this period of time, the American public has decided that it wants to buy oil or it wants to buy products, whether it be cars, trucks, and so forth that use a lot of oil. As our domestic supplies have declined, that has meant, almost necessarily, that the amount imported from other places has gone up. And so, despite the Carter Doctrine, say, back in 1980s, we have a huge import bill. Increasingly, our balance-of-payment structure has been influenced very adversely by these payments. And so, many of us try to think through this predicament, and each administration has its own iteration. President Bush, most recently, in one of his State of the Union messages, said we are ‘‘addicted to oil.’’ At the same time, I remember a meeting at the White House in which he said, ‘‘A lot of my oil friends are very angry with me for making such a statement, said, ‘What’s happened to you, George?’ ’’ You know, there’s this ambivalence in the American public about the whole situation. Now, what I want to ask, from your experience, how could we have handled the foreign policy aspect and/or the rhetoric or the developments, say, from 1980 onward, in different ways, as instructive of how we ought to be trying to handle it now? I’m conscious of the fact that many of us are talking about dependence upon foreign oil. We can even say, as we have in this committee, that you can see a string of expenditures, averaging about $500 million a year, even when we were at peace, on our military to really keep the flow going, or to offer assurance. Secretary Jim Baker once, when pushed on why we were worried about Iraq invading Kuwait, said of course it was the upset of aggression, but it’s oil. And many people believe that was the real answer, that essentially we were prepared to go to war to risk American lives, and were doing so, all over oil so we could continue to run whatever SUVs or whatever else we had here with all the pleasures to which we’ve become accustomed. Why hasn’t this dependence, the foreign policy dilemmas or the economic situation ever gripped the American public so there was a clear constituency that said, ‘‘We’ve had enough, and our dependence upon foreign oil has really got to stop, and we are not inclined to use our military trying to protect people who are trying to hurt us’’? Can you give us any instruction, from your experience?

President CARTER. In the first place, no one can do this except the President—to bring this issue to the American public, to explain to them their own personal and national interest in controlling the excessive influx of oil and our dependence on uncertain sources. And it requires some sacrifice on the part of Americans— lower your thermostat. We actually had a pretty good compliance with the 55-miles-per-hour speed limit for a while, and people were very proud of the fact that they were saving energy by insulating their homes and doing things of that kind.

I made three major televised prime-time addresses, and also spoke to a special session of Congress, just on energy; nothing else. That was just the first year. I had to keep it up. The public joined in and gave us support. The oil companies still were trying to get as much as possible from the rapidly increasing prices. They were not able to do so because of the legislation passed.

In 1979, at Christmastime when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, and I looked upon that as a direct threat to the security of my country. I pointed out to the Soviet Union, in a speech, that we would use every resource at our command, not excluding nuclear weapons, to protect America’s security, and if they moved out of Afghanistan to try to take over the oil fields in the Middle East, this would be a direct threat to our existence, economically, and we would not abide by it. And, secretly, we were helping the freedom fighters—some of whom are no longer our friends—in Afghanistan overcome the Soviet invasion. And it never went further down into Iran and Iraq. Unfortunately  that same area was then taken over by the war between Iran and Iraq, and all the oil out of those two countries stopped coming forward in those few months. That’s when prices escalated greatly.

When I became President, the average gas mileage on a car was 12 miles per gallon, and we mandated, by the time I went out of office, 27.5 miles per gallon within 8 years. But, President Reagan and others didn’t think that was important, and so, it was frittered away. We have gone back to the gas guzzlers which I think has been one of the main reasons that Ford and Chrysler and General Motors are in so much trouble now. Instead of being constrained to make efficient automobiles, they made the ones upon which they made more profit. Of course, you have to remember, too, that the oil companies and the automobile companies have always been in partnership, because the oil companies want to sell as much oil as possible, even the imported oil—the profit goes to Chevron and others. I’m not knocking profit, but that’s a fact. And the automobile companies knew they made more profit on gas guzzlers. So, there was kind of a subterranean agreement there.

I would say that, in the future, we have to look forward to increasing pressures from all these factors. There’s no doubt that, as China and India, just for instance, approach anywhere near the per capita consumption of oil that America is using now, the pressure on the international oil market is going to be tremendous, and we’re going to, soon in the future, pass the $110-per-barrel figure again. And when that comes, we’re going to be in intense competition with other countries that are emerging. I’ve just mentioned two of the so-called BRIC countries. I’ve mentioned Brazil and China. But, we know that India is also in there, and Russia is, too. I used the example of the increasing influence of Brazil in a benevolent way. That’s going to continue. We’re going to be competitive with Brazil, and we’re also going to be competitive, increasingly, with China.

Everywhere we go in Africa, you see the Chinese presence, a very benevolent presence and perfectly legitimate. But, anywhere that has coal or oil or copper or iron or so forth, the Chinese are there, very quietly buying the companies themselves if they’re under stress, as they are in Australia right now, or they’re buying the ability to get those raw materials in a very inexpensive way in the future. We’re going to be competing with them. They have an enormous buildup now of capital because of our adverse trade balance and buying our bonds, and they’re able to give benevolent assistance now, wisely invested in some of the countries that I mentioned earlier. So, I think the whole strategic element of our dealing with the poorest countries in the world, of our dealing with friendly competitors, like Brazil, of our dealing with potential competitors in the future, like China, our dependence on unsavory suppliers of oil, all of those things depend on whether or not we have a comprehensive energy policy that saves energy and cuts down on the consumption and also whether we deal with environment.

Senator CARDIN.  You made an interesting observation that the interest groups will make it difficult for us to get the type of legislation passed that we need to get passed. I find it disappointing is our failure to get the interest groups that benefit from significant legislation active—as active as the opponents.   So, is there any experience that you can share with us as to how we could do a better job in mobilizing these interest groups? I know there’s a patriotism, everybody wants to do the right thing, but, when it gets down to it, they’re also interested in what they think is in their best immediate interest.  I agree that the legislation needs to be a bill that deals with energy and the environment, that if we separate it, we’re likely to get lost on both.

President CARTER. Well, I deliberately mentioned three different interest groups—one was oil, one was automobiles, and one was consumers—just to show that there’s a disparity among them in their opposition to some elements of the comprehensive energy policy that I put forward. The oil companies didn’t want to have any of their profits go to the general treasury, renewable energy and that sort of thing. The consumers didn’t want to see the price of natural gas and oil deregulated, because they wanted the cheapest possible supplies. The energy companies wanted to sell their natural gas, for instance, just in their own States where they were discovered, because the only price control on natural gas was if it crossed a State line. There was no restriction if they sold it in Texas or if they sold it in Oklahoma, where the gas was discovered. Those interest groups were varied, and they still are.

You will find some interest groups that will oppose any single aspect of the multiple issues that comprise an omnibus package, and they’ll single-shot it enough to kill it, and just the lowest common denominator is likely to pass if it’s treated in that way. The only way you can get it passed is to have it all together in one bill so that the consumers will say, ‘‘Well, I don’t like to see the increase in price, but the overall bill is better for me’’ and for the oil companies to say, ‘‘Well, we don’t like to see the government take some of our profits, but the overall bill is good for me.’’ That’s the only way you can hope to get it. It was what I had to deal with for 4 solid years under very difficult circumstances in the Congress and so forth. And I think that’s a very important issue to make.

And, to be repetitive, the only person that can do this is the President. The President has got to say, ‘‘This is important to our Nation, for our own self-respect, for our own pride in being a patriot, for saving our own domestic economy—for creating new jobs and new technology, very exciting new jobs, and also for removing ourselves from the constraint of foreigners, who now control a major portion of the decisions made in foreign policy and who endanger our security.’’ So, the totality is the answer to your question. You’ve got to do it all together in order to meet these individual special interest groups’ pressure that will try to preserve a tiny portion of it that’s better from them and, one by one, they’ll nibble the whole thing away.

I think that the fact that this Foreign Relations Committee is addressing this is extremely important, not just the Environmental Committee or the Energy Committee, but Foreign Relations, because it has so much to do with our interrelationship with almost every other country on Earth.

I would say this is about the only issue that I thought had to be treated comprehensively. It took me an entire 4 years. And I made so many speeches to the American people—fireside chats, and so forth—that the American people finally got sick of it, of my talking. [Laughter.] And the Congress was—the Senate and the House were very reluctant to take this up the second year, but I kept on the pressure, and I would say that it was costly, politically, just to harp on this issue repetitively. Anyway, I think, in general, comprehensive legislation may not be good, but, in this case, I think it’s absolutely necessary.

FREDERICK W. SMITH, Chairman, President & CEO, FEDEX CORP., Co-Chairman, Energy Security Leadership Council, Washington DC

FedEx delivers more than 6 million packages and shipments per day to over 220 countries and territories. In a 24-hour period, our fleet of aircraft flies the equivalent of 500,000 miles, and our couriers travel 2.5 million miles. We accomplish this with more than 275,000 dedicated employees, 670 aircraft, and some 70,000 motorized vehicles worldwide. FedEx’s reliance on oil reflects the reliance of the wider transportation sector, and indeed the entire U.S. economy.

Oil is the lifeblood of a mobile, global economy. We are all dependent upon it, and that dependence brings with it inherent and serious risks. The danger is clear, and our sense of urgency must match it.

I understand that this may seem contradictory. We talk about ending our dependence on oil, and in the next sentence about drilling for more oil. But the reason for this is simple: Our safety and our security must be protected throughout the entire process. It would be ideal if we could simply snap our fingers and stop using petroleum today. But that is a pipe dream, not a policy. There are no silver bullets, and we cannot allow the perfect to be the enemy of the good—especially when faced with very real dangers to our economic and national security.

Energy and climate change are related issues. That said, it is important to emphasize that the fundamental goal of reducing oil intensity is a distinct one that needs to be considered based on its own merits and the very real dangers of inaction. Put simply, pricing carbon as a stand-alone policy, whether through a tax or a cap-and-trade system, will not allow us to reach that goal. Carbon pricing will almost automatically target the power industry in general and coal in particular. The power industry, however, is responsible for a fairly small percentage of the petroleum we consume as a nation. So pricing carbon will not meaningfully affect the price of oil, the demand for oil, and therefore oil dependence.

All you have to do is to watch the nightly news and look at the enormous human cost and the cost in national wealth of prosecuting these wars in the Middle East. And any way you slice it, in large measures they are related to our dependence on foreign petroleum. There are other issues, to be sure; but, just as Alan Greenspan said in his book, ‘‘neat,’’ you know, the situation was about oil. And if we continue along the road we’ve been on these last 40 years, we’re going to get into a major national security confrontation that makes these things that we’ve been in, here the last few years, pale in comparison. So, I think every American can understand that issue by just simply relating to what we’ve been involved in, the last few years, and watching the enormous human cost of these involvements that we have in areas of the world which we wouldn’t necessarily be involved in if we weren’t as dependent on foreign petroleum. We have other issues and other interests, but I think they would not require the level of boots on the ground that we’ve been forced to get into there in these last two wars.

RICHARD G. LUGAR, U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA.  For the better part of 50 or 60 years, our foreign policy had been deeply entwined with oil, in one form or another.  Despite past campaigns for energy independence and the steady improvement in energy intensity per dollar of GDP, we are more dependent on oil imports today than we were during the oil shocks of the 1970s.

Now, we could have made a case for bringing democracy and human rights and education for children, and so forth, to a number of countries, but some would say, ‘‘This is, at best, sort of a second or third order of rationalization as to why you were there to begin with and what sort of wars you engendered by your physical presence.’’ And why were we there? Well, in large part because we were attempting, as President Carter expressed in the Carter Doctrine, to make certain we cannot be displaced from oil sources that were vital to our economy throughout that period of time. We put people in harm’s way to make sure that all of those vital things occurred, did the best we could to rationalize that we were doing a lot of other good things while we were in the area. And that still is the case.

Posted in Expert Advice, President Jimmy Carter, U.S. Congress Energy Dependence, U.S. Congress Energy Policy | Tagged , , , , | Comments Off on Energy Security: Historical perspectives and Modern challenges. Senate hearing 2009

House hearing on Canadian oil sands

House 112-128. March 20, 2012. The American Energy Initiative Part 17: A focus on the future of energy technology with an emphasis on Canadian oil sands. U.S. House of Representatives.

[ Excerpts from the 203 page transcript ]

President Obama in his speeches talks about America having only 2 percent of the world’s proven oil reserves. Today, we are going to discuss how Canada took action to increase its proven reserves several-fold by allowing the development of oil sands in Alberta.

ED WHITFIELD, KENTUCKY. There is a bountiful supply of untapped oil reserves here in the U.S., but frequently, it is too bottled up with Federal access restrictions and regulatory red tape. And I believe this needs to be changed. We will continue to fight for the Keystone XL pipeline expansion project that would bring an additional 700,000 barrels per day of this oil to Midwestern and Gulf Coast refineries.

In the vast onshore and offshore areas where the Obama administration must give the go-ahead before exploration and production can commence, the answer is usually no.

HENRY A. WAXMAN, CALIFORNIA. It is a Republican article of faith that we can drill our way to lower prices at the pump. But as we heard at the recent hearing on gas prices, if we increase production, it is easy for OPEC countries to reduce production by the same amount. That is the definition of a cartel—a group of entities that coordinates to control prices.

The fact is we are drilling more and prices are still going up. U.S. crude oil production is the highest it has been in 8 years, and the U.S. has more oil and gas drilling rigs operating right now than the rest of the world combined.

And I want to put up a chart that shows what has happened since 2000. Canada’s production and net exports have increased steadily for the past 12 years. Canada has increased its crude oil production by more than 35 percent. Canada is producing so much oil that it now exports 70 percent of all the oil they produce. If everything the Republicans have been telling us is true, then gasoline prices in Canada should have plummeted over the last 10 years. But that is not what happened.

Here is another chart I would like to have up. And this shows the U.S. and Canadian gas prices over that period. As you can see, U.S. and Canadian gasoline prices track perfectly because they are both driven by the same thing—world oil prices. In fact, Canada’s gas prices are actually higher than our prices due to taxes. More drilling, building a new tar sands pipeline or developing oil shale has not reduced gasoline prices in Canada and it won’t in the United States either. But that is not the only fantasy we will hear about today. We will also hear that the environmental harms from tar sands production have been minimized and will be solved by technology. In reality, the tar sands operations have vast and devastating effects on the land, water, air, and ecosystem. Canadian tar sands are produced in Alberta’s boreal forests. And the photo I would like to have put up you can see a pristine area before tar sands production begins. The landscape is beautiful. The air and water are clean. In the second photo of which we can put up you can see the effects of tar sands production. The land has been turned into an industrial wasteland. The forests have become an open pit mine. Maybe some of this damage can be avoided. Technology can reduce environmental impacts. But that won’t happen without stronger government regulation. I recognize that tar sands holds a large amount of oil. But it is a resource that should not be exploited without environmental safeguards that protect that land, water, and pollution, controls that stop the growing emissions of carbon and other dangerous gases. Until these problems are addressed, the oil in the tar sands is best left underground.

EDDY ISAACS. Alberta Innovates. We are one of four new provincial corporations launched by the Alberta Government in January 2010. We serve as the technology arm of the Alberta Government in Energy and Environment.

Heavy oil and bitumen are found in many places worldwide. Alberta has the largest global reserves of these hydrocarbons that are not under the control of the state.

We use in situ for the deeper deposits.

The major innovation in mining has been the development in the past 10 years of hydro-transport. Instead of using a truck and shovel, the ore is transported by a pipeline from the mine face as a slurry with water. The oil separates in transit to the plant. This method is operated at lower temperature than conventional extraction, thus reducing energy intensity and greenhouse gases. With in situ methods, our steam-based processes, cyclic steam stimulation, similar technology to what has been pioneered in California in the 1960s; steam-assisted gravity drainage, which has been only in commercial operation for the past 10 years.

New technologies are emerging that are poised to significantly reduce energy intensity, reduce water use and greenhouse gases. These include steam-solvent hybrid processes that are being applied at least by one company commercially today. Use of solvents without steam, you will be hearing about that from Dr. Nenniger and N–Solv is a good example of this type of technology. Electric heating and electromagnetic heating technology is coming into use. Electromagnetic uses radio frequency to heat the oil in the oil sands.

In the resource sector, it takes 20 to 30 years to bring new technology to market, much longer than in other sectors, and this increases the risk profile and the financial commitments required. The role of my organization is to work with industry to significantly reduce the time lag for innovation and the risk of adapting new technology, especially next-generation technology.

The majority of oil producing countries having reached their peak of oil production. Globally, reserves are being replaced by the more difficult to produce resources such as deep offshore, highly water-flooded reservoirs, tight oil and heavy crudes.

Heavy oil and bituminous resources, bring a unique set of environmental and social challenges: they are hard to extract and sensitive to market and input costs; the sophisticated technologies used to produce these crudes require a skilled labor force; and careful management of environmental issues especially land disturbance, high water use and greenhouse gas emissions is essential. Innovation and technology development have been key to reducing costs of commercial deployment of oil sands and in making “technology oil” competitive against conventional crudes in world markets. Current oil sand production of about 1.7 million barrels per day is a direct result of sustained investments in technological innovation and decades of “learning by doing.”

The technology used to produce the bitumen from surface mined oil sands was already well understood when J. Howard Pew, the American industrialist and co-founder of Sun Oil Company (Sunoco), drove the development of the first commercial oil sands project. At the opening ceremonies for the oil sands plant in 1967, Pew told his audience, “No nation can be secure in this atomic age unless it is amply supplied with petroleum … It is the considered opinion of our group that if the North American continent is to produce the oil to meet its requirements in the years ahead, oil from the Athabasca area must of necessity play an important role The first years of commercial operations involved overcoming large technological challenges, especially in equipment reliability and process efficiency.

Canada—Alberta—has increased their proved reserves of oil to 176 billion barrels, second only in size to Saudi Arabia. In comparison, the United States has approximately 22 billion barrels of proved reserves. We can learn from the development of the Alberta oil sands development.

The USGS reports that technically recoverable heavy oil is 434 billion barrels with 2834 billion barrels stranded (uneconomic to recover). Technically recoverable Bitumen is 651 billion barrels with 2,210 billion barrels stranded. Better technology and/or higher prices will allow a portion of this stranded resource to be recovered economically. See Meyer, Attanasi; Heavy Oil and Natural Bitumen – Strategic Petroleum Resources, The Energy Resources Conservation Board publishes an annual report titled ST98 Alberta’s Energy Reserves and Supply/Demand Outlook. The 2011 version reports 1.8 billion barrels in place of which 1674 billion bbls are considered to be in-situ resource and 138 billion bbls of this in-situ resource is considered economic to recover. Thus, 1536 billion barrels of in-situ bitumen are stranded.

William McCaffrey, president and CEO of MEG Energy.   I represent In situ Oil Sands Alliance, a group of independent Canadian companies dedicated to the responsible development of the Canadian oil sands using in situ technology. The main in situ technology used today is steam- assisted gravity drainage, or SAGD, as it is called. And SAGD is important because it is currently the most common commercially proven—pretty much the only commercially proven way to reach the deep reservoirs that contained 80 percent of Canada’s total oil sands reserves. And just to put that into perspective, that represents about 140 billion barrels of reserves, roughly equivalent to the entire reserves of Iran.

Now SAGD technology is pretty simple. It uses horizontal wells drilled from surface and we drill down to about 1,000 feet below the Earth’s surface. Once we reach the reservoir and complete the wells, we drill about half a mile out, inject steam into the reservoir, and bring the heated oil and the water back to surface. And from a well pad a fraction the size of this building, the subsurface equivalent of 95 NFL football fields can be accessed. This provides what is among the lowest ratios of surface disturbance to resource recovery in the oil and gas industries anywhere in the world. About 90 percent of the water that is used to create the steam is recycled with the portion we can’t recycle returned to deep, non-potable reservoirs. There are no tailing ponds created and it is essentially a closed-loop system.

One of the key research and development focuses is to reduce the amount of energy we need to produce a barrel of oil. That is critical because of both the emissions and costs associated with the energy consumption. One of the technologies we are currently applying alongside of the SAGD is cogeneration, a very energy-efficient process that produces both steam for our operations and electricity for the sale to the grid.

CERr, a non-profit Canadian energy and environmental research institute, examines the impacts of developing Canadian oil sands on the United States’ economy. The study covers the period from 2009 to 2025 and is based on the 2009 CERr “Economic Slowdown Projection”. This production forecast envisions raw bitumen production slowly climbing from current levels of approximately 1.2 million barrels per day to around 4 million barrels per day in 2025. CERr estimates the capital investment and operating costs needed during the 2009-2025 period to achieve this output at $379 billion.

The oil sands are located predominantly in Alberta, but stretches into neighboring Saskatchewan. With an estimated initial volume in-place of approximately 1.7 trillion barrels of crude bitumen, Canada’s oil sands are one of the largest hydrocarbon deposits in the world and provide the most secure supply to the US. By year-end 2008, about 10 percent (I.e., 170.4 billion barrels) of this volume is recoverable using today’s technology. Of this recoverable bitumen reserves, 18 percent is accessible through surface mining technologies, while the remaining 82 percent requires in situ recovery technologies.

As reserves and production of conventional crude oil decline, unconventional resources have moved to center stage in Canada, and are becoming increasingly important to the global oil industry.

Canada’s oil sands are composed of approximately 80 to 85 percent sand, clay and other mineral matter, 5 to 10 weight percent water, and anywhere from 1 to 18 weight percent crude bitumen. Bitumen content greater than 12 percent is considered rich, while anything less than 6 percent is poor and not usually considered economically feasible to develop.

In the Athabasca region, the oil sands are hydrophilic or “water wet”. A thin film of water, which is surrounded by crude bitumen, envelops each grain of sand. The sands are unconsolidated with grain-to-grain contact. Being silica quartz, the sands are extremely abrasive, thus posing significant challenges in the mining and extraction processes. This abrasive product damages pipelines and equipment, so alternative methods to transport the bitumen in pipelines, such as creating bitumen emulsions and adding large quantities of water into pipelines for hydro transport. These and other innovative initiatives helped turn the resource into a viable source of oil.

Crude bitumen is a thick, viscous crude oil that, at room temperature, is in a near solid state. The definition used in the industry is that crude bitumen is “a naturally occurring viscous mixture, mainly of hydrocarbons heavier than pentane, that may contain sulphur compounds and that, in its naturally occurring viscous state, will not flow to a well”.

The term crude bitumen generally refers to petroleum with a density greater than 960 kilograms per cubic meter. Much of the bitumen in Canada’s oil sands deposits has densities that exceed 1,000 kg/m3 (API Gravity of less than 10 degrees). Because of its high gravity and high viscosity characteristics, crude bitumen may be blended with a light hydrocarbon liquid (condensate) before it is shipped to markets by pipeline.

Crude Oil Type Density
Athabasca Crude Bitumen 1,015
Cold Lake Crude Bitumen 1,009
Maya 921
Athabasca Bitumen Blend (a) 919
Cold Lake Bitumen Blend (a) 919
Bow River Blend 894
Arab Light 858
Bonny Light 841
West Texas Intermediate 827
Federated Light 826
Commercial Condensate 720

Table 2.1 Curde Oil Densities (kg/m3). (a) Athabasca and Cold Lake Bitumen Blends are derived by adding diluent to crude bitumen to reduce viscosity prior to being transported by pipeline. The most commonly used diluent is very light natural gas liquid (C5+ or pentanes plus), which is a by-product of natural gas processing. A condensate diluent typically constitutes 24-32 percent of the bitumen blend. Sources: Markets for Canadian Bitumen-Based Feedstock, CERI Study No. 101; and (2) Alberta Research Council Open File Report 1993-25.

Currently a majority of the oil derived from oil sands being produced are by surface mining, although only about 20 percent of oil sands are recoverable through this method. This method is used when bitumen is close to the surface. The remaining 80 percent of resources are recoverable through in-situ technology. This method is employed when the bitumen deposits are further underground. Most in-situ operations use steam-assisted gravity drainage (SAGD). This involves pumping steam underground through a horizontal well to liquefy the bitumen and pump it to the surface. Current investments in advanced technology will make this method of extraction more widely used in the years to come.

Various proponents of oil sands projects have withdrawn their applications, announced delays and/or placed their proposed projects on hold until the economy rebounds and the investment can generate a reasonable rate of return.

Figure 2.3 represents CERI’s outlook for oil sands production, which shows that somewhere between 4 and 6 MMbpd might be achieved.

In 2008, CERI was projecting a potential for oil sands production of over 5 million barrels per day (MMbpd) by 2015, and over 6 MMbpd by 2030. It was our opinion that the likely development path of the oil sands would be far lower than the CERI Unconstrained Projection (2008). The CERI Reference Case Projection (2008) indicated 3.4 MMbpd of bitumen production by 2015, increasing to just under 5 MMbpd by 2025.

The slowdown projection reflects a scenario in which the price of oil stays below US$60 WTI/bbl for most of 2009 and the credit markets still lack liquidity. Under this projection, economic recovery begins in early 2010, as indicated by the previously provided oil price forecast, and liquidity slowly starts to return to the economy. In conjunction with the economic recovery, oil sands development stalls until 2013, with no major growth until 2015. Previously announced and approved (by government) projects remain delayed, and some remain in peril. This scenario is similar to what is currently taking place in the oil sands industry. While the price of oil and the global economy are expected to rebound in 2010, it will take another two years before oil sands production growth resumes. CERI assumes this resumption to be limited to established oil sands projects and others with adequate financing in place prior to the credit collapse of 2008; it takes at least two years for most mining and in situ projects to start production after construction begins. However, many projects will not start construction in 2010, but will begin a reassessment and refinancing period that could take several years. Some projects are likely to be deferred until 2015, which will create a further backlog in projects, pushing those with 2015 plans (as announced in 2006 to early 2008) beyond 2020. While CERI does not anticipate a rapid recovery and explosion in growth, as many had previously projected, we have included a margin of error in our projections, as indicated by the grey area on Figure 2.3. This reflects the Probable Production Range for oil sands development, which is highly dependent upon the recovery in the price of oil and increased liquidity in the capital markets. In 2015 the total production band is 1.9 to 2.9 MMbpd, which broadens by 2025 to 3.5 to 5.1 MMbpd.

The Alberta Energy and Utilities Board (EUB) estimates the initial volume of crude bitumen in place to be 270.3 billion m3 (1,701 billion barrels) as of December 31, 2006. The Athabasca region alone accounts for almost 80 percent or 217.7 billion m3 (1,369 billion barrels) of the total. Table A.1 summarizes the volumetric resources by oil sands area (OSAs) and oil sands deposit (OSDs). OSAs define the geographical boundaries of crude bitumen occurrence, while OSDs contain the specific geological zones declared as oil sands deposits. Both, OSAs and OSDs are designated by the ERCB. Table A.l Initial In-Place Volumes of Crude Bitumen

As of December 31, 2008, remaining established reserves were estimated by the EUB to be 27.07 billion m3 (170.4 billion barrels). Remaining established reserves are calculated separately for those that are likely to be recovered by mining methods and those by in situ methods using established technology and under anticipated economic conditions.

Bitumen from the shallower oil sands deposits is extracted through open-pit mining operations. These mines expose the oil sands by stripping the overburden. The oil sand is then removed by using truck and shovel mining methods. Bitumen is separated from the sand through a process of adding warm water and agitation. Roughly two tons of sand are mined, moved and processed to produce one barrel of bitumen. In situ, on the other hand, means “in-place”, and indicates that the bitumen is extracted from the sand in the reservoir. These techniques are employed for deeper oil sands deposits (generally greater than about 75 meters to the top of the oil sands formation). The two main in situ processes currently being used are cyclic steam stimulation (eSS) and steam-assisted gravity drainage (SAG D). These methods inject steam into the formation to heat the bitumen, allowing it to flow and be pumped to the surface.

The EUB determined mineable established reserves by identifying potential mineable areas using economic strip ratio (ESR) criteria, a minimum saturation cutoff of 7 weight percent, and a minimum saturated zone thickness cutoff of 3.0 meters.

The EUB determined in situ established reserves for those areas considered amenable to in situ recovery methods. Reserves attributable to thermal development were determined using a minimum saturation cutoff of three weight percent crude bitumen and a minimum zone thickness of ten meters. For primary development, the same saturation cutoff of three weight percent was used, with a minimum zone thickness of three meters. Recovery factors of twenty percent for thermal development and five percent for primary development were applied to the areas within the cutoffs. The recovery factor for future thermal development is assumed to be lower than recoveries being achieved by some of the active in Situ projects. This is to account for the uncertainty in the future recovery processes and the uncertainties inherent with developing poorer quality resource areas (areas under active development are of higher quality than future areas). While the resource base is very large, it is worth noting that many in Situ recovery technologies are still in the early development stage and there is still considerable uncertainty about how much crude bitumen will ultimately be recovered.

My name is Melina Laboucan-Massimo. I come from northern Alberta, Canada. I am a member of the Lubicon Cree First Nation, which is one of the many communities impacted by tar sands development.

For those of us in Canada who are experiencing the detrimental effects of tar sands, it is encouraging to see that many decision- makers and citizens in the United States are beginning to ask questions around whether or not the tar sands are in the right direction and which we should be pursuing in an already carbon-constrained world. In the past 5 years, I have worked in communities throughout Albert and British Columbia that are very concerned about the approval of tar sands pipelines not only because of potential spills but also because it will increase pressure for more tar sands expansion in Alberta. I personally have felt the impacts of both pipeline spills and tar sands-driven industrialization of the landscape in the north. Last spring, I returned home where I was born to witness the aftermath of one of the largest spills in Alberta’s history, which was 50 percent larger than the oil spill in the Kalamazoo River in Michigan. What I saw was a landscape forever changed where my family fished, hunted, and trapped for generations. Days before the Federal or provincial government admitted that this had happened, my family was sending me messages telling me of headaches, burning eyes, nausea, and dizziness, asking me if I could find out more information as to if it was an oil spill and how big it might be. This was one of the saddest and most frustrating points because my family was not the first, nor the last, to experience these effects. It was alarming to hear that the first phase of the Keystone had already leaked and spilled 14 different times in its first 12 months of operation. Where I come from billions of dollars are taken out of our traditional territories.

Yet, until this day, my family still has no running water. The indigenous communities have lived in these regions for thousands of years and yet are being pushed out, unable to access their traditional territories and unable to practice their treaty rights due to tar sands expansion.

Communities like Fort McKay First Nation can no longer drink the water from their taps and their children are developing skin rashes from bathing in this contaminated water. A cancer study done by Alberta Health Services reveal that there was a 30 percent increase in the community downstream of Fort Chipewyan. Leukemias and lymphomas were increased by three-fold and bile duct cancers increased by seven-fold. Almost all of the cancer types that were elevated were linked in scientific literature to chemicals in oil or tar. We have toxic tailing ponds sitting in the north of Alberta that span over 170 square kilometers, which is equivalent to 42,000 acres.

We have endured decades of promises that have taught us that promises of new technologies that will repair this damage feel like empty words. The reality is that SAGD solutions usually move the problem elsewhere such as pumping the toxic byproduct underground where they can leak into aquifers rather than storing them in tailing ponds from the mines. Meanwhile, the scale of production is increasing and the overall programs are getting worse.

Companies will leave irreparable damage to our lands and our homes, and the Alberta government claims to reclaim the land. However, many prominent scientists dispute that this is possible. Just last week, a report was published in the proceedings of the National Academy of the Sciences of the United States of America stating ‘‘any suggestion that oil sands reclamation will put things back to the way they were is greenwashing.’’

First Nations in British Columbia are also adamant that the Enbridge pipeline will not be built through their territories. Over 100 First Nations have signed on to this declaration to oppose the construction of the Enbridge pipeline and its associated supertankers on the west coast of Canada and First Nations are willing to pursue litigation if the Enbridge pipeline is approved in Canada as they have constitutionally protected rights under Section 35 of the Canadian Constitution.

Companies will leave irreparable irreversible damage to the land and our homes. The Alberta government claims otherwise, vowing to “reclaim” the land – however, many prominent scientists dispute that this is even possible. As of December 2010, only 0.15% of the land devastated by tar sands mining operations has been certified as reclaimed. The Proceedings of the National Academies of Sciences of the United States of America published research just last week stating that “companies have no obligation to restore or compensate for the destroyed wetlands” and “any suggestion that oil sands reclamation will put things back the way they were is greenwashing.,,

First Nations are not the only ones to oppose this pipeline. In British Columbia, surveys show that 80% of British Columbians oppose super tankers on the Pacific West Coast. Many people do not think the pipeline or super tankers will benefit the province of BC especially with a thriving fishing and eco-tourism economy, which brings in over $1 Billion dollars to BC annually.

As we see the landscape change, my father who is a Cree hunter has more and more difficulty in finding moose to feed our family and community. A couple of years ago, he found 3 tumors in the carcass of a moose while hunting in our traditional territory. Pristine forest, wetlands, bogs and fens are torn up and destroyed which will be replaced by acidic soil, end cap lakes and tree farms – a mere shadow of what once was.

Tailing ponds contain a whole slew of toxic chemicals from arsenic, cyanide, mercury, lead, benzene, ammonia, polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon and naphthenic acids some of which are known carcinogens.

Last week I was visiting the community of Fort McKay, which is completely surrounded by tar sands mines and in situ projects. They have been advised NOT to drink water or cook with the tap water or take long showers. Children are developing sores on their bodies from exposure to the water they have to bathe in. The First Nation has had to cart bottled water in from Fort McMurray for community members, which is just under an hour’s drive away. Communities are also pulling mutated fish with tumours and boils on them out of the various rivers and lakes in the region and unable to consumed these as a part of their diet. We are also seeing elevated rates of cancers in the north of Alberta. I myself have had family members live and die with cancer. And we are also seeing increased rates of respiratory illnesses such as emphysema, asthma, and chronic pulmonary disease due to the increased level of sulfur dioxide, and hydrogen sulfide. A cancer study done by Alberta Health Services revealed that there was a 30% increase in cancers in Fort Chipewyan compared with expected over the last 12 years. Leukemias and lymphomas increased by 3-fold and Bile duct cancers increased by 7-fold and other cancers such as soft tissue sarcomas, and lung cancers were elevated. Almost all of the cancer types that were elevated have been linked scientifically to chemicals in oil or tar.

Many types of cancers have also been linked in scientific literature to petroleum products, including VQCs, dioxin-like chemicals, other

Extracting oil from the tar sands is one of the most expensive and most environmentally destructive ways to produce oil in the world. While open pit mines are more visually horrifying, SAGO is far more carbon-intensive, water-intensive, and energy-intensive, which will be 80% of the way tar sands will be produced.

Continuing to produce this type of fossil fuel in an already carbon distraught world – is essentially carbon suicide. Not only are we producing CO2 emissions at an unsustainable rate, but we are also fragmenting and destroying one of the last intact boreal forests in the world that helps us to keep carbon in check. And this is the path that the Harper government wants to keep us on for the next 50 to 100 years.

We have a choice to change the direction we are taking in the world. We could become world leaders in the clean, renewable energy solutions that meet our energy needs without undermining the health of our communities and ecosystems. We won’t get there, however, if we try to attach techno-fixes onto what is, at every stage, a profoundly destructive form of energy. The reality is that the tar sands are managed to maximize profits, and not to protect the environment or downstream communities like the one where my family lives. We have endured decades of broken promises, which has taught us that corporate promises of new technologies that will repair this damage are simply empty words – greenwash intended to reassure people like yourselves that this time it will be different.

I urge you to look beyond what is good for the oil companies’ next few quarterly profits, and think about what is in the best interest of the next generation.

JOHN SHIMKUS, ILLINOIS. It is good to continue to talk about energy security and lower-priced crude oil, lower-priced gasoline, decrease in our reliance from Iran, decrease in our reliance from the Strait of Hormuz, countries that dislike us and looking north to our friends and allies, the Canadians. I am not a big carbon guy, OK? If you follow my public testimony and my comments, this climate change thing, pricing carbon, I am not in that camp. But if you go in that direction, 80 percent of this oil sands recovery can be in situ, and that is what I hope my colleagues on the other side learn about today. Two different types of recovering oil sands, mining operations, in situ. Eighty percent of the oil up there now is in situ and it is in pipelines and there is no footprint.

 

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How is California’s AB2514 experiment with utility scale battery storage coming along?

[ This is an excellent article by Tod Kiefer about tests of sodium-sulfur batteries, which are the only kind of battery for which there is enough material on earth to make.

Battery electric storage is meant to “replace nimble, fast-ramping natural gas plants that are currently required to buffer and back up the intermittent power produced by California’s fleet of wind and solar farms”.  He doesn’t mention it, but natural gas is finite, so long-term a substitute must be found if the grid is to stay up.  At this point, batteries are still far from being cost effective.  And “despite all the hype and giga-promises, there has yet been no breakthrough in electricity storage technology that delivers all the requisite features of high energy density, high power, long life, high round-trip efficiency, safe handling, and competitive cost.”  Kiefer points out many other major technical challenges, though neglects to mention that lithium is also finite and therefore not a good choice for utility scale energy storage.  He concludes with “batteries are still a long way from being a substitute for fossil fuel power plants or any other actual power generators because of physical and economic limits of current technology.”

This article talks only about very short periods of balancing the grid. But given the seasonality of wind and solar, at least 6 weeks of energy storage are needed, mainly from batteries since there are few places left to build dams for pumped-hydro or salt caverns for Compressed Air Energy Storage.  Here is an excerpt from my book “When Trucks stop running” about what would be required to store just one day of U.S. electricity generation (11.12 TWh), using data from the Department of Energy (DOE/EPRI 2013) “Electricity storage handbook in collaboration with NRECA”, to calculate the cost, size, and weight of Sodium Sulfur NaS batteries capable of storing 24 hours of electricity generation in the United States.  The cost would be $40.77 trillion dollars, the battery would cover 923 square miles, and weigh a husky 450 million tons.

Sodium Sulfur (NaS) Battery Cost Calculation:

  • NaS Battery 100 MW. Total Plant Cost (TPC) $316,796,550. Energy
    Capacity @ rated depth-of-discharge 86.4 MWh. Size: 200,000 square feet.
  • Weight: 7000,000 lbs, Battery replacement 15 years (DOE/EPRI p. 245).
  • 128,700 NaS batteries needed for 1 day of storage = 11.12 TWh/0.0000864 TWh.
  • $40.77 trillion dollars to replace the battery every 15 years = 128,700 NaS * $316,796,550 TPC.
  • 923 square miles = 200,000 square feet * 128,700 NaS batteries.
  • 450 million short tons = 7,000,000 lbs * 128,700 batteries/2000 lbs.

Using similar logic and data from DOE/EPRI, Li-ion batteries would cost $11.9 trillion dollars, take up 345 square miles, and weigh 74 million tons. Lead–acid (advanced) would cost $8.3 trillion dollars, take up 217.5 square miles, and weigh 15.8 million tons.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report ]

Tod “Ike” Kiefer. November 21, 2016. CAISO Battery Storage Trial.  The Grid Optimization Blog.

The Hope.   In the wake of the massive natural gas leak from Sempra Energy’s Aliso Canyon storage facility in 2015, the California State Assembly and California Public Utility Commission directed the state’s electric utilities to build and deploy electricity storage at an unprecedented scale and pace [in AB2514].  The current requirement is 1,325 MW of battery storage by 2020, with emergency authority to fast-track projects that can be online by 31 December 2016.  This electricity storage capacity is intended to replace nimble, fast-ramping natural gas plants that are currently required to buffer and back up the intermittent power produced by California’s fleet of wind and solar farms.  These natural gas plants are short of fuel reserves for the winter due to the leak, and California legislators also want to move away from fossil fuel plants long-term to reduce CO2 emissions.

The Trial. This week, Pacific Gas and Electric released a report of an 18-month trial of installed utility-scale battery storage on the grid.  The trial encompassed 6 MW of storage split between two sites, both integrated to function as dispatched by the California Independent System Operator (CAISO) that manages operations of the state’s grid and wholesale power market.  The specific storage hardware examined was sodium-sulfur batteries, which are at the high-end of the technology maturity scale and the low end of the cost spread for storage options of similar performance, having been used at utility scale in several nations for 25 years.

The Report. The report contains very valuable details of the various grid services that batteries can provide, and the market prices of those services.  It also illuminates the unique complexities of managing non-generating resources that don’t have a pre-purchased fuel supply and thus a reasonably stable volumetric O&M cost.  In a nutshell, operating electricity storage is to simultaneously play multiple markets: the day-ahead and real-time markets for various grid services that batteries happen to be postured to perform, and the real-time market for the cost of wholesale electricity from the grid from which the batteries must repeatedly pull and push electricity as they perform their grid services.  It is not unlike playing poker and blackjack at the same time and only getting a net payoff when both hands are winners.

The Spin. Various web sites and advocacy groups are trying to spin this PG&E report as purely positive and a sign of battery storage coming of age.  However, a careful reading and some simple mathematical analysis reveal this report is actually a cautionary tale.

My Executive Summary:

1. Batteries are still far from cost-effectiveCertain grid services can generate enough revenue to cover operating costs, but none can come close to recouping the capital investment, even within the trial’s very optimistic assumption of 20-year battery life.  Therefore deploying battery storage today has to be for reasons other than intrinsic economics.  A 2MW/14MWh sodium-sulfur battery storage array (PG&E’s Vaca site) cost approximately $11 million ($5,500/kW, $783/kWh) to build.  The report included two external studies that found that cost of battery storage must come down to about $800/kW to achieve economic break-even.  However that number has two false assumptions baked in: a 20-year service life and only 15-minutes of storage capacity.  To aggressively dispatch the batteries as was done in the trial to maximize revenue requires at least 30 minutes of storage capacity and would consume the 4,500-cycle service life within 10 years.  With these adjustments, the real break-even cost is approximately $200/kW.  Indeed, $197/kW is the estimate PG&E itself empirically found to be the break-even cost for a typical month in 2015.  This is a factor of 27 cheaper than the Vaca system cost of $5,500/kw.

2. Charging and discharging batteries for energy arbitrage (charging when electricity is cheap and discharging when it is expensive) is what first comes to mind as an obvious use of electricity storage.   This time-shifting of generation to match consumption peaks involves techniques such as peak shaving and load leveling; these are easy to envision and model and optimize when looking at yesterday’s load and price curves, but very difficult to do in real-time when the load and price are varying stochastically and neither the height nor timing of the actual load peak can be known or recognized till well after the fact.  In practice, energy arbitrage only generated enough revenue to barely cover operating expensesThe margin achieved in cost of power arbitrage was consumed by the 25% power lost between cycles due to charging and discharging inefficiencies and the stream of energy necessary to keep the batteries at operating temperature.  When marketed to CAISO for all possible services including energy arbitrage, the $11 million 2MW array netted less than $9,000 per month.

3. The most lucrative use of batteries on the grid, as evidenced by this trial and the almost universal employment of utility-scale battery storage around the world, is what is called frequency regulation.  In this mode, the batteries are maintained close to 50% charge levels and stand ready to charge or discharge rapidly to damp out momentary dips and spikes in grid frequency that mark mismatches between generation and load.  CAISO monitors grid frequency continuously and sends out automatic generation control (AGC) signals every 4 seconds that tell generators to ramp up or ramp down to chase increasing or decreasing load.  Those resources that can ramp the fastest and most precisely can earn the most money for this service.  Batteries are ideal for this role as they can follow the AGC signal almost instantaneously with their full capacity.   However, the frequent charging and discharging is hard on the cells and causes them to age more quicklyThis high stress is also unforgiving of any mechanical failures or design flaws, and batteries used in this role have the most frequent incidence of firesThe relatively low capacity of batteries also limits how much regulation they can do in a particular direction, as they must stay within their charge and discharge limits.  In this case, the guessing game is to predict whether more up-regulation or down-regulation is expected in the next operating period, and to enter that window with the appropriate state of charge (SOC) to allow maximum headroom.  Since SOC must be managed by real-time power purchases and sales, energy arbitrage can work for or against revenue when operating in frequency regulation mode.  When marketed exclusively for frequency regulation, the 2MW storage array netted less than $35,000 per month; much better than other strategies, but still far short of achieving payback for the expensive capital asset.

4. Actual revenue during the trial was less than predicted by CAISO-approved models for storage.  This was due to two main factors: falsely idealized load and price curves that proved less predictable in practice, and over-estimated market price for the various grid services.

5. The trial also revealed how different batteries are from actual generation resources.  To optimally take advantage of day-ahead and real-time market pricing, dispatch (operational control) has to be managed remotely by CAISO, as it does for generators.  However, it proved essential that the dispatcher know the battery SOC at all times, as it affected what types of services the batteries could immediately perform.   Batteries morph in their capabilities and value for specific grid services depending upon SOC, and the dispatcher must be kept abreast of that shifting menu of the moment.  A critical question is who decides when and how much to charge the batteries – the owner/operator (PG&E) or the customer (CAISO)?  A bad decision can prevent the asset from being optimally dispatched for the most lucrative service, or might prevent it from being utilized at all.  Or the energy arbitrage costs of charging and discharging to manage SOC may consume the revenue from the actual services.  Maintenance of SOC and precise dispatch is also complicated by parasitic load, a periodic maintenance task called “string balancing,” and charging rates that differ depending upon SOC.  Optimal use of storage is dependent upon developing finely-tuned algorithms tailored to a specific battery technology and the rules and prices of a particular wholesale market and independent system operator (ISO), and also upon developing the necessary supervisory control and data acquisition (SCADA) linkages to allow robust remote monitoring and dispatch.  These factors exceed in complexity their counterparts for generation resources.

6. Round-trip efficiency for the two systems tested averaged 75%, matching a thumb rule that has been true for decades.

7. Parasitic load for sodium sulfur batteries averaged 60kW/MW.  These particular batteries have to be heated to 300C to operate, and thus consume more electricity for maintenance when they are idle and less when they are generating heat from activity.  Other battery types have to be cooled when they are active and thus have more parasitic load when in use.  Since this parasitic load comes off the same grid the batteries are serving, it changes the batteries’ raw input/output to a net input/output that makes their performance less precise and complicates dispatch.

8. A surprising finding was that wholesale electricity price varied so much by geographic location on the California grid that often it was not economical for these two battery arrays to store surplus power being generated by wind or solar farms.  California now has enough “renewable” energy capacity that it can produce negative locational marginal price (LMP) in the vicinity of the wind and solar farms.  However, these low prices do not necessarily propagate as far as the electricity storage sites.  This is often blamed on “grid congestion” as if to say it is a shortcoming of the pre-existing grid, but in reality this bottlenecking is a predictable consequence of adding large capacities of remote, diffuse, and uncontrollably intermittent generators at the fringes of the grid far from the load centers that consume their power.  If batteries are to be used for energy arbitrage, they would be optimally co-located at the fringes with the wind or solar farms.  However, if they are to be used for frequency regulation, they are better located near the loads in cities and industrial centers.  Since the revenue stream of the latter is much more attractive than the former, it is likely that the utilities would prefer downtown rather than desert locations for assets they own.  That leaves solar and wind developers to install storage at their sites.

PG&E’s Cautionary Summary Statement to the California Assembly:

“The project gained significant real-world data on the financial performance of battery energy storage resources providing energy and ancillary services in CAISO markets that can better inform an assessment of market benefits in cost-effectiveness valuations of future battery storage procurements. Over the course of the 18 months of market participation during this project, the financial revenues from battery participation in CAISO markets were limited. If revenues from market participation are to be the key driver of evaluating the cost-effectiveness of battery storage, it is recommended to be conservative in the forecasting of those revenues. With California Assembly Bill 2514 and its requirements that utilities procure 1.3 gigawatts of energy storage, California ratepayers could expect to pay billions of dollars for the deployment and operations of these resources.”

Other Battery Technologies: While not mentioned in the trial, it is good for comparison purposes to briefly consider alternative battery technologies.  The most common lithium-ion battery storage chemistry in commercial use today as manufactured by Panasonic and utilized by Tesla is lithium nickel cobalt aluminum oxide (NCA).  It is good for about 500 cycles, 1/9th the life of sodium-sulfur batteries.  Alternative lithium battery chemistries with 2,000-8,000 cycles of service life are emerging and may be on the verge of become price competitive with sodium-sulfur.  Many of the near-term proposals being heard by the California Public Utility Commission are for lithium batteries.  It is telling to note that ancient lead-acid battery technology continues to be competitive enough in cost and performance to be the starter battery of virtually every automobile on the road, including every state-of-the-art Prius hybrid, and has only recently faded as a grid-storage player.  Despite all the hype and giga-promises, there has yet been no breakthrough in electricity storage technology that delivers all the requisite features of high energy density, high power, long life, high round-trip efficiency, safe handling, and competitive cost. 

Conclusion

Batteries are still a long way from being a substitute for fossil fuel power plants or any other actual power generators because of physical and economic limits of current technology.

Posted in Batteries, Battery - Utility Scale, Electricity Infrastructure | Tagged , , , , , | 1 Comment

Review of “The Powerhouse: Inside the Invention of a Battery to Save the World” by Steve LeVine

Preface. This is a book review of Steve Levine’s 2015 “The Powerhouse: Inside the Invention of a Battery to Save the World”. If you ever wondered why batteries are still not even close to powerful enough to replace fossil fuels, this book may give you an inkling, though a much faster way to understand why is in my post Who Killed the Electric Car & more importantly, the Electric Truck?

I read this book because I’ve done extensive research on batteries and was surprised to find that perhaps there had been a real battery breakthrough, even though it hadn’t appeared in any scientific papers I could find.  And my book, “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation” explains why civilization will end within a week if trucks can’t be electrified with batteries (after explaining why hydrogen and other fuels won’t work either).

Spoiler alert: There was no battery breakthrough, but LeVine assumed that the battery would be a winner. Yet he must have have been aware it wasn’t guaranteed since he writes:

  • “After accounting for the loss of energy in combustion, a kilogram of gasoline contains 1,600 watt-hours of stored energy. State-of-the-art lithium-ion batteries, by comparison, delivered about 140.”
  • Within the periodic table “only so many of the elements that were truly attractive in a battery.”
  • “In 1859, a French physicist named Gaston Planté invented the rechargeable lead-acid battery. … In more than a century, the science hadn’t changed.”
  • In 1966, Ford Motor tried to bring back the electric car. It announced a sodium sulfur battery that that had several disadvantages. “The Ford battery did not operate at room temperature but at about 300 degrees Celsius. The internal combustion engine operates at an optimal temperature of about 90 degrees Celsius. Driving around with much hotter, explosive molten metals under your hood was risky” and not suitable for cars, only for stationary storage.
  • The same electro-chemical reactions that enabled lithium batteries also made them want to explode: the voltage would run away with itself, a cell would ignite, and before you knew it the battery was spitting out flames. But you seemed no better off if you played it safe and used other elements—you’d find that they slowly fell apart on repeated charge and discharge.
  • The public and regulators insisted battery-electric cars must be safe, so of course a battery that was chronically explosive would be rejected.  But a safe battery that could go a long “distance and [with high] acceleration tended to make the battery more dangerous.”
  • “Thackeray’s goal for NMC 2.0 was to double current performance plus cut the cost. But even that would leave batteries still about a sixth the energy density of gasoline.”
  • “The battery race would involve a series of unforeseen, terrible problems that you simply could not recognize in the tiny volumes and coin cells produced in the national labs. You needed a ton of the material and hundreds of cells, and you had to charge and recharge them again and again before the problems surfaced. Only then could you think about the solutions necessary to get the technology into a car.”
  • “Consumer electronics typically wear out and require replacement every two or three years. They lock up, go on the fritz, and generally degrade. They are fragile when jostled or dropped and are often cheaper to replace than repair. If battery manufacturers and carmakers produced such mediocrity, they could be run out of business, sued for billions and perhaps even go to prison if anything catastrophic occurred. Automobiles have to last at least a decade and start every time. Their performance had to remain roughly the same throughout.”

But then LeVine says “When a development is needed badly enough, it comes. Without some drastic change, American cities will eventually become uninhabitable. The electric automobile can stop the trend toward poisoned air. Its details are yet to be decided. But it will come. And it won’t be long.”

According to George Blomgren, a former senior technology researcher at EverReady “It’s been more than 200 years and we have maybe 5 different successful rechargeable batteries” .  Yet a better battery has always been just around the corner:

  • 1901: “A large number of people … are looking forward to a revolution in the generating power of storage batteries, and it is the opinion of many that the long-looked-for, light weight, high capacity battery will soon be discovered.” (Hiscox)
  • 1901: “Demand for a proper automobile storage battery is so crying that it soon must result in the appearance of the desired accumulator [battery]. Everywhere in the history of industrial progress, invention has followed close in the wake of necessity” (Electrical Review #38. May 11, 1901. McGraw-Hill)
  • 1974: “The consensus among EV proponents and major battery manufacturers is that a high-energy, high power-density battery – a true breakthrough in electrochemistry – could be accomplished in just 5 years” (Machine Design).
  • 2014 internet search “battery breakthrough” gets 7,710,000 results, including:  Secretive Company Claims Battery Breakthrough, ‘Holy Grail’ of Battery Design Achieved, Stanford breakthrough might triple battery life, A Battery That ‘Breathes’ Could Power Next-Gen Electric Vehicles, 8 Potential EV and Hybrid Battery Breakthroughs.

Since civilization ends if trucks stop running, batteries for TRUCKS are what matters. Battery electric cars do nothing to solve the liquid fuels transportation energy crisis since diesel engines can’t burn gasoline, so the fuel saved is no big deal. The heavy-duty trucks that do the actual work of civilization (and locomotives and ships) can’t run on batteries because even if batteries were improved 10-fold they’ll still be too heavy (see electric truck posts here).

What follows are kindle notes that give you a rough idea of the book, and why it is so damned hard to improve batteries. In “Who killed the electric car” I mention essential traits that transportation batteries must have, and how every time you improve one of them you might have harmed or undone another.  In this book there are even more essential factors that are way too technical to list because they take many paragraphs to explain.  Anyhow, I’m sure not holding my breath!

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy”, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

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Related Articles (some links probably broken after republishing them with new info)

Notes from “The Powerhouse”:

Before returning home to Beijing, Wan, China’s minister of science, had asked to visit two places—Argonne National Laboratory, a secure federal research center outside Chicago, and a plant near Detroit where General Motors was testing the Volt, the first new electric car of its type in the world. Jabbing his finger into a book again and again, Chamberlain said that Wan was no mere sightseer. He had a mission, which was to stalk Chamberlain’s team of geniuses, the scientists he managed in the Battery Department at Argonne. They had invented the breakthrough lithium-ion battery technology behind the Volt, and Wan, Chamberlain was certain, hoped to appropriate Argonne’s work. But Chamberlain was not going, and hoped that no one at the lab would not explicitly mention nickel manganese cobalt, or NMC, the compound at the core of the Argonne invention contained in the Volt during an Gang’s visit.

Argonne possessed formidable intellectual firepower and inventions, such as the American patent for its NMC breakthrough. It achieved three grand aims—allowing the Volt to travel 40 miles on a single charge, to accelerate rapidly, and to do both without bursting into flames.

The electric age would puncture the demand for oil and thus rattle petroleum powers such as Russia’s Vladimir Putin, Saudi Arabia’s ruling family, and the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries as a whole, stripped of tens of billions of dollars in income. China could put its population in electric cars, shun gasoline propulsion, and clean up its air. Generally speaking, the world might spend less on oil and worry less about climate change.

By 2030, advanced battery companies would swell into a $100 billion-a-year industry and the electric car business into several $100 billion-a-year behemoth corporations.  When you sought justification for this enthusiasm, you heard a mainstream assumption that hybrid and pure electric vehicles would make up 13 to 15% of all cars produced around the world by 2020; a decade or two later, they would reach about 50 percent.

Volta created his battery while carrying out experiments to disprove Galvani. Benjamin Franklin, a contemporary, had already coined the word to describe a rudimentary electric device he built out of glass panes, lead plates, and wires. But Franklin’s was a battery in name only, while Volta’s was a true electric storage unit. After Volta’s brainchild, scientists kept hooking up batteries to corpses to see if they could be coaxed back to life. Many wondered whether electricity could cure cancer or if it was the source of life itself. What if souls were electric impulses?

To make a battery, you start with two components called electrodes. One is negatively charged, and is called the anode. The other, positively charged electrode is called the cathode. When the battery produces electricity—when it discharges—positively charged lithium atoms, known as ions, shuttle from the negative to the positive electrode (thus giving the battery its name, lithium-ion). But to get there, the ions need a facilitator—something through which to travel—and that is a substance called electrolyte. If you can reverse the process—if you can force the ions now to shuttle back to the negative electrode—you recharge the battery. When you do that again and again, shuttling the ions back and forth between the electrodes, you have what is called a rechargeable battery. But that is a quality that only certain batteries possess.

The small number of parts has both helped and hindered the efforts of scientists to improve on Volta’s creation. They had only the cathode, the anode, and the electrolyte to think about, and, to fashion them, a lot of potentially suitable elements on the entire periodic table. Yet this went both ways—there was no way to bypass those three parts and, as it soon became apparent, only so many of the elements that were truly attractive in a battery.

In 1859, a French physicist named Gaston Planté invented the rechargeable lead-acid battery. Planté’s battery used a cathode made of lead oxide and an anode of electron-heavy metallic lead. When his battery discharged electricity, the electrodes reacted with a sulfuric acid electrolyte, creating lead sulfate and producing electric current. But Planté’s structure went back to the very beginning—it was Volta’s pile, merely turned on its side, with plates stacked next to rather than atop one another. The Energizer, commercialized in 1980, was a remarkably close descendant of Planté’s invention. In more than a century, the science hadn’t changed.

In 1966, Ford Motor tried to bring back the electric car. It announced a battery that used liquid electrodes and a solid electrolyte, the opposite of Planté’s configuration. It was a new way of thinking, with electrodes—one sulfur and the other sodium—that were light and could store 15 times more energy than lead-acid in the same space. There were disadvantages, of course. The Ford battery did not operate at room temperature but at about 300 degrees Celsius. The internal combustion engine operates at an optimal temperature of about 90 degrees Celsius. Driving around with much hotter, explosive molten metals under your hood was risky. Realistically speaking, that would confine the battery’s practical use to stationary storage, such as at electric power stations. Yet at first, both Ford and the public disregarded prudence. With its promise of clean-operating electric cars, Ford captured the imagination of a 1960s population suddenly conscious of the smog engulfing its cities. Popular Science described an initial stage at which electric Fords using lead-acid batteries could travel 40 miles at a top speed of 40 miles an hour. As the new sulfur-sodium batteries came into use, cars would travel 200 miles at highway speeds, Ford claimed. You would recharge for an hour, and then drive another 200 miles.

A pair of rival reporters who were briefed along with the Popular Science man were less impressed—despite Ford’s claims, one remarked within earshot of the Popular Science man that electrics would “never” be ready for use. The Popular Science writer went on: They walked out to their cars, started, and drove away, leaving two trains of unburned hydrocarbons, carbon monoxide, and other pollution to add to the growing murkiness of the Detroit atmosphere.

When a development is needed badly enough, it comes. Without some drastic change, American cities will eventually become uninhabitable. The electric automobile can stop the trend toward poisoned air. Its details are yet to be decided. But it will come. And it won’t be long.

For a few years, the excitement around Ford’s breakthrough resembled the commercially inventive nineteenth century all over again. Around the world, researchers sought to emulate and, if they could, best Ford. As it had been on nuclear energy, Argonne sought to be the arbiter of the new age. In the late 1960s, an aggressive electrochemist named Elton Cairns became head of a new Argonne research unit—a Battery Department. Cairns initiated a comprehensive study of high-temperature batteries like Ford’s. Someone suggested a hybrid electric bus assisted by a methane-propelled phosphoric acid fuel cell, and it was examined as well. Welcoming suggestions, the lab director insisted only that any invention be aimed at rapid introduction to the market. To be sure that would happen, he invited companies to embed scientists at Argonne for periods of a few months to a year, and many did so. John Goodenough, a scientist at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, said that everything suddenly changed. Batteries were no longer boring. Goodenough attributed the frenzy to a combination of the 1973 Arab oil embargo, a general belief that the world was running out of petroleum, and rousing scientific advances on both sides of the Atlantic.

The same electro-chemical reactions that enabled lithium batteries also made them want to explode: the voltage would run away with itself, a cell would ignite, and before you knew it the battery was spitting out flames. But you seemed no better off if you played it safe and used other elements—you’d find that they slowly fell apart on repeated charge and discharge.

In 1980, four years after Goodenough arrived at Oxford, lithium-cobalt-oxide was a breakthrough even bigger than Ford’s sodium-sulfur configuration. It was the first lithium-ion cathode with the capacity to power both compact and relatively large devices, a quality that made it far superior to anything on the market. Goodenough’s invention changed what was possible: it enabled the age of modern mobile phones and laptop computers. It also opened a path to the investigation of a potential resurrection of electric vehicles.

In 1991, Sony, pivoting off Yoshino’s brainchild, released a lithium-ion battery for small electronic devices. Later versions of the Sony battery would contain a better anode made of benign graphite, whose absorptive layers were a perfect temporary burrowing place for lithium ions. But the advance as a whole—the combination of Goodenough’s cathode and a carbon or graphite anode—created an overnight blockbuster consumer product. It enabled several multibillion-dollar-a-year industries of small recording devices and other electronics. It triggered copycat batteries and a frenzy in labs around the world to find even better lithium-ion configurations that would pack more energy in a smaller and smaller space.

If you were thinking about an electric car, the NMC led to a better cathode than Goodenough’s lithium-cobalt-oxide, his lithium-iron-phosphate, or Thackeray’s own manganese spinel. Not only was it cheaper and safer, but Thackeray also calculated that the extra lithium in the system improved its performance. The double lattice let you pull out 60 or 70% of the lithium before collapsing, well over the 50 percent you could withdraw from Goodenough’s lithium-cobalt-oxide. That extra lithium—the added 10 or 20%—meant more energy.

Very few people would settle for a single trait in an electric car. The ability to travel a long distance was important, but it was not sufficient; drivers demanded other qualities, too. They wanted the car to take off—immediately—when they pressed the accelerator, and to keep on accelerating to high speeds. They insisted that their vehicle be safe—consumers, not to mention regulators, would reject any car with a chronically explosive battery. The last quality was possibly the hardest to deliver: pushing for such performance in distance and acceleration tended to make the battery more dangerous.

The NMC and manganese spinel—in a combined-formulation battery for the Volt, its first new electrified car, a plug-in hybrid that it launched in 2010. GM said the battery’s 40-mile distance was ideal for a first-iteration Volt.

Dahn, a blunt and outspoken battery researcher whose own version of the NMC had been patented by the 3M Company just after the Argonne pair, announced a big jump in the material’s performance. It happened when, as an experiment, he juiced the voltage. The capacity surged. If you pack lithium into a battery and apply voltage to move it from the cathode to the anode—the act of charging the battery—the structure puts up fierce resistance. It restricts the lithium’s free movement, thus limiting how fast energy can be extracted, and thus how fast a car could go. Some goes astray along the way, stuck in one or the other side of the battery. In the case of NMC, it had high energy—you could pack in a lot of lithium—but relatively low power, meaning that you could not extract the lithium very fast. What Dahn did was to raise the voltage used to charge the battery above 4.5 volts—to about 4.8 volts, considerably more than the usual 4.3. That boost triggered a race of shuttling electrons. The result was staggering.

Theoretically speaking, Dahn was putting almost all of the lithium into motion between the cathode and the anode. In principle, you should not have been able to extract that much lithium from the cathode, thus removing important walls from the latticework of the cathode—the house of oxygen and metal atoms should collapse. But Dahn discovered that he could do so. Johnson went into the lab and tried to duplicate Dahn’s claims using the Li2MnO3. He pushed the voltage over 4.5 volts. Just as Dahn had reported, the capacity surged. It was an important discovery. The numbers told the tale. Ordinarily, lithium-ion batteries such as Goodenough’s lithium-cobalt-oxide store around 140 milliampere-hours of electric charge per gram, a revolutionary capacity when it was invented but insufficient for the ambitions of the new electric age. By pushing the voltage, Johnson was getting much more—250 milliampere-hours per gram, which was even higher than the 220 that Dahn was reporting. Trying again, Johnson got 280, almost twice lithium-cobalt-oxide’s performance. The experiments suggested that the NMC was even more powerful than they had thought on pioneering it five years earlier—far more. At once Li2MnO3 was not simply a fortifying agent, as had been presumed. At just over 4.5 volts, it came alive in a very muscular manner. At this higher voltage, you activated a new, heretofore unrecognized dimension of NMC. This was NMC 2.0, the breakthrough that could push electric cars over the bar and challenge gasoline-fueled engines.

It was his voice that captured attention in meetings. In a room of competing opinions, his basso profundo seemed to prevail. The voice made it impossible to ignore Chamberlain when he began to moralize. Among his gripes was “anti-intellectualism among elected officials.” Another was how Americans were “beholden to the interests of those who produce oil.” Chamberlain would continue to anyone listening: “We are the Saudi Arabia of coal and have nuclear energy. We should aim at energy independence with coal, solar, wind, and nuclear, then use them to charge up electric cars. Use electricity instead of oil—for everything. How do we get there?” He was hokey, which endeared him to the rank and file, scientists who were unmoved by talk of a battery war but gung-ho on the subject of importing less Middle East oil. Their passions rose at the idea that batteries could help stop climate change.

They believed Chamberlain when he said over the following years that many oil despots would be in trouble if drivers turned to electric cars to the degree Obama and Wan Gang both sought and those vehicles were charged with electricity produced by natural gas. Oil prices would fall, undercutting the long-running flood of money to Russia and OPEC, especially members that themselves did not possess gas. Since China would require less foreign oil, a current subtext to tension with outsiders—its colossal need for imported resources—would soften, and its air would be cleaner. When you added up these factors, you also emitted much less carbon. What was to dislike? Chamberlain understood that his boosterism infused the lab with a sense of purpose and that led him to promote the big energy picture even more.

Chamberlain and Schroeder tried another idea. A material known as a dendritic polymer was generating excitement. It was a compound that could be turned into a variety of products. What caught Chamberlain’s and Schroeder’s attention was that it could prevent melting in silicon wafers, a crucial need in computers—you needed to remove as much metal as possible and keep down the heat or your system would go down. A New England inventor had found a way to make dendritic polymers cheaply, and Chamberlain and Schroeder took his idea to Silicon Valley. Here was a certain path to fortune. But no venture capitalist they met felt the same confidence. All the pair heard was, “Do you have anything in energy?” The issue was timing. The smart money was shifting from chips to alternative energy.

So he began talking to American companies that were in the battery game. He pushed them to shift to the NMC. Johnson Controls and Procter & Gamble both said they could in principle manufacture batteries installed with the NMC. But they would have to give it a long think. Configuring factories anew for a different battery would take five years. That he and Sinkula had launched their own start-up company. It would center around the NMC and be marketed to carmakers. In the coming years, the move on their own would be the subject of a considerable dispute with Michael Pak, NanoeXa’s CEO. But for now, fortune was with them. As Jeff Chamberlain had found in his own start-up stage, energy was the rage in Silicon Valley. Venture capital firms were competing fiercely for the most promising ideas. They had decided that renewable energy was the next big boom. But their eagerness seemed different from the past manias. It wasn’t just about money. The fever aligned with the Valley’s strain of politics, which generally vilified oil, embraced its technological rivals, and fretted about climate change. Here was a way for the venture capitalists to do well and do good.

Nationally and globally, a similar sentiment took hold about global warming. Barack Obama, at the time an American senator initiating a campaign for president, vowed to promote non–fossil fuel technology and reduce emissions of heat-trapping gases. But it was generally believed that whoever was elected, Democrat or Republican, would push through laws and federal spending to buoy solar, wind, biofuel—and battery companies. Silicon Valley’s venture capital community was prepared for these new policies and the commerce that would follow.

Moroccan-born Khalil Amine unapologetically hired only foreigners. His group included not a single American-born researcher. Over the years, Amine had employed the occasional American and even a Frenchman. But now, apart from two other Moroccans (and himself), his group was entirely Chinese. Over sushi after work, Amine said he had concluded that the job was too demanding for United States–born Americans. And not just for them—some Asians, too, were not up to the task. “I have had Caucasians in my group before. Also Indians, Koreans,” Amine said. “But I will tell you this—I’m very demanding. I come to work at six A.M., five A.M. I work weekends. I have to make sure that we produce. The Chinese work this way, too—they are extremely hardworking. But some of the Caucasians, they don’t like that. It seems like big stress on them.

Amine was not alone in invoking a supposedly unique Asian cultural DNA when it came to science, technology, and the work ethic, in particular one native to Chinese, but he said the results spoke for themselves. If you considered inventions and published papers, his group was the most prolific in the Battery Department. By Amine’s own count, his group had produced 120 or so inventions over the last decade. “The next group is not even close,” he said, which was true. “And if you look at papers—last year we published about forty-seven, forty-eight. Some professors, they publish that many in their entire careers.

The subtext wasn’t merely the view that foreign-born battery guys worked harder but that Americans were simply not a large part of the job pool. The battery guys said that when they advertised a new position, dozens of applicants would respond of whom just two or three typically would be American. The proportions explained why these few Americans, whatever their qualifications, were often outshined by the mountain of overseas competition. There simply did not seem to be many Americans eager to invent the next big battery. Americans trained in the disciplines attacking the battery challenge—in physics, chemical engineering, material science. But their jobs of choice tended to be in other fields. Among the places they landed were Silicon Valley’s high-tech firms. Or, even if they did go into batteries, they rejected basic research, which almost certainly required up to three years of uncertain toil as a postdoctoral assistant, and went into private industry.

One trait of Argonne’s foreign-born staff was traditional personal and family aspirations: they were seeking a new life with greater prospects for their children. “I’m not saying it in a way to degrade the other guys,” Amine said, “but Caucasian Americans—they don’t want to do Ph.D.s. They go for an MBA or something like that. For example, I was invited to give a talk at MIT. I would say seventy percent of the students were Asian. Chinese, Koreans, and Japanese. I went to Berkeley—same thing.” Foreign battery guys in fact often completed not just one postdoctoral assistantship before securing permanent employment, but two or even three three-year stints. A postdoctoral researcher at Argonne earned about $61,000 a year, which was high for such a position. When offered a staff job, the pay was bumped up a bit and rose regularly from there, which became even more attractive in combination with the stability of federal lab work. But it was not high-tech scale. Their determination was distinct not just from Americans’ but also from that of the Silicon Valley immigrants. Once you settled on a life in batteries, a simple calculus made Argonne and the other national labs special magnets for such foreign Ph.D.s—the number of private battery companies was small and with it the possibility of obtaining an H-1B visa. The national labs, on the other hand, could sponsor an unlimited number of H-1Bs—in 2000, Congress had created a working visa exemption for nonprofit, university, and national labs.

“They go an extra length. They’re smart. And they are extremely reliable,” Amine said. Why was his team predominantly Chinese? “That’s why,” he said. Amine said his strategy did not always work in his favor. He had lost numerous military contracts because the Pentagon permitted only American citizens to work on such sensitive projects, and his group lacked them. But he was straightening that out, too. Six years earlier, Amine himself had taken American citizenship. His two Moroccan researchers had as well, and a Chinese scientist was on his way. “I think within five years, all these Chinese will be U.S. citizens,” Amine said. “It’s just a matter of time.” Ultimately, Amine said, his personnel preferences were unimportant. “At Argonne, the policy is you hire people based on capability. Not nationality,” he said. Of course, Amine had determined that there was a difference—he was hiring according to nationality. It was among the reasons why an American victory in the battery race oddly depended on scientists from rival countries.

Government incentives were attracting increasing numbers of Chinese students to repatriate but this trend largely excluded the staff at Argonne. Of the lab’s foreign researchers, the Chinese were among the least likely to repatriate.  The professional conditions in China were a disincentive, you could end up lost in a sprawling lab in your native country, serving an autocratic boss interested not in new ideas but largely in retaining his own position.

Argonne employed some 3,000 scientists but Amine was appalled at its relatively small intellectual property unit. The lab seemed content to file away strong inventions without seeking publicity. There was no explaining it apart from either a diffidence toward the business of science or plain languor. Whichever, Argonne’s IP team was passive when it came to licensing the lab’s inventions. So Amine set out to create his own little Japan. Amine organized his staff along the lines of the Kyoto invention machine where he learned his craft. He whipped his researchers into a cadre that at his direction worked systematically through every possible approach to the solution of a chemical puzzle—hundreds if necessary. The enviable record of papers, patents, and industry interest followed. Of one of his Chinese researchers, Amine said, “When you give him an experiment, he does it fast. He’ll give you the result in two days. With some people it’s like pulling teeth.” Amine’s critics pilloried his record of picking up a promising idea produced elsewhere, blending it with his own flashes of intuition and the work of his efficient staff, and emerging with a patent application or a new paper. They insinuated that it was theft. But in Japan—or any of the big Asian manufacturing economies—his methods would be recognized as fair and even sensible. Japan, China, and South Korea continued to retain their economic edge with a willingness to build on others’ ideas and spend money for years and years with the confidence that a profitable industry would eventually result. Amine was merely following the Japanese way. As critical as they were of him, Amine was savage toward the usual practices in American industry and labs. Western scientists championed the visionary moment but that led to “the moon or nothing. So they have nothing,” he said. He was prepared to go step by step. And he winnowed down his group to those who would work the way he saw fit.

That meant only two nationalities—Chinese and Moroccans.  On its face, Amine’s hiring sounded racist. His management style was dictatorial. But Amine was neither unethical nor a bigot. Rather, he was opportunistic in noticing others’ advances, uncanny in identifying and resolving a flaw, and ruthless in cutting through to a product bearing his name. That made him no different from countless other successful Americans. Jun Lu, a researcher on futuristic lithium-air batteries, defended Amine’s Japanese notions. Jun and his wife, Temping Yu, who also worked at Argonne, had no relatives in the Chicago area. “So we have more time to focus on research. You work harder” on Amine’s team, he said, but that was only part of the picture. “If you want to be successful, you still have to have the ideas. You have to have common sense.” But there were also pockets of anger in Amine’s group. This was not Japan. Some members of his group did not appreciate serving as cogs in Amine’s machine rather than innovators and thinkers in their own right. Amine held out the coin of the realm—an American visa and the later hope of citizenship. Their names appeared on the papers to which their grunt work contributed. But some of Amine’s best staff bristled at

There was a divide between the Chinese and the rest of the battery department. The Americans were suspicious of the Chinese and also themselves insular. The old days of Argonne scientists hanging out at one another’s homes were long past—in 2011, five years after he joined the lab, Chamberlain had yet to throw a party. Almost none of the battery guys had ever been to his house. An administrative staff member’s ears perked up when her boss mentioned dinner plans with a colleague—it was the first time she had ever heard of lab executives socializing together. She could only speculate why so little entertaining went on. It wasn’t that the scientists were unfriendly. But there seemed to be an unspoken midwestern distance. Andy Jansen and Kevin Gallagher, both battery guys, threw backyard barbecues for department colleagues, but Asians were rarely present.

Kang moved to Chicago with a position on Khalil Amine’s team at double his Austin pay. It was not long before Kang felt like “a workhorse.” He was carrying out repetitive tasks in which Amine was attempting again and again to advance yet another theory that would produce yet another paper or patent “that doesn’t change anything.” The Moroccan traveled frequently but provided his subordinates no opportunity to attend the same international conferences, mix with peers, or make a name

Americans, Kang said, had more potential than almost anyone because they had the fundamentals—from childhood, they were trained to argue and discuss. But they, too, were handicapped: they were not desperate. “They are not prepared to lose everything.” At Argonne itself, senior scientists did too little to prepare their young subordinates for big future breakthroughs.

A typical way to express the economics of a battery was the cost to produce a steady 1,000 watts of electricity for an hour (the amount needed to iron your clothes, for instance). According to Kumar, the Envia cathode lessened the battery cost to $250 per kilowatt-hour at laboratory scale, less than half the prevailing market rate at the time it was built. Envia’s next product promised to shrink the cost further—to $200 per kilowatt-hour, a very large jump. The ultimate aim, if Kumar succeeded with a superbattery on which he was currently working, would be a phenomenal $180 per kilowatt-hour. Kumar told Nissan that he could reach that goal in eighteen or so months. His promises, not to mention the time line, were exceedingly bold seeing as how GM was thought to be currently spending $650 to $750 per kilowatt-hour on the battery in the Volt, for a total of $12,000 to $14,000. Dave Howell, head of the electric-car battery research effort at the Department of Energy, was challenging researchers to lower costs to $300 a kilowatt-hour by 2014 or 2015. His longer objective was $125 a kilowatt-hour by 2022. But Kumar was suggesting he needed a mere year and a half to cut battery costs by three quarters and bring down the Volt battery to around $3,000. Given those numbers, you could understand

The Obama administration had allotted about $2 billion to build six lithium-ion battery factories largely from scratch. No one could say how many would survive, but most had no intellectual property of their own. In Kumar’s view they ought to be eager to grab Envia’s battery material. But, hearing silence, he said, “I don’t think it’s my job to convince them. I am working to make a product.

Though it boosted GM’s image, the Volt did not actually sell well. The car cost $41,000 and most motorists were unimpressed by the 40 miles it could travel on a charge.

Studies showed that that was the maximum average distance that American motorists traveled in a day. But in practice, actual potential buyers wanted to pay less, drive farther, and charge up where and when they wanted. Until these benchmarks were met, most were not buying the Volt or any other electric vehicle.

As for Steven Chu, he felt like a member of the “chosen ones” when he joined Bell in 1978. The atmosphere was “electric,” and “the joy and excitement of doing science permeated the halls,” he said. Chu grew up on Long Island, the son of Chinese immigrants who expected their children to earn Ph.D.s. His maternal grandfather was an American-trained engineer. His father was an MIT-educated chemical engineer and his mother an economist. He earned his doctorate at Berkeley and was hired to stay on as an assistant professor, but before starting the job he was offered a leave of absence to broaden his experience and he used the time to go to work at Bell. Chu’s first Bell boss admonished him to be satisfied with nothing less than starting a new scientific field. Five years later, he was leading the lab’s quantum electronics research team. Among his first accomplishments was measuring the energy levels of positronium, an atomlike object with its electric charges flipped. Measurements were hard because positronium has an average lifetime of 125 picoseconds (125 trillionths of a second, a scale that is to a second as a second is to 31,700 years). Then Chu puzzled out how to use laser light to cool and trap atoms. “Life at Bell Labs, like Mary Poppins, was practically perfect in every way,” he said. As secretary of energy under Obama, Chu wanted to capture the magic of Bell and its peers, the great industrial labs that had been run by scientific and commercial visionaries like Thomas Edison and T. J. Watson. He wanted to assemble the best minds in one place and focus on a single mission. The objective would be to disrupt the largest industry on the planet—fossil fuels.

He himself could be an exacting boss. When he later was named director of Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, he became known for his “Chu-namis,” stormy fits of pique when something had not been carried out to his standard. Chu wanted to replicate this atmosphere at the national labs that the Department of Energy funded.

One day, Jim Greenberger, an outside member of the group with which Chamberlain was speaking, mentioned a vague boyhood link to a close ally of Senator Obama, whose presidential campaign was gaining momentum. Obama seemed to be intensely interested in batteries. Why not pitch the battery Sematech proposal to the senator’s team? Everyone agreed that it was a good idea. The group found itself in a Chicago office before a single economic adviser to Obama. Greenberger described Sematech and the aim of beating the big Asian battery makers. “Why do you think we can compete with the Japanese auto industry?” the adviser asked. Chamberlain said American companies, while currently struggling, could recover and figure large in a reconstituted global industry. But he added that if electrics truly took off, Detroit, with its record of stodginess, “will go the way of the dinosaur.” They would not manage the transition to the new world. “What kind of money do you need?” The group had discussed this question. If they were modeling on Sematech, the sum should be around $500 million. But they wanted a cushion in case expenses were higher. So they decided on $1 billion. It was perhaps a hubristic price, but that was what they would request for the battery Sematech. “Two billion dollars,” Greenberger said. The rest of the group went quiet. Chamberlain could not see the expression on the Obama adviser’s face, and no one could fathom the origin of the new number.

“Okay,” the adviser said. Outside, the group laughed. Why did Greenberger double the figure? “I don’t know,” he said. “It just felt right.” As Obama was elected, the economic landscape transformed. The world was in financial collapse and the country in a panic. On taking office two months later, Obama quickly proposed, and Congress approved, a $787 billion economic stimulus package. It was meant to rescue the economy and plant the seeds of future industries. Chamberlain smiled as he studied the breakdown of spending. It included a $2.4 billion line item—a $2 billion lithium-ion battery manufacturing program plus $400 million for the development of electric-car–manufacturing processes. Rahm Emanuel, Obama’s new chief of staff, had remarked that, politically speaking, no crisis should go to waste. The battery Sematech was a “go.” It was and it wasn’t. The money would fund the creation of an American lithium-ion battery industry, just as Chamberlain and the companies envisioned.

Only now, with the unexpected largesse of a $2.4 billion research-and-development fund, the companies changed their minds about working collaboratively. Johnson Controls received $249 million of the fund, EnerDel won $118 million, and $200 million went to A123. They would compete against one another for the market. There would be no battery Sematech—no industry-government consortium. But the United States would be in the battery game. Steven Chu also saw no reason to squander the crisis. In his case, there was the matter of his dream to recreate Bell Labs. He proposed eight projects, each tasked to solve a single big problem, at a total five-year cost of $1 billion. For those who did not grasp the significance, he said, “We are taking a page from America’s great industrial laboratories in their heyday.” On paper, they would be called “innovation hubs.” But more explicitly, they were “Bell Lablets.” One of Chu’s hubs was to be aimed at revolutionizing batteries.

As impressive as NMC 2.0 was compared with its predecessors, it couldn’t power an electric car competitively with the internal combustion engine. After accounting for the loss of energy in combustion, a kilogram of gasoline contains 1,600 watt-hours of stored energy. State-of-the-art lithium-ion batteries, by comparison, delivered about 140.

Thackeray’s goal for NMC 2.0 was to double current performance plus cut the cost. But even that would leave batteries still about a sixth the energy density of gasoline. The Battery Hub’s goal was to make the next big jump after lithium-ion—to 600 or 800 watt-hours a kilogram. Toward that goal, the Battery Hub would receive $25 million of federal funding a year for five years, $125 million in all. A competition would decide which university, national lab, or consortium would host the Hub. Chu advised that those interested stay tuned as to

John Newman, an electrochemistry professor at UC Berkeley, phoned Thackeray. Newman was an icon who had written the standard university textbook on electrochemical systems. “Why don’t you lead the Battery Hub and we’ll do it with you?” Newman said. The competition had not yet been announced, but Newman was suggesting an interesting head start. He wanted Argonne and Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, traditionally bitter rivals in the battery space, to submit a joint bid. The approach was surprising given the jealousy between their two institutions. Argonne and Berkeley never worked together. They harbored a deep well of mutual suspicion. The stakes, however, were enormous—whoever landed the hub would be the undisputed center of American battery research. Therefore, if they joined hands, agreed to divide the research funds, and did not quarrel, Berkeley and Argonne might stand an improved chance of winning the competition. In June 2009, Newman traveled as part of a Berkeley group to Argonne. Crowded into a small conference room, they began to brainstorm what a Battery Hub would look like. So much was already going on in the field—depending on the year, the Department of Energy alone was spending $50 million to $90 million on battery research. What could a hub add? Someone suggested starting over—that they wipe the whiteboard clean and simply construct a chart of a first-rate, industry-leading battery research program. They could then shade in areas where there was already sufficient work. What remained would be the proposed Argonne-Berkeley Battery Hub. The result was a blockbuster, over-the-top plan for a $100-million-a-year, multiyear partnership of companies and scientific institutions. On paper, it was four times the size of Chu’s hubs. Both teams loved it. When Chamberlain described it quietly to a few industry friends, they seemed equally enthusiastic, making clear they were prepared in principle to share the cost fifty-fifty with the Department of Energy. Chamberlain thought he understood the companies’ eagerness. It wasn’t that it looked like Sematech, although the resemblance to Chamberlain’s obsession was more than passing. It was because “it was like Bell,” he said. Genuinely like Bell, and not the lablets that Chu was proposing. The Argonne-Berkeley team called it the National Center for Energy Storage Research, which they pronounced “En-Caesar.

Congress had to directly approve such spending, and it treated Chu’s proposal with skepticism. Its 2010 budget funded just three of the eight innovation hubs. Worse, it guaranteed the money for only a year rather than five and allocated $22 million for each hub instead of the proposed $25 million. The Battery Hub did not make the cut.

“Oh, crap,” Chamberlain said. He was reading a news bulletin on the Internet—a Chevy Volt had caught fire while undergoing federal crash testing in Wisconsin. The vehicle had been through the usual harsh examinations, which included ramming a pole into its side, and had already achieved the top five-star rating. Three weeks later, as the car sat on the lot, the battery burst into flames. It engulfed the Volt along with three other vehicles parked nearby.

Fox News blamed Obama. Neil Cavuto, a Fox commentator, said the Volt was part of a gigantic social disaster that would lead to divorces “when someone forgets to plug it in,” not to mention a conspiracy. “Someone bought off Motor Trend to say it was car of the year,” Cavuto said. “You have to be a dolt to buy a Volt.” The vehicle had nothing to do with Obama and in fact was conceived during the George W. Bush administration. But by embracing electrics, Obama infuriated the right. The carping grew when two more fires occurred during tests just six months later. The thing about large lithium-ion battery packs was that if you were not going to use them for a long time, you were advised to drain them of electricity. When fully charged, they could be unstable.

Chamberlain said that it wasn’t only his personal connection to the car that decided him. Notwithstanding the opinion of Fox News, he agreed with the assessment of Motor Trend, which was that the Volt was “a game-changer.” The Volt was the future, he said, “something that is amazing.”

Rechargeable lithium-ion batteries became commercial products only a decade later. When Sony commercialized Goodenough’s battery in 1991, it became the go-to formulation for virtually every laptop, smart phone, recorder, or really any battery-enabled consumer device. Goodenough’s batteries lasted longer than the technology they superseded—nickel metal hydride—and did not suffer nearly the severity of capacity loss after long use. Even two decades later, lithium-cobalt-oxide batteries remained the world’s workhorse consumer battery.

The inspiration to use lithium-ion to revive electric cars, though, came later still. Lithium-cobalt-oxide was too expensive—specifically the ingredient cobalt—for serious contemplation in passenger vehicles. It packed a wallop of energy density—the best among any commercial battery—but was economically feasible only for compact purposes, meaning small electronic devices. When Toyota pioneered the modern-day push into electrics in Japan in 1997, its Prius hybrid again contained nickel-metal-hydride batteries.

Riley received an e-mail from a 41-year-old South Korean staff researcher named Young-Il Jang. NMC 2.0, Young said, appeared to have a problem. And not just any problem, but one so substantial as to possibly doom it outright for use in cars. Young told Riley and other colleagues copied in the e-mail that the jolt of voltage that gave NMC 2.0 its potency also seemed to thermodynamically change it. When the high voltage forced much of the lithium to begin shuttling, thus removing the cathode’s pillars, the structure sought to shore itself up and keep its shape. Other atoms rearranged themselves. Nickel took the place of lithium, and cobalt of oxygen. When the lithium returned, its old places were occupied. It had to try to find a new home. Thermodynamics made the atoms seek a new natural balance. The voltage steadily declined. Hence in actual application in an automobile, NMC 2.0 might not provide the consistent potency suggested when Thackeray was working on coin-size test cells in the laboratory. Unless the atomic reorganization could be controlled, Young concluded, the material might never find use in a car, which required reliability. In a gasoline-driven vehicle, the driver expected the engine to deliver more or less the same propulsion each time the accelerator was depressed—the pistons had to push out a smooth flow of power continuously, every time. It could not deliver the acceleration of a Ferrari the first day and a Mini Cooper on the hundredth. Similarly, in an electric system, the voltage in the second cycle could not differ from that of the fiftieth; you could not create a dependable, ten-year propulsion system with such instability.

Riley was suggesting that the parade of companies that had paid to license NMC 2.0—not just Envia, but BASF, GM, LG, and Toda—were holding a seriously flawed product. As his researcher had stated, NMC 2.0 perhaps could not be deployed for the purpose for which it had been purchased—longer-range, cheaper electrified vehicles. At least in its current state, it perhaps could only be used at lesser voltages, which would mean performance not much different from the lithium-cobalt-oxide batteries commercialized two decades before. There might be no reason for anyone to absorb the expense of switching to NMC 2.0. If you asked the battery guys at what stage they understood that there was a problem with NMC 2.0, it prompted a nervous response. They would go quiet, glance around, and provide not quite precise answers. This conveyed the impression that either no one knew the precise answer or no one wanted to disclose it. The reason being that, if you looked at the situation squarely, you could not escape the conclusion that Argonne had in fact sold the companies a faulty invention. Not that the companies themselves were off the hook—the engineers, venture capitalists, and other executives and staff who had signed off on the licenses had to be in some hot water among their bosses, too. If anyone was predominantly responsible, it was the Thackeray team, because their names were on the patent. Chamberlain, who had led the negotiations on Argonne’s behalf, said simply, “We didn’t know about it.” But how was that possible? “Because making a product is not the scientists’ objective. You have to look at a certain data set to notice the fade,” he said. “If you look at a different data set where all of your requirements are for capacity, you can actually miss the voltage curves.” He added, “That is why interaction with industry is so important, because if you are making a product, like a battery that is going into a car, you look at everything like this.

Department of Energy staff summoned him to Washington. They wanted to hear more about voltage fade. A few days before his departure to Seoul, Kang sat before six Department of Energy officials with his slide deck. His core message resembled A123’s: NMC 2.0 required a fundamental fix. How did some of the best minds in batteries overlook a defect this basic? Voltage fade was deeply pernicious, Kang said. It was what Chamberlain said—if you were employing the standard measuring tools, determining a battery’s stability by checking its capacity, you would notice nothing wrong with the NMC 2.0. From cycle to cycle, you observed a stable composition. That is what Thackeray and Johnson saw and reported in their invention. Voltage fade became conspicuous only when you incorporated gauges of stability that, while familiar in industry, were highly uncommon in research labs. Only then did you understand that NMC 2.0 was profoundly flawed.

Further in the future, Faguy saw the problem as a dress rehearsal for nightmares to come. The battery race would involve a series of unforeseen, terrible problems that you simply could not recognize in the tiny volumes and coin cells produced in the national labs. You needed a ton of the material and hundreds of cells, and you had to charge and recharge them again and again before the problems surfaced. Only then could you think about the solutions necessary to get the technology into a car.

Croy said the slides assumed two ways to understand voltage fade: it was either repairable or forever unmanageable, the latter because of the immutable laws of thermodynamics, the most basic physics of energy. The answer, he said, was actually both—voltage fade challenged the limits of fundamental physics, but there could be a fix. To get there, he and Thackeray had used the beam line to explore the bowels of the NMC. They observed that the nickel and manganese had wanderlust. The metals liked to move around through the layers. It was their nature—once the lithium shuttled to the anode, taking a bit of oxygen out of the cathode, the nickel and manganese could not help but shift in order to find a new, comfortable balance. By the time the metals settled down, the material itself was changed—its voltage profile was vastly different. For a carmaker, such a transformation was unacceptable. But how could you stop it?

The extra manganese in NMC 2.0—the Li2MnO3—that was largely responsible for the battery’s exceptional performance also contributed to its instability. The manganese settled down and stopped rattling the structure when near nickel. So wherever you had manganese, you wanted to make sure nickel was also present. The flower pattern represented the best depiction of that balance.

In February 2012, about a thousand men and women assembled at an upscale Orlando golf resort called Champions Gate. There are two types of battery conferences—scientific gatherings that attract researchers and technologists attempting to create breakthroughs; and industry events, attended by merchants and salespeople. Orlando was the latter. A pall hung over the assembled businesspeople. Americans were not snapping up electric cars: GM sold just 7,671 Volts the previous year against a forecast of 10,000. There was no reasonable math that got you to the one million electric vehicles that Obama said would be navigating American roads by 2015, even when you threw in the Japanese-made Nissan Leaf, of which 9,674 were sold in 2011. That became even clearer when just 603 Volts sold in January 2012. No one seemed consoled that China was doing even worse, selling just a combined 8,159 across the country, fewer than half the American number.

There could eventually be the type of market shift that both Obama and Wan Gang had forecast. But it would not be in the current decade. Until at least the 2020s, electric cars would remain at best a niche product.

The Japanese believed the race was already over. They—and their Prius—had won. Toyota was nearing four million cumulative hybrid sales worldwide, including 136,463 Priuses in the United States alone—the world’s second-largest car market behind China—in 2011. The Japanese themselves bought 252,000 Priuses.

Researchers might achieve a genuine breakthrough in a decade or so, Anderman said. But meanwhile the internal combustion engine would keep improving and raising the bar.

The vice presidents of major industry players like GM, Ford, Bosch, and Nissan, the men who, one step down from the CEO, decided what cars their companies actually produced. They tended not to “put up with any crap,” Hillebrand said. “They are not interested in what sounds interesting and what sounds cool,” he said, but in “things that are really going to happen.” It became evident that they did not foresee a breakout of the electric car for many years to come. Electrics cost too much to produce. There was no indication that the economics were going to significantly improve. Motorists might keep buying 20,000 or 30,000 Leafs and Volts a year, they said, but there was no sign that either model would achieve the hundreds-of-thousands-of-cars-a-year sales that signaled mass appeal. The old guys were right, Hillebrand said.

He himself foresaw internal combustion vehicles that could run automatically on almost any fossil fuel. As it stood, mass-market diesel engines, relying on compression rather than spark plugs to ignite the fuel that drove the car, were probably the most efficient on the planet—fully 45% of the diesel poured into the tank ended up in the propulsion of the vehicle; just 55% burned off as wasted heat in the process of combustion. As for gasoline, just 18% of its energy actually reached the wheels; a whopping 82% went into the ether.

Consumer electronics typically wear out and require replacement every two or three years. They lock up, go on the fritz, and generally degrade. They are fragile when jostled or dropped and are often cheaper to replace than repair. If battery manufacturers and carmakers produced such mediocrity, they could be run out of business, sued for billions and perhaps even go to prison if anything catastrophic occurred. Automobiles have to last at least a decade and start every time. Their performance had to remain roughly the same throughout. They had to be safe while moving—or crashing—at high speed.

The generally accepted physical limit of a lithium-ion battery using a graphite anode was 280 watt-hours per kilogram. No one had ever created a 400-watt-hour-per-kilogram battery. In all, ARPA-E received some 3,700 submissions for $150 million in awards. Thirty-seven were selected. Envia was among them—Kumar won a $4 million grant.

The subsequent year, Kumar’s team worked through the handful of silicon anode concepts he had proposed until it settled on one. Kumar said Amine’s anode, a composite of silicon and graphene, pure carbon material the thickness of an atom, had failed to meet the necessary metrics. Instead, the best anode was made of silicon monoxide particles embedded into carbon. Kumar’s team built pores into this silicon-carbon combination measuring between 50 nanometers and 5 microns in diameter, and filled them with electrolyte. Carbon in the shape of fibers or nano-size tubes were also mixed into the anode, thus creating an electrically conductive network. The silicon’s expansion was thus redirected and absorbed. Even if the silicon broke apart immediately, the carbon fibers and tubes provided a path across which the lithium ions could pass on their way to and from the cathode. Kumar said the results were excellent

This path to the better battery was expensive. You started with a vacuum reactor and a costly substrate, sometimes using platinum, a precious metal. Then you grew nanowires and nanotubes. What resulted was like pixie dust—you derived just milligrams of material each time while what was required was bulk powder. The process might decline in cost over time, but for now it could not be justified.  The battery was only a prototype—he had charged and discharged it just 300 times. Experts in the audience knew that Kumar would have to more than triple the number of cycles before the battery could be used in a car.

Dahn was notorious for ripping into the ideas of his colleagues—publicly and usually with precision. He pointed out flaws that most battery guys, knowing how hard it was to make an advance of any type, typically kept to themselves. Dahn was with Anderman in the belief that battery scientists often cherry-picked their results in order to postulate nonexistent advances.

The basic NMC-spinel battery in the GM Volt delivered about 100 watt-hours per kilogram. Since GM over-engineered the battery to maintain a margin for error, about 37% of it went unused—the excess was there just in case added capacity was needed. So it was effectively running at about 66 watt-hours per kilogram. If you now doubled the capacity using the Envia formulation and slimmed down the unused capacity, you would triple your range—rather than 40 miles, the Volt would travel more than 120 miles on a single charge. Alternatively, GM could stay with the 40-mile range and cut about $10,000 off the price of the car. “You have your choice,” Dahn said. “This is why people are fighting for higher energy and longer life. It is what it is all about.” Dahn had questions. For example, why Envia’s 300 cycles would increase. “How long and how fast? Nobody knows,” Dahn said. “But you can bet your bottom dollar it is going to get better.

Canadian energy thinker Vaclav Smil was his favorite writer, and Gates was a seed investor in a molten metal battery prototype invented by Donald Sadoway, a celebrity MIT chemist. Conversing with Chu, Gates said that clean power was perhaps the world’s greatest challenge. It would be exceptionally harder than anything he himself had attempted. Bill Gates said that when you contrasted energy and computer software, “people underestimate the difficulty getting the breakthroughs. And they underestimate how long it is going to take.” Crossing from the invention to the marketplace was the longest wait of all—the general adoption of a new energy technology could take five to six decades, he said. That’s right, Chu replied.

A photograph of Kumar and the Envia team went up on the triple screens. The day before, Majumdar said, this start-up company had announced “the world record in energy density of a rechargeable lithium-ion battery.” Its 400-watt-hour-per-kilogram battery, if scaled up, could take a car that entire Washington-to-New York journey in a single charge at half the cost of the current technology. And more was coming, he said.

At a major presentation Majumdar said that the Envia team had achieved “the world record in energy density of a rechargeable lithium-ion battery.” Its 400-watt-hour-per-kg battery when scaled up would take a car Washington to New York on a single charge at half the cost of current technology.

Envia claimed this could be done for hundreds of cycles, but in fact it went just 3 cycles before the energy plunged. To be usable in an electric car it would need to be capable of being charged and discharged 1,000 times.

The Argonne battery guys cringed and then went ballistic. Kevin Gallagher said Majumdar’s claims about Envia were “bullshit” and made him wonder about the other 8 start-ups showcased. ARPA-E with its pressures to deliver big leaps was “basically set up for companies to lie”.

Gallagher didn’t belive Envia could go 300 miles on a single charge—he would have had to densely pack the lithium into an unusually thick cathode. That was the only way. The problem was that thick electrodes were a blunt-force method—they could deliver the distance, BUT ONLY IN THE LAB. They couldn’t be placed with confidence into a 300-mile electric car. Being so fat, they would suffer early and fatal maladies and die long before the 10-year life span required and might even shatter. The opposite was needed – slender electrodes and cathodes less than 100 microns thick.

In the audience, the Argonne battery guys cringed. Then they went ballistic. Kevin Gallagher said Majumdar’s claims about Envia were “bullshit,” making him wonder about the other eight start-ups that he showcased. ARPA-E as a whole, with its pressures to deliver big leaps, was “basically set up for companies to lie,” he said.

Chamberlain said that deceit was in the DNA of start-ups and VCs: you needed that quality in order to raise funding, sell your product, and ultimately achieve a successful exit—to flip your company in either an acquisition or an IPO.

He decided that Majumdar’s high-profile announcement was politically driven. Department of Energy investments were a primary target of harsh Obama critics. The furor centered on Solyndra, a California solar power company that was awarded a $535 million stimulus loan and then filed for bankruptcy. Solyndra, critics said, exemplified the folly of “picking winners”—of favoring specific companies rather than general swaths of potential economic prosperity in which any enterprise might emerge a success. The loan, they said, was particularly suspect given that a Department of Energy official handling it was simultaneously a presidential campaign fund-raiser and married to a Solyndra lawyer. In fact, ARPA-E and other programs were picking winners. But that was what they were supposed to do. The question was whether they picked wisely. In any case, while the wisdom of the Solyndra loan was debatable, its origins were in the Bush administration.

Gallagher was still irritated about Envia. He did not desire a public argument over the matter but said again that Kumar’s 400-watt-hour-per-kilogram disclosure was just show. Gallagher was disposed to irritable pessimism—Thackeray said that was to be expected since he was an engineer. But he defended his suspicions on the basis of the girth of Kumar’s electrodes: in order to deliver the performance that Envia claimed—meaning that an electric car could travel three hundred miles on a single charge—he would have had to densely pack the lithium into an unusually thick cathode. That was the only way. The problem was that thick electrodes were a blunt-force method—they could deliver the distance, but only in the lab. They probably could not be placed with confidence into a three-hundred-mile electric car. Being so fat, they would suffer early and fatal maladies and die long before the ten-year life span required for such batteries. They might even shatter. The future, Gallagher said, was slender electrodes—cathodes less than one hundred microns thick, or slimmer than the diameter of a human hair. In its rush to the market, Gallagher said, Envia had unveiled an attention-grabbing but flawed product that still required fundamental improvement.

Lynn Trahey called Gallagher “K-Funk.” She had joined Argonne three years earlier as a postdoc from Berkeley. Scientists in the United States were not only largely foreign born, but also mostly men. So Trahey was an anomaly on both accounts—she was the only female staff scientist in the Battery Department. She had been a cheerleader and played varsity doubles tennis in high school. As a graduate student, she wore a purple- and green-dyed ponytail. Trahey’s current toned-down style appeared aimed at reducing her conspicuousness among these mostly plain men. She tied her hair back, unadorned. She dressed like one of the guys in loose-fitting jeans and sneakers.

None of it worked. Trahey still stuck out. The guys behaved bizarrely around her. They spoke inexpressively, almost robotically. Except for Gallagher and Mike Slater, a lot of them simply stayed away. While colleagues behaved awkwardly, she was ideal for public relations exercises. At Berkeley, her professors dispatched her on community-outreach visits to neighborhood schools and senior-citizen groups. She would show up and attract favorable press for the department. Chamberlain employed Trahey to the same advantage. He featured a photograph of her posed in protective glasses on the department’s home page and in a handful of press releases.

“Why don’t we get rid of the old people” at the lab? Gallagher said. “I’d like to see their output. I’ll bet it’s low.” He said that if you calculated the average age of the department’s researchers, you might be surprised as to how elderly the staff was as a whole. Gallagher and Trahey agreed that their older colleagues were costing too much money. Trahey said, “The reason there are so few jobs is these people won’t leave. These guys suck up all this money that could go to other things.” It particularly galled her that Gruen was paid at the lab’s top salary rank. “He is a 710!” she said. Such grousing poured out of the pair. They suggested that battery science was a young person’s game. But were the ideas developed by over-the-hill scientists under scrutiny, or was it simply their ages?

One reason battery science didn’t produce results was that scientists proposed a new chemistry, got funding, proved or failed to make it work in coin cells, wrote a paper, garnered any accolades, and moved onto the next thing. The small coin cells were never tested for practicality.  At no point was your idea typically tested for practicality—no one checked whether it could produce a superior battery. Experimentation alone was the final product.

Elon Musk’s Tesla made no battery breakthrough at all – he just strung together existing battery technology – 8,000 batteries made by Panasonic weighing 1,300 pounds. He chose this battery based on price, it was cheapest based on kilowatt-hour.

The Argonne scientists disputed the wisdom of Musk’s choice because nickel-cobalt-aluminum was the most volatile of the lithium-ion chemistries and easily caught on fire.  If a pure lithium node could be made that didn’t catch on fire, it was be a colossal achievement and great recognition to anyone who could figure out how to do this.

Another thing Kumar at Envia needed to fix was DC resistance in the cathode, which made the car suddenly sluggish when it got to the last 20 miles of a 100 to 200 mile battery.

Envia’s 400 watt-hour per kilogram – not doing that by a long shot. They did on the 2nd cycle, but by 5th cycle it was down to 302, the 100th cycle 267, the 200th cycle 249, and by the 342nd cycle of 232 it had lost 42% of its energy.

The GM team didn’t even get 2 cycles at 400. GM insisted that Envia get 4.4 volts – but at that state of charge, atoms begin to move around at an accelerated pace, the cathode expanded and contracted with shuttling of lithium and the material could crack.

Envia had contracted with GM and had again missed the milestones on both the volt and 200 mile car batteries.  The 400-2att-hour-per-kg material was still not performing as advertised.

The GM men were furious. “The anode material is not Envia’s,” said Matthus Joshua, the automaker’s purchasing executive. Envia had “misrepresented the material. The product claims prior to the contract were inaccurate and misleading.”

The anode was represented as proprietary but was actually bought from a 3rd party. After Envia admitted it had misrepresented the composition, origin and intellectual property content of their prototype battery, they asked for additional time and still the project hadn’t moved forward, and was unable to even replicate prior reported test results.  Given the facts GM was entitled to terminate the contract and wanted back the $4 million it had paid out.

Was Kumar a con man? Was he looking to cash out before he was found out?  The Argonne guys–all of them skeptics from the time that Kumar began to boast about his big breakthrough–could not decide.

Nor were journalists educated enough in battery technology to catch the problems with Kumar’s technology, even though slides were shown by Kumar and Kapadia at an ARPA-E Summit, though many of the slides were extremely deceptive (see page 277-278 for details).  These slides depicted only the capacity giving the impression that the energy density of 400 watt-hours per kilogramp was being achieved for hundreds of cycles, even though the energy density was going haywire.

Despite this, the board of investors and executives kept quiet hoping that Kumar would somehow still improve the battery enough so they could cash out. GM did too since there was no profit in going public with a fiasco and discredit the Volt and GM’s ability to develop new technology, plus Wall street might pummel the stock.

When the Envia board refused to depart, a 52-page civil suit was filed in the Alameda county courthouse against Envia and Kumar personally that alleged fraud and other charges, a lawsuit that revealed many of the past 6 years of corporate secrets, and all hopes of keeping the sorry story under wraps was blown.

Faguy at the Department of Energy realized that the problem of voltage fade couldn’t be solved simply by throwing money at it. “These kind of problems are intractable.”

 

Posted in Automobiles, Batteries, Energy Books | Tagged , | Comments Off on Review of “The Powerhouse: Inside the Invention of a Battery to Save the World” by Steve LeVine

Stansberry on “The End of America”

[ Stansberry has been predicting a market crash and currency collapse for a long time.  But this hasn’t happened yet, so Stansberry re-evaluates his ideas. He notes that the top 20 industrialized nations have pension and retiree obligations that aren’t on the balance sheets, with over $80 trillion coming due in 10 to 20 years.  The unprecedented explosion of debt the past 20 years is now more guaranteed by governments than the Market.

He says “Over the next decade, the biggest threat to your wealth won’t be the risk of losing your savings to a market crash. The biggest threat, by far, is the risk of losing your wealth to our government via confiscation or devaluation… or both….By guaranteeing so many of these debts and obligations, governments are setting up an unprecedented collapse of not only the banking system, but of the political system itself.  The U.S. government has already pledged a large amount of your wealth to other people …My fear is that the stock market disappears. My fear is that the government defaults. My fear is that no bank will survive.”

“Negative interest rates have become pervasive in two out of the three major developed currency blocs. And we could certainly be next.” Stansberry asks how that could possibly work out in the long-run: “Do you think the public is going to volunteer to buy bonds that not only don’t pay interest, but charge a monthly fee to own? How will life-insurance companies meet death-benefit claims if bonds no longer pay any interest? How much capital would you put into the banking system if the banks begin charging you 2% or 3% a year just to keep your savings with them?”

He doesn’t offer any solutions, and never mentions declining energy or natural resources, which is the true source of our problems.

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation, 2015, Springer]

Porter Stansberry. April 22, 2016. The End of America. The Stansberry Digest.

“Remember the ‘End of America’?… How the global economy got ‘Enronized’… How negative interest rates work… What happens when doctors won’t take Medicare?…  Longtime readers might remember a documentary we produced back in 2010 called the “End of America.”

The thesis was pretty straightforward: America, having racked up debts (both private and public) so large they could never be repaid in sound money, would inevitably be forced to print its way out of perdition. As a result, our dollar would inevitably lose its position as the world’s leading reserve currency.  For Americans, the days of cheap and easy credit would be over. Going forward, we wouldn’t be allowed to merely print up paper to pay for our foreign loans. Such a development would be catastrophic to a lot of Americans, similar in many ways to the economic and social challenges Great Britain faced after World War II.

In our “End of America” presentation, we predicted several important developments that have since come to pass, such as a general increase in social unrest. See the recent riots in Baltimore and the “Occupy Wall Street” movement. We were right about America’s credit rating, which was downgraded from “AAA” in 2011 by ratings agency Standard & Poor’s. We were right about the rise of new “alternative currencies” like Bitcoin.

We’ve also seen more and more political challenges to the status quo, and even a sharp rise in political violence. You’d have to be completely ignorant of history if “strongmen” like Donald Trump don’t remind you of Mussolini or other similar figures from history. Leaders like this arise as countries go bankrupt because the public doesn’t want to accept the consequences of its profligacy. Wars break out, too… like the kind Trump seems determined to start against Mexico… or the kind that Hillary will probably continue to wage in the Middle East.

But in one important way, our predictions haven’t come to pass (at least, not yet). Incredibly… the currency collapse hasn’t happened – either in America or in any other major developed nation. Sure, the yen and the euro have weakened a lot against the dollar. They’re down 15% and 28% since 2012. But we haven’t seen the kind of panic I know we’ll see sooner or later in the world’s leading paper-money brand – the U.S. dollar.

I (Porter) have been thinking about why that’s so… and how the system could endure for far longer than I believe is possible. Let’s look at the numbers.

Here’s an incredible statistic: Since 2009, total global debt has increased by $57 trillion, according to consulting firm McKinsey. That’s about the same amount of debt as America owed, in total, back in 2009. Said another way, in a little more than six years, the world has added a new pile of debt as big as the one that blew up the American economy.

Meanwhile, total debt (public and private) in the U.S. has increased, too. We’re up to $65 trillion, from around $55 trillion in 2009. Our total debt is up 150% since 2000. Just think about that for a minute. Imagine what our economy would have looked like over the past 15 years without that incredible level of stimulus. Think about what our unemployment figures would look like without all of that debt.

What’s the big deal? Who cares about some “hot money” lending? The problem, as McKinsey points out, is that all around the world, debt growth is far outpacing economic growth. As a result, we haven’t had the ability to finance these new obligations. This raises the question: If economic growth can’t finance these new loans (or the old ones), who is foolhardy enough to lend all of this money?

The answer won’t surprise you. It’s the government, of course!

A new report published by the Richmond, Virginia branch of the Federal Reserve says 61% of all liabilities in the U.S. financial system are now implicitly or explicitly guaranteed by the government. That’s way up from 1999, when only 45% of the liabilities of the financial system were guaranteed (mostly Fannie and Freddie). In other words, more and more of our financial institutions rely on the government (aka taxpayers) for access to credit.

These guarantees, however, can’t be found on any U.S. government balance sheet.

Imagine if a publicly traded company did the same. It would be called “Enron” and its leaders would be put in jail. That’s the status of our entire banking system: It has been “Enronized.” It runs on the same financial engineering as Enron. And not just in America. You can find the same problem in every major economy in the world.

Does that sound like a good idea?

Well, it has been fun so far. Over the last 20 years or so, the world has seen an explosion of debt unlike any other period in history. Most of these obligations wouldn’t have been financed by the free market. Individuals investing their own savings would have never agreed to those risks or the tiny interest rates now being offered to lenders in every major economy.

But rather than live within the means of the free market, governments from almost every major nation have engaged in massive currency and interest-rate manipulation. And that’s not all. They haven’t merely guaranteed the availability of capital in more and more ways… They’ve also guaranteed the principal of the loans.

Does that sound sensible?

I know, you’ve heard all of this before… But none of these problems stopped the big bull market we’ve seen since 2012. So even if we’re right that this isn’t sustainable, how can anyone know when the boom will end or when the music will stop? We don’t know, of course. Nobody can know for certain if the next market correction or bear market will be the “big one.”

But here’s an indicator of where things might finally hit a real breaking point: Banking giant Citigroup (C) warned in a recent report that the top 20 industrialized nations have pension and retiree obligations (also held off the balance sheets) that exceed $80 trillion. All of these come due over the next decade or two. And of course, none of these obligations can be financed based on current GDPs or tax rates. The mountains of debt these economies continue to labor under ensure there is no growth.

How will it all end? I wish I knew exactly… but I have no doubt that it will be far worse and far more violent than anyone could possibly predict.

So I hope that while you’re thinking about what the stock market will do next week or next month, you also spend a little bit of time thinking about the bigger picture. Over the next decade, the biggest threat to your wealth won’t be the risk of losing your savings to a market crash. The biggest threat (by far) is the risk of losing your wealth to our government via confiscation or devaluation… or both.

 

Just think about it… If these loans were purely private, a run on the bank would result in the collapse of the banking system. Depositors would suffer massive losses. We would see the same kind of credit deflation we last saw in the 1930s. Most financial assets and a lot of “hard assets” would be lost to bankruptcy. Prices would decline massively. But the real wealth wouldn’t disappear. All that would happen is a massive transfer of wealth from creditors to lenders.

But that isn’t the only thing that will happen this time. By guaranteeing so many of these debts and obligations, governments are setting up an unprecedented collapse of not only the banking system, but of the political system itself. You might not know it, but the U.S. government has already pledged a large amount of your wealth to other people. And when that bill comes due, we’re going to have a huge problem. Think Detroit, on an international scale.

We’re already so late in the game that the expense of just maintaining the existing debts can’t be honestly financed. Negative interest rate policy (“NIRP”) is the new idea. Charging insurers and big banks negative interest rates might work for a while to keep the music playing because the public generally fears and hates these massive institutions.

But what will happen when the government must finally begin to tax the ultimate guarantor in our debt-backed, global banking system? What will happen when the taxpayers face negative interest rates, huge increases in taxes, enormous cuts in benefits, or crashing currency values?

When I look at the big picture, my fear isn’t that the market will crash… or that default rates will rise… or that interest rates will go up (or down). Those things are all going to happen in the normal course of events. My fear is that the stock market disappears. My fear is that the government defaults. My fear is that no bank will survive.

Sounds a little crazy, I’m sure. But it’s obvious to anyone who looks at the numbers that our current path is not sustainable. It is clearly beginning to completely break down.

Try to explain how negative interest rates will influence the housing market, for example. Will we soon see people applying for a “mortgage” at the Federal Housing Administration or Fannie Mae, and then being paid a monthly stipend in exchange for living in a house, for free, that someone else paid to build?

Does that make any sense?

Or consider the government-bond market itself. Do you think the public is going to volunteer to buy bonds that not only don’t pay interest, but charge a monthly fee to own? How will life-insurance companies meet death-benefit claims if bonds no longer pay any interest? How much capital would you put into the banking system if the banks begin charging you 2% or 3% a year just to keep your savings with them?

None of that stuff makes any sense. And yet, negative interest rates have become pervasive (along with their handmaiden, unsustainable levels of debt) in two out of the three major developed currency blocs. And we could certainly be next.

So were we right about the End of America? In some ways, yes, and in some ways, no. Like Yogi Berra famously said, “it’s tough to make predictions, especially about the future.” But in the most important way of all, our warnings simply weren’t big enough. We could never have imagined the debt bubble would continue to grow at an even faster pace… or that the government would have agreed to guarantee still more (and lower-quality) obligations, like student loans.

What should you do? The most important thing is to learn to avoid the “normalcy bias.” As these financial pressures build, keep your eye out for things that just don’t look right.

Here’s a good example… About 10,000 doctors each year “opt out” of serving Medicare patients. Thus, according to a new study from the nonprofit Kaiser Family Foundation, more than 20% of all U.S. primary care physicians will not accept Medicare patients. These numbers will continue to get worse as the government can’t afford to pay for the entire Baby Boomer generation’s health care costs. That means no matter what you’ve been promised about health care, actually getting an appointment (or care) keeps getting harder and harder.

Nobody will tell you doctors abandoning their profession by the tens of thousands every year is a sign that the value of the dollar is falling. The nightly news will keep telling people that the consumer price index is flat – no matter how much actual living expenses are rising. And most people will believe it. Don’t be one of them.

That’s just one example of how the system is breaking… and it’s a tiny harbinger of what’s to come. If you keep your eyes open, you’ll see dozens more signs like this… the way stuff just doesn’t seem to work like it used to… and there doesn’t seem to be any way to get anything done unless you can afford to spend a lot of money.

Why is this all happening? The system is falling apart because the most important input in capitalism is the cost of money – the cost of capital. The longer the government manipulates the cost of borrowing, the worse all of these problems are going to get… and the slower our economy will grow.

The other sure sign that something is fundamentally broken in our society is that wages haven’t risen in about 40 years – just debts. How is that going to end? I think you know. Again… just keep your eyes on these topics. Look at the numbers. Don’t trust the government. It’s not going to save you… It’s going to try to save itself.

I might not write about these big, “behind the scenes” macroeconomic themes often, but I’m definitely watching them for you. ”

 

 

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Book review of “Spiral: Trapped in the forever war”

[ I understand why anyone who might be believed about the energy crisis keeps their mouth shut about peak oil, it would be like shouting “fire” in a crowded theater and could bring down stock markets world-wide.  Why?  Because there are no businesses that don’t depend on energy to exist and grow. Only in a growing economy can debts be repaid.  In a shrinking, post-fossil economy, creditors will no longer be willing to lend money (i.e. peak oil study done for the German military.)  Above all, heavy-duty transportation is nearly 100% dependent on oil.  Every item in every supply chain depends on oil, and especially on trucks, if only for the last mile.  Trucks and diesel-engine equipment are the Achilles heal of fossil-fueled civilization, they also do the mining, plant and harvest food, construct roads and buildings, log, dig, and any other work that requires so much power that a diesel engine must be used (see “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”).  They can’t run on gasoline, ethanol, or diesohol.

So I am annoyed when experts like Mark Danner get a lot of media attention and don’t even mention the word oil. Oil is never mentioned in this book! 

Perhaps I wouldn’t have bothered with this book review if I hadn’t sat through an excruciatingly long interview with Danner at U.C. Berkeley on “weapons of mass destruction” and whether these weapons existed or not.  I kept thinking he would use this opportunity to explain that we didn’t go to war over weapons of mass destruction, but because we depend so much on oil.  But no, the word “oil” didn’t even get mentioned.

We wouldn’t be torturing people if we didn’t need oil so badly! And now that we are at peak fossil fuels, we won’t be torturing people for long.

If experts don’t dare mention peak oil, there are other things they can do.  Especially bring up population and talk about the need for population control and women’s right to control their own bodies and lives with birth control and abortion to stop the 6th extinction. And also because getting population down via one child per woman is one of the only ways left at this very late date to soften energy and resource decline.  Why doesn’t Danner use his public platform to get gun control laws so that when times get hard, we don’t all shoot each other? I’ve read a lot of world history, and it appears to me that only the most brutal and the most cooperative survive in hard times, war, and collapse. With over half of Americans owning a gun, surely our destiny is brutal and not cooperative, dictatorship rather not democracy, local terrorists, not foreign.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts:  KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report ]

Mark Danner. 2016. Spiral: Trapped in the Forever War.

The opening quote in this book is “We must define the nature and scope of this struggle, or else it will define us.” Obama 2013

Danner has defined the nature and scope of this struggle as a war on terror.  He says that our presence in Iraq and Afghanistan is a Republican attempt to replace “being tough on communism as a defining cause in their political identity” with a war on terrorism.

To make the case for a “war on terror” as our reason for being there, Danner needs to state why we are NOT there for the 1980 Carter doctrine, which states “the overwhelming dependence of the Western democracies on oil supplies from the Middle East…[any] attempt by an outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America, and such an assault will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force.”

Or the the Reagan Corollary to the Carter Doctrine, in which the U.S. guarantees both the territorial integrity and internal stability of Saudi Arabia.

Since then we’ve invaded, occupied, or bombed Iran (1980, 1987–1988); Libya (1981, 1986, 1989, 2011); Lebanon (1983); Kuwait (1991); Iraq (1991–2011, 2014–present); Somalia (1992–1993, 2007-present); Saudi Arabia (1991, 1996); Afghanistan (1998, 2001–present); Sudan (1998); Yemen (2000; 2002-present); Pakistan (2004-present); and now Syria.

The reason Carter said this is because many Americans, Europeans, and Chinese would die if the oil stopped flowing, but especially Americans since no other nation on earth is as dependent on oil as we are (why we have to be the world’s unpaid policeman is another topic).  Just consider a few of the things that what would happen if trucks stopped running:  by day 6 grocery stores would be out of food, restaurants, pharmacies, and factories closed, ATMS out of cash, sewage treatment sludge and slime storage tanks full, gas stations closed, 685,000 tons of trash piling up every day, livestock suffering from lack of feed deliveries. Within 2 weeks clean water would be gone since purification chemicals couldn’t be delivered. Within 1 to 2 months coal power plants would shut down due to lack of coal, and much natural gas is pumped through pipelines electrically, so natural gas power plants would shut down too.  And there goes the financial system – our energy, electricity, and other 16 vital infrastructures are inter-dependent, which makes us incredibly vulnerable, since many of them can pull each other down (see [[ASIN:3319263730 When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation (SpringerBriefs in Energy)]] for details)

Michal Breen, of the Truman National Security Project, explained at the 2012 U.S. House of Representatives hearing “The American energy initiative part 23: A focus on Alternative Fuels and vehicles” why we’re doomed to continue to fight wars in the Middle East.  He said:  “Our dependence on oil as a single source of transportation fuel poses a clear national security threat to the nation. As things now stand, our modern military cannot operate without access to vast quantities of oil. A lack of alternatives means that oil has ceased to be a mere commodity. Oil is a vital strategic commodity, a substance without which our national security and prosperity cannot be sustained. The United States has no choice but to do whatever it takes in order to obtain a sufficient supply of oil. We share that sad and dangerous predicament with virtually every other nation on earth”

The word “oil” appears just once in the book as an adjective for Iraq (secular, middle-class, urbanized, rich with oil), and the words petroleum, gasoline, and diesel don’t appear at all.  But the words torture, terror, terrorist, and terrorism each appear about 90 times.

If we want to get out of the middle east, and stop risking that our ghastly activities on citizens of the Middle East aren’t turned on our own citizens in the U.S. someday, then the President needs to educate the public about the need for energy conservation.  Right now, Americans rush out to buy gas guzzling cars every time the price of gasoline goes down.  In fact, the New York Times reported today (June 24, 2016) that people are turning in their electric vehicles for gas guzzlers (see “American Drivers Regain Appetite for Gas Guzzlers”).  CAFÉ standards were supposed to go up to 54 mpg, but they’ve dropped to 24 mpg since gasoline prices began dropping in 2014.

Former President Carter was invited to a 2009 Senate Hearing “Energy Security: Historical perspectives and modern challenges” to advise the Senate.  He said the president has a responsibility to educate the American public about energy, like he did over his four years in office. Memorably, one of his speeches in 1977 began: “Tonight I want to have an unpleasant talk with you about a problem unprecedented in our history. With the exception of preventing war, this is the greatest challenge our country will face during our lifetimes. The energy crisis has not yet overwhelmed us, but it will if we do not act quickly. It is a problem we will not solve in the next few years, and it is likely to get progressively worse through the rest of this century. We must not be selfish or timid if we hope to have a decent world for our children and grandchildren. We simply must balance our demand for energy with our rapidly shrinking resources. By acting now, we can control our future instead of letting the future control us”. This was unpleasant dinner conversation. President Carter was not invited back to serve a second term.

Energy and transportation policy, diesel engines, and the trucking companies need to focus on energy efficiency, not endless growth. Conventional oil peaked in 2005 and has been on a plateau since then. That’s why our economy isn’t growing either – try to think of a business that doesn’t use energy.  We need to reduce our consumption.  Alternatives to Just-in-time delivery where trucks arrive half empty with just what’s needed and return empty has to stop.

We’ve traded away energy to gain time. We’ve traded away energy security to get stuff ASAP. Do we really have to have everything RIGHT NOW?

To address some of the comments at amazon:

This book is not worth reading if the premise is incorrect.

The one good thing about peak oil, peak coal, and peak natural gas is that starting possibly this year, fossil fuel production of oil, and perhaps coal (we’re near or past peak coal), and natural gas as well are about to decline, since peak oil means peak everything since it’s master resource that makes all other resources possible, including wind, solar, nuclear and other “alternatives” possible, from mining to diesel-fueled supply chains and delivery.

The premise that climate change is the greatest worry is incorrect. We are on the cusp of an energy crisis, and few see it coming because everyone assumes that solar, wind, biofuels and so on can save us.  Oil, coal, and natural gas replaced our wood/biomass civilization and enabled the human population to grow from 1.5 to 7 billion.

That means possibly starting this year, or within the next decade, carbon dioxide will begin to decline, although 20% of it is likely to remain in the atmosphere for millennia. Still, at at worst this means only the lowest 4 or so of the IPCC projections will be reached.  At  energyskeptic I back this up with peer-reviewed science at: 3) Fast Crash, Extinction, But not from climate change: peak fossil fuels.  I am not a climate change denier, and I worry that we’ve already set in place some non-linear, irreversible changes.

Low oil prices have led to fracked oil and gas production declining 25%. Fracked oil comprised about half of the rise of oil production since the plateau began in 2005, and low oil prices have led to less oil found in 2015 than since over 60 years ago, and in 2016 we’re finding even less oil.  Only 3 billion new barrels were found in 2015 but globally we burned 30 billion.  It won’t help for the price to rise again either, that will drive us back into an even worse depression than the 2008 crash, and oil prices even lower.  All we have left is nasty, remote, hard to get expensive oil that takes far more energy (and money) to get than the cheap oil that has fueled us up to 7 billion people from 1.5 billion the past 100 years.

Clearly the biggest danger is that resource wars will lead to nuclear war and a consequent nuclear winter that will kill billions of people. Preventing nuclear war, and using the remaining fossil energy to bury nuclear and other industrial waste should clearly be our main priority.  And allowing carrying capacity globally to go 5.5 billion people beyond what a biomass (wood)-based civilization can support in the future means that our fellow citizens will be the new terrorists in the future as the middle east reverts back to a nearly uninhabited desert as it was before the brief age of oil.

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U.S. House looks at how to improve the nation’s highway freight network

[ Like all books and articles I read on transportation for my book, this session assumes endless growth and worries about future congestion, which will not be a problem on the other side of peak oil, which is coming soon.  Conventional oil peaked in 2005, over half of the 500 giant oil fields that provide 50% of oil are declining at 6%, a rate that increases exponentially, and unconventional oil (10% of supplies) won’t be able to keep up with that.  At least this U.S. House of Representatives session is more concerned freight than cars, which are wasting what conventional oil remains…

Also of note is Susan Alt’s comment: “We have electric trucks, but the big, heavy ones we would not be able to haul any load because we would have 50,000 pounds of batteries unfortunately.” Alt is a senior vice president for public affairs at Volvo Group North America.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation, 2015, Springer]

House 113-55. February 27, 2014. Improving the Nation’s Highway Freight Network. U.S. House of Representatives. 101 pages. 

Excerpts

THOMAS E. PETRI, WISCONSIN.  The Nation’s highway system is an essential part of the broader freight transportation system. Not every community is located adjacent to a railroad, airport, waterway or port, but consumer goods are almost invariably transported along the Nation’s 4 million miles of highways and roads for at least part of the journey.

America’s reliance on the highway system is growing faster than the system is itself. The Federal Highway Administration estimates that in the next 30 years there will be 60% more freight that must be moved across the United States.

ELEANOR HOLMES NORTON, DISTRICT OF COLOMBIA.  The American people understand all too well what we mean when we say we have got to transport people. They think about the roads and the highways. They think about their transit. They think about their cars, but I am not sure that they understand what makes this country great, and it is the transportation of goods so that those people can use the goods.

MARK GOTTLIEB, P.E., SECRETARY, WISCONSIN  Department of Transportation, on behalf of the America Associati0n of State Highway & Transportation officials  

I want to thank you for the opportunity to testify on behalf of AASHTO and the State DOTs on the importance of efficient and safe freight movement to our State’s economies and to provide input on our freight transportation challenges. We support the establishment of an overall national freight transportation policy. However, we believe that designation of highway and freight networks cannot be accomplished through a top-down Federal process. A one-size-fits-all set of designation criteria fails to address unique, state-specific freight considerations. The methodology used to designate the 27,000-mile national highway freight network resulted in critical gaps and omissions and does not reflect many significant freight corridors operating within, between and among the States.

Gerald R. Bennett, mayor, Palos Hills, Illinois, on behalf of the Chicago Metropolitan Agency for Planning.

My agency, the Chicago Metropolitan Agency for Planning, CMAP, elevated freight as a high priority within our region’s award winning Go to 2040 comprehensive plan. Our region is an unparalleled hub not only of domestic but also international freight. Over a billion tons of freight worth more than $3 trillion move through the Chicago region each year. A quarter of all U.S. freight and nearly all U.S. intermodal freight originates, terminates or passes through Metropolitan Chicago. Nearly half of the freight in the region is through traffic, an indication of our central role in the national freight system. To address freight congestion, the Chicago Region Environmental and Transportation Efficiency Program, called CREATE, the first in this Nation, was established in 2003. This is a public-private partnership of the U.S. Department of Transportation, the Illinois Department of Transportation, and the Chicago Department of Transportation, AMTRAK, the region’s Metra Transit System, and private railroads. CREATE is dedicated to implementing specific rail improvements in and around the Chicago area. Its 70 projects include new fly- overs, grade separations, improved signaling, equipment modernization, and as of November 2013, 20 projects have been completed and 9 more are under construction. Most of the completed projects are rail improvements, many of which are on the belt corridor that circles Chicago to the west and south, with connections to multiple railroads. Eight of the eleven belt corridor projects have been completed and another is under construction. In contrast, relatively few projects move forward to mitigate freight’s negative impacts on local communities. Only 3 of CREATE’s 25 highway rail grade separation projects have been completed and only 3 are under construction.

Due to the lack of funding, 13 grade separations have not started at all and not one of the program’s 7 passenger corridor projects was completed in the past 10 years. This is also highly problematic because in a truly intermodal economy, grade separations facilitate the movement of truck traffic through the region.

Susan Alt, senior vice president for public affairs, Volvo Group North America

Volvo Group manufactures heavy trucks under the brand names of Mack Trucks, Volvo Trucks, Volvo construction equipment, Volvo Penta marine engines, Prevost and Nova transit coaches and city buses. The Volvo Group has six manufacturing facilities in the United States, in the States of Virginia, Tennessee, Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York and we are headquartered in North Carolina.

We rely on more than 50,000 truckloads of freight, of material coming into our factories each year. We rely heavily on the Ports of Norfolk and Baltimore to import 25 percent of our production material, and those same ports plus the Port of Charleston, South Carolina, for the export of our finished goods. We rely on the entire Interstate Highway System for the movement of our material, most notably Interstate 81, as four of our factories are located on or very near it. It is America’s infrastructure that makes all of this possible. The health of America’s freight network matters because it is important that our American manufacturing operations remain competitive in a global economy. In recent years the industry has embraced ‘‘just in time’’ or lean manufacturing philosophies that reduce manufacturing material in the production line. This new efficiency has manifested as a substantial benefit to Volvo, our customers and the economy as a whole. However, to be efficient, we have to have the right material at the right place at the right time.

In modern manufacturing, we cannot have excess inventory in our assembly or our delivery process. We deliver parts to the production line just as it is needed for assembly. Our ability to move parts from our supplier to our factory and finished goods from our factory to our end customer relies on the infrastructure of America. There are disturbances we can plan for, but what we cannot control for is unexpected delays due to congestion. This is where we get into real trouble. When, for example, a truck is caught in a traffic jam and cannot make its delivery, the ripple effect of that one delivery can be costly. It means we do not build the product on time, tying up capital. It means the product will have to be reworked, tying up man- hours, not following manufacturing quality processes. It means sending workers home early. It means not delivering to the customer on time and hurting our competitiveness all because of that one missed shipment.

Mr. PETRI. Chicago is where the railroad industry came together 150 years ago. Trains went to Chicago, and they went west from Chicago, and you can go to the center of Chicago and north, south, east, west tracks are the same grade level. They have to stop and wait for each other. I understand anyone who sees railroad cars up in my part of that area they are covered with graffiti because these trains stopped for hours or days negotiating their way through Chicago. And we understand still they take freight off one railroad, put it on trucks, drive it through Chicago to another railroad. In this age of ‘‘just in time’’ delivery and mobility, this is a significant burden on commerce,

Mr. BENNETT. You know, the story was it would take 2 days to go from Los Angeles to Chicago and 2 days through Chicago and then another 2 days to the east coast. Six of the seven major national Class I railroads come through the Chicago metropolitan area.

Ms. NORTON. And yet this is a crossroads of the United States, perhaps dramatically pointing to the need to create a stronger focus. We note that with the TIGER grants, which are probably the only lump sum we have for such intermodal projects, when freight competes with what people experience every day, which is getting in their own cars, freight sometimes loses out. So my question here goes to how do we get the focus on funding freight. When you consider, for example, that MAP–21 scratches the surface, if you will forgive the pun, of just daily transportation across the roads, of course freight uses that, too, but do you think, for example, that there should be a separate set-aside for freight? Do you think there should be a freight-only fund?

Ms. ALT. I do not think the consumers would accept an increase for freight because they do not appreciate the fact that it is the freight that brings them everything that they have every day.

Mr. MAIER. If you look at our business today, the fundamental change that is occurring is e-commerce, which means that, you know, 10 or 15 years ago packages went primarily to businesses. You know, with the growth of the World Wide Web and shopping online, more and more of our packages are going to people’s homes. And to be frank, I mean, that has changed the business. Package weights have come down, for instance, as shipments that used to be destined to a manufacturing facility or a distributor or to a retail store, those packages are now becoming smaller because they are going directly to somebody’s home. And in our business, our volume, and this would be LTL and certainly parcel express or ground, our business goes to where people are. So you have to look at population centers.

FedEx Ground is headquartered just outside of Pittsburgh. Last fall the Pennsylvania Department of Transportation imposed weight limits on approximately 1,000 bridges in the State. Now, they did that to slow deterioration and extend the operational life of the bridges pending the approval of transportation funding legislation that was subsequently signed last November. This requires transportation companies like ours to take alternate routes to go around those bridges and adds time and cost. We burn more fuel. We create more carbon emission. I mean, it requires us to engineer our network differently based on those changes, and that creates, you know, costs that we have to figure out how to cover somehow.

There are only 11 States in the country that allow the use of 33 footers within the border. We need Congress to change the policy so that we can use them nationwide.

Ms. ALT. Yes. So the Federal excise tax is 12 percent of the purchase price of the vehicle. Taking natural gas aside for a second, since 2010 the cost of the typical truck has gone up from an average of around $100,000 to $125,000.  And you add 12 percent to the purchase price, and the $25,000 increase has come from emission reduction control systems. So we have cleaner trucks. They are the cleanest they ever have been, and that is a great thing, but they cost a whole lot more to produce. So in the last 4 years, Federal excise tax went from $12,000 on a $100,000 truck to now another $3,000 more just to meet emissions. So the Federal excise tax already has been dramatically increased because the purchase price of the trucks has gone up so dramatically because of emissions. When we sell a truck with natural gas, primarily because the fuel tanks themselves are very expensive, you are now getting to sometimes as close to $200,000 for the cost of a truck, and regardless of a cleaner truck or a lower emission truck, you are paying 12 percent on the purchase price of that truck. So it is hard for the buyer to actually have to pay that extra tax. So they are being burdened.

Ms. HAHN. cargo leaves Los Angeles and takes maybe 48 hours to get to Chicago and then another 30 hours to get through Chicago. What do you think are some proposals out there? What are the best proposals we have out there for that last mile before it leaves or meets its destination of our cargo? And what can we do to really ease congestion, which in my mind will certainly help you on your own time deliveries? It also reduces pollution. We know that when trucks line up for that last hour queue getting in and out of ports, that is sometimes the worst pollution in those neighboring communities.  What is a proposal out there or a recommendation that we could make to ease congestion in the last mile?

Ms. ALT. We have electric trucks, but the big, heavy ones we would not be able to haul any load because we would have 50,000 pounds of batteries unfortunately.

Mr. BENNETT. grade crossings are very expensive, around $50 million per grade crossing,

Mrs. NAPOLITANO. People cannot afford $125,000 with the new equipment for environmental purposes. So they buy used ones and so we continue to pollute.

Mr. BARLETTA. I understand completely the impact that freight has on our local roads. And my question to you would be: how can we better assist the States as they support these critical roads and bridges, especially in light of Mr. Maier’s observation that the volume of freight moving by truck is expected to more than double by 2035? And then putting hard hat and mayor’s hat back on, being in a construction industry, I also know the difference between an interstate highway and a local road. I know there is up to 12 inches of concrete on an interstate, and I also know there is only a few inches of asphalt on the local road. My question to Mayor Bennett is: can you discuss the impact of freight on the first and last mile? And how do localities bear this burden?

Mr. BENNETT. It is obviously a lot of money, and as far as the situation in our community, and I think it was mentioned in California also, is that the last mile literally is most of these grade separations need to be fixed around the intermodal system of trains and freight or transport of freight from those trains to the highways, and it is in and around those rail yards. So it is all tied together. The cost of doing that for a local community is unbearable. It is a $50 million cost. It is not so much the roadway itself. It is the overpass or underpass that costs the huge amounts of money for the local government.

Mr. GOTTLIEB. Thank you. The first and last mile connections are critical and vital to have an effective network, and one of the things we have had happen in our State is we have become a leader in the production of frack sand for hydraulic fracturing, and we are sort of a hub for it in the western part of the State. And one of the things we have found as we have looked at the increasing demand for the transportation of frack sand both by rail and on the highway system is that we do not really have a big problem on our system, but when you get off of the State system and you get close to these facilities, then there can be problems.

 

 

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Water as a geopolitical threat. U.S. House of Representatives

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Preface. Water scarcity is causing unrest and could led to war in Asia and the Middle East.

There’s a website that keeps track of conflicts over water going back for 3,000 years here — 655 of them.   The prevalence of conflict is increasing, from 2010 through 2018 there were 279 fights over water, 45% of all water conflicts in history.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

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House 113-127. January 16, 2014. Water as a geopolitical threat. U.S. House of Representatives,

EXCERPTS:

DANA ROHRABACHER, CALIFORNIA.  We examine the topic of water as a strategic resource and its potential use as a threat.

Those of us who have lived around water our whole lives may be unaware of how water may be manipulated maliciously for both material gain and for political coercion. Although in our country’s history, I think it is very clear that there were water wars and people in conflict or people in great accomplishments of people working together, that our country’s history is filled with focusing on the issue of water.

Our witnesses today made clear such conduct is routine when it comes to countries like Communist China that routine conduct is manipulation of water for power’s sake. As our witness today, Gordon Chang will explain, China’s illegal occupation of Tibet puts it in control of the roof of the world and thus, the headwaters that service half the world’s population. We could be confident that resulting water disputes would be handled responsibly and reasonably, perhaps solved in international forums or in agreements like many other countries do, if that is we could be confident in that if China were a country that wasn’t the world’s worst human rights (1) abuser that has had no political reform whatsoever in these last 20 years when we have seen such incredible reform in other and former communist countries. Our Congressional Research Service testimony makes clear that most of these matters in terms of water are resolved through negotiations and peaceably and I might say remarkably these issues are solved by people acting responsibly and providing leadership and reaching out to people and to find solutions. Some of the 300 agreements over the last 70 years have unfolded in that way. Today, a warning alarm is sounding about China’s control of such water resources because we have seen that China, even in the last few months, is not so reasonable when it is making its territorial claims. China isn’t the only flash point for the water issue, however, and water controversies are nothing new.

Water is a volatile issue in the Middle East today, for example, but if you read the history, water played a very significant role in creating the environment that led to the Six Day War back in 1967. Basically, that conflict began when the Syrian Government decided to dam up waters that were flowing into Israel followed by an Israeli air attack which destroyed those dams. Then Egypt and other Arab neighbors were called into the conflict and it almost led to a superpower confrontation which would have been a disaster for the whole planet. And that all began with what, a water controversy over how much water was going to be flowing into Israel and the attempt by Syria to dam up that water. Today, there are heartening signs, however,

The situation involving the basin countries in the Nile River, for example, deserves watching and we need to look at this very closely because the Nile, of course, flows through ten different countries and Egypt is one of the final ones and basically Egypt views the Nile as its primary national security and economic lifeline. So with so many countries upstream, that is an area we have got to look and try to work with these powers to make sure that there are again efforts made for cooperation, rather than confrontation. This subcommittee held a hearing in July of last year on the dam controversy between Tajikistan and Uzebekistan and that was a controversy that is now at the high level international conference of water cooperation which opened up in August. The Uzbeks are arguing that the proposed Rogun Dam in Tajikistan would cost them some $600 million a year. Since this issue has not been resolved, we will continue to monitor it closely.

I have studied the history of water between California and the other border states and Mexico. And I think we have played pretty hardball with the Mexicans on this. And I think there have been very legitimate complaints on the part of Mexico in the past that the United States was not operating with them with the same type of sincerity and the same type of respect that we should have been doing to a country that is our neighbor that we wanted to maintain a peaceful relationship with.

According to the State Department, nearly 800 million people around the world do not have access to clean water. More than 1.5 billion still lack access to improved sanitation facilities. Each year, more than 4 billion cases of diarrhea caused 2.2 million deaths. Most are in children under the age of 5. In addition to the lives lost, the total economic losses associated with inadequate clean water supply and sanitation is estimated at more than $250 billion annually. The scarcity of clean water and sanitation disproportionately affects women and children. In many countries, women and young girls bear responsibility for meeting the water needs of the entire family. Collecting water can consume up to 5 hours a day, time that could be spent in school or improving their families’ livelihoods.

Mr. BLUMENAUER.  What we are seeing in Syria today, the experts tell us, is in no small measure a result of sustained drought that drove almost 1 million farmers to migrate to urban areas, hungry, jobless, and was a flash point for that initial protest against the regime as Assad had no interest or ability to deal with it.

Over the next 20 years, we are going to see more urban instability due to population increase, disease, poverty, and social unrest. We have been working with the United States and international partners making some progress, but we risk reversing that progress that we have made due to the explosive population growth that is going to occur in sprawling urban slums which is difficult and expensive to provide sanitation, quickly leading to pollution and disease.

JEREMY M. SHARP, SPECIALIST IN MIDDLE EASTERN AFFAIRS, FOREIGN AFFAIRS, DEFENSE, AND TRADE DIVISION, CONGRESSIONAL RESEARCH SERVICE

I will provide an overview of the so-called Red-Dead Canal and its potential implications for U.S. policy. To the surprise of many outside observers, just over a month ago, the World Bank Headquarters here in Washington, Israeli, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordon, and the Palestinian Authority signed a tri-lateral Memorandum of Understanding, or MOU. This MOU outlines a series of water-sharing agreements which includes the initial phase construction of what has been informally referred to as the Red-Dead Canal. The Red-Dead Canal is a decades-old plan to provide fresh water to water-scarce countries in the surrounding area while simultaneously restoring the Dead Sea, which has been shrinking at an alarming rate. The original Red-Dead concept was to pump water from the Red Sea and desalinate it for use by the participating countries. The leftover brine would then be gradually channeled to the Dead Sea, helping restore the sea’s receding water levels. Regional environmentalists have long criticized plans to restore the Dead Sea using Red Sea water. They warn that the transfusion of water from the Red Sea into the Dead Sea could have serious ecological consequences that would negatively impact both Dead Sea tourism and industry. In 2005, the World Bank sponsored what became an 8-year-long feasibility study of the Red-Dead Canal concept. Almost a year ago to the day, various media outlets reported that construction firms involved in the feasibility study had declared that the project was technically feasible, although it would come with a steep price tag, costing at least $10 billion and take years to construct. The Kingdom of Jordan has vigorously pursued the Red-Dead Canal concept. Jordan is one of the most water-deprived countries in the world and is constantly searching for new water resources. The civil war in neighboring Syria is exacerbating Jordan’s water crisis as over 1/2 million Syrian refugees have fled to Jordan increasing the population by 9 percent within just 2 years. In August 2013, the Jordanian Government announced its intent to construct a scaled-down version of the canal entirely on Jordanian territory. In terms of scale and cost what the Jordanians have announced and agreed on with Israel and the Palestinian Authority is far less ambitious than the initial Red-Dead concept. Estimates suggest that construction of the desalinization plan and pipeline under the new MOU may cost between $450 million to $1 billion. However, it is unclear who will pay for the new project.

For Jordan, the MOU could be considered a major diplomatic achievement. Though the current plan is a scaled-down version of the original concept, the Kingdom will receive additional fresh water resources at a time of heightened scarcity, owing to the Syrian civil war. Nevertheless, as the title of this hearing suggests, security and political challenges remain. Arab cooperative infrastructure projects with Israel could be possible targets for extremist violence as has been the case in Egypt, where gas pipelines traversing the Sinai peninsula to Israel and Jordan have been repeatedly sabotaged by terrorists.

Regional environmentalists have long criticized plans to restore the Dead Sea using Red Sea water. They warn that the transfusion of water from the Red Sea into the Dead Sea could have serious ecological consequences, including large scale growth or algae and formation or gypsum that would negatively impact both Dead Sea tourism and industry. Some of these environmentalists propose instead that countries should stop diverting water from the Jordan River, which feeds into the Dead Sea.

There are also risks associated with doing nothing, such as potential instability in a water-deprived Jordan. If living conditions in Jordan deteriorated further, one could argue that tile stability of a dependable Arab partner for tile United States and a reliable peace partner for Israel would be jeopardized. Over the past few years. rural southern Jordan has witnessed repeated protests coming from within tribal communities that serve as the bedrock of the monarchy. These areas require economic development if they are to remain stable.

MAURA MOYNIHAN, AUTHOR & ACTIVIST

Below is the text from her slides: CLIMATE CHANGE IN TIBET ASIA’S RIVERS AT RISK Maura Moynihan

http://docs.house.gov/meetings/FA/FA14/20140116/101658/HHRG-113-FA14-Wstate-MoynihanM-20140116.pdf

The Tibetan Plateau is a unique geomorphic entity, its 46,000 glaciers comprise the Earth’s third largest ice mass. This “Third Pole” is a vital component of the planet’s ecosystem, filled with minerals, timber and above all, water; Tibet is the fount of the Yangtze, Yellow, Indus, Ganges, Brahmaputra, Chenab, Sutlej, Salween and Mekong, which flow through 11 nations, nourishing three billion people from Peshawar to Beijing. The preservation and management of Tibet’s glaciers and the rivers they sustain is one of the greatest challenges facing humanity in the 21st century. Tibet’s waters flow through eleven countries, where population growth and industrial development is projected to double within 50 years. The combined effects of rapid development, desertification and water scarcity has already created extreme cycles of droughts and floods, food shortages and pandemics.

SHRINKING GLACIERS, DEPLETED AQUIFERS

  • In 2009 the United Nations Inter-Governmental Panel on Climate Change reported that the glaciers on the Tibetan Plateau, the source of fresh water for a fifth of the world’s population, are receding at an alarming rate. Temperatures in Tibetan are rising 7 times as faster than in China. Scientists predict that most Tibetan glaciers could vanish by 2035 if present levels of carbon gas emissions are not reduced. Carbon emissions must be cut by 80% by 2030 to preserve the glaciers, of Tibet, the source of water for, China, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Burma, Thailand, Vietnam and Laos.
  • Asia is now facing a shrinkage of river-based irrigation water supplies, which will disrupts grain and rice harvests. Overpumping is swiftly depleting underground water resources in India and China. Water tables are rapidly falling in the North China Plain, East Asia’s principal grain producing region. In India, wells are going dry in almost every state.
  • The United States international climate negotiator Todd Stern stated “the science is clear, and the threat is real. The facts on the ground are outstripping the worst case scenarios. The costs of inaction-or inadequate actions-are unacceptable.”

Industrial Development in an Age of Scarcity

70% of the world’s irrigated farmland is in Asia. China and India, the world’s most populous nations and largest grain producers, have millions of new irrigation projects that are rapidly depleting aquifers. Satellite images released in August 2009 by the National Aerospace and Space Administration (NASA) of the United States show massive depletion of groundwater storage in Rajasthan, Punjab and Haryana during the 2002-2008. Indian government data shows that major reservoirs have shrunk by 70% since 2000. Deglaciation on the Tibetan Plateau, combined with depletion of underground water resources, could create “permanent famine conditions”, as described by the environmental scientist Lester Brown in his 1995 Worldwatch Institute report “Who Will Feed China?” China’s growth has pushed rivers system to a dangerous tipping point. Two thirds of all cites in China are short of water, agricultural runoff from chemical fertilizers, industrial effluent and urban waste have poisoned reservoirs. China’s Environmental Protection Administration reports that that environmental protests are rising by 50% a year. Since 1949, two-thirds of the Yangtze Valley lakes have disappeared, today the total surface area of lakes in the middle and lower Yangtze Valley has shrunk from 18,000 square kilometers to 7,000 in 50 years.

Today, all but one Asia’s major rivers – the Ganges – are controlled at their sources by the Chinese Communist Party

  • In a mere quarter century the People’s Republic of China has risen from poverty and isolation into the 21st century’s emergent superpower. China’s rise as an industrial and military super power has dramatically altered the global balance of power in the quest for what remains of the planet’s resources. The Chinese government dismisses concerns of its own scientists and those of neighboring states, alarmed by a sudden decline in water levels and fish stocks, caused by hydro dams. China has increased militarization of the Tibetan Plateau and strictly controls journalists, scientists and international observers who seek to research conditions in Tibet.
  • Few international agreements exist for sharing data and coordinating usage of these rivers. As developing nations manage water supplies as economic commodities in an age of scarcity, water rights and laws must be reappraised in the context of the climate crisis. The effects of receding glaciers and rivers choked by hydro dams will be felt well beyond the borders of the Tibetan Plateau, with profound impacts over a wide area in Asia and great risks of increased poverty, reduced trade and economic turmoil. In the 1990’s China refused to sign the UN treaty on transboundary rivers.
  • Since Chairman Mao invaded Tibet in 1951, China has administered a huge military infrastructure across the Tibetan Plateau, which gives China a continuous border with Thailand, Burma, Bhutan, India, Nepal and Pakistan, and is now filled with military airfields and PLA battalions. In the coming age of “water wars”, China has a firm hand on the water tower of Asia.

THE THREE PHASES of the CHINESE COMMUNIST OCCUPATION of TIBET

PHASE 1: 1950’s – 1960’s: MILITARY INVASION

From 1951-56, Khampa Warriors fight back against Chinese aggression. THE PLA sends reinforcements, thousands of survivors from Kham and Amdo are driven into Utsang. In 1957 HHDL and Panchen Rinpoche go to Varanasi for Buddha Jayanti: HHDL asks Nehru for refuge to expose Chinese atrocities in Tibet. Cho EnLai tells Nehru to send HHDL back to Tibet. Two years later, the Chushi Gandruk delivers HHDL to Indian custody. Nehru’s Hindi-Chini Bhai-Bhai policy, which gave China control of Tibet, becomes one of the great blunders of the 20th century. 1959; HHDL escapes to India. PLA troops slaughter Tibetan civilians and commence looting and razing of over 6,000 monasteries. The PLA advances to the borders of India, Bhutan, Sikkim, Nepal and Ladhak.

  • In 1962 China invades India from the Tibetan Plateau and occupies large swaths of Indian territory, India is defeated, China commences its military consolidation the plateau, unhindered.
  • 1963: Tibet is sealed behind the Bamboo Curtain and caught in the catastrophe of the Great Leap Forward, wherein 60-80 million people die under Mao’s adoption of the Soviet model of collectivized farming. 1.2 Tibetans, likely more, are killed through armed conflict and famine. NO news of conditions inside China Tibet reaches international governments or media. US launches the Vietnam War to contain Chinese expansionism, while millions in China are starving to death.
  • Chinese Military Engineers build roads across and install military bases and armed encampments across the Tibetan Plateau. Millions of acres of virgin forest is clear-cut and shipped to the mainland

CHINA IN TIBET: Phase 2: 1970-1980’s: The DEATH of MAO and the rise of DENG

  • ORPHANS OF THE COLD WAR: The Tibetan people are imprisoned behind the Bamboo Curtain throughout the Cultural Revolution, which is extremely vicious in Tibet.
  • 1976 Mao Zedong dies. 1981 Deng Xiaoping comes to power. Deng launches the policy of “Reform and Opening Up”. China builds the Friendship Highway linking Lhasa and Kathmandu.
  • 1980; Yu Habong visits Tibet and writes his famous White Paper condemning China’s treatment of the Tibetan people. The Deng regime relaxes restrictions on Tibetan religion and culture. In 1981, China issues the first tourist visas to Tibet for western travelers.
  • MILITARY ROADS built by the PLA across Tibet in Phase 1 of the occupation, allow massive population transfer of Han Chinese onto the Tibetan Plateau.
  • The roads also facilitate a 2nd exodus of refugees to escape from Tibet: since the 1980’s over 20,000 people have escaped from Tibet.
  • 1987: Anti-Chinese demonstrations break out in Lhasa. For the first time since the Chinese invasion, tourists capture images of extreme military repression.
  • These images reach the international press; China’s Tibet is at last EXPOSED – and CHINA DECLARES MARTIAL LAW

CHINA IN TIBET: Phase 3: 1990’s 2000’s MINES, DAMS and WAR GAMES

  • 1988-1989; MORE demonstrations in Lhasa are captured by tourist cameras. China starts restricting western tourists by periodically banning western tourists.
  • 1989: The Berlin Wall goes down, but the Tiananmen Square Massacre follows: The death of Hu Yabong summons millions of Chinese mourners into the streets of Beijing. Gorbachev arrives in Beijing, students from Beijing University launch a hunger strike in support of democratic reforms in China’s government. After a month-long stand-off, Deng orders PLA troops into the square to crush the protestors. Thousands of unarmed Chinese citizens are slaughtered.
  • In response to the Tiananmen Square Massacre, HH Dalai Lama is awarded the 1989 Noble Peace Prize. The true history of the China’s rape and pillage of Tibet is exposed. BUT as HHDLs’ start rises, China cracks down harder on the people of Tibet.
  • 1995 : Despite pressure from the US congress and rights groups, US President Bill Clinton grants China MFN: Most Favored Nation Trading Status, removing all trade sanctions imposed on the PRC after The Tiananmen Square Massacre. China implements the Strike Hard” Policy: banning all images of HH Dalai Lama, enforcing Communist Re-education at monasteries, aggressive suppression of Tibetan ethnic identity.

CHINA IN TIBET: Phase 3: 1990’s 2000’s Mines, Dams and War Games continued…

2000: China is granted entry into the World Trade Organization and launches XI BU DAI FA: ”The Opening Up of the Western Regions” a vast industrial development plan, to exploit and extract Tibet’s vast natural resources, facilitated by rail and roadway expansion.

2001: 9/11 strikes New York City. China fades from international attention and scrutiny, and accelerates exploitation of Tibet’s natural resources. Chinese engineers launch construction of huge mining operations and hydro dams on Tibet’s rivers, which flow into South and Southeast Asia.

2006: The Qinghai–Xizang railway OPENS in LHASA, bringing millions of tourists into Tibet. The railroad also facilitates the transport of minerals, stone and lumber from Tibet, and brings over 250,000 Chinese engineers into Tibet.

2010: China announces that it has built 6 military airfields in Utsang, and debuts a new fleet of drone aircraft, with technology the US claims has been stolen by Chinese spies. A 2012 US Dept. of Defense report to Congress on China’s military capabilities notes Beijing’s push to develop longer-range unmanned aircraft, including armed drones, “expands China’s options for long-range reconnaissance and strike.”

In 2000 China launched a vast development project entitled “Xi bu dai fa”, the “Opening and development of the Western Regions” of Xinjiang and Tibet, which together comprise half of China’s land mass.

POPULATION TRANSFER: A massive influx of Chinese settlers, urbanization and forced relocation of nomads swiftly followed. The Xizang railway, which opened in 2006, transports Tibet’s vast supplies of minerals, stone and lumber to the mainland and brings in a flood of Chinese engineers and laborers who have built at least 160 hydro dams across Tibet and have plans for hundreds more.

The Chinese government is aggressively re-settling Tibetan nomads and pastoralists into concrete housing complexes. Xinhua, the Chinese state run media, claims the resettlement is necessary to protect the source area of key Chinese rivers in north-west China’s Qinghai province. Dr. Andreas Schild, the Director General of the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development said; “Mountains without mountain people will be not sustainable.”

MINES and DAMS: Chinese engineers now operate multiple dams and mines all across Tibet, polluting the rivers at their source – you can find images on Google Earth and on Michael Buckley’s comprehensive website www.meltdownintibet.com The Chinese mainland is also imperiled: in April 2013, Yangtze River water flows were at their lowest level in record. Dams and industrial waste have caused the Yellow River to dry up before it reaches the sea. Large swaths of northern China have had no snow or rain since 2008. Nearly half of China’s wheat crop, covering of 9.5 million hectares, was afflicted by drought. In 2008 China’s State Council admitted: “ By 2030, China will have exploited all its available water supplies to the limit”.

To date, at least 131 people inside Tibet have self-immolated to protest of Chinese Communist assaults on Tibetan religion and culture and the desecration of Tibet’s ancestral lands. There is another potent source of this explosion of Tibetan outrage, which receives negligible international coverage; the covert history of China’s rape and pillage of Tibet’s ancestral lands and waters. The elemental facts about Tibet’s size, wealth of natural resources, and its strategic location on the Eurasian Continent, are not widely understood, but satellite images, maps and environmental studies of the Tibetan Plateau reveal the enormous resource and strategic advantage gained by its capture. and explains why China refuses to enter into dialogue with the Dalai Lama, or share information with the nations of South and Southeast Asia about the exploitation of Tibet’s lands and waters. CHINA’S OCCUPATION of TIBET has created a looming environmental catastrophe for the nations of South and Southeast Asia, but China refuses to discuss its development plans with neighboring states.

TIME MAGAZINE states that despite the wave of self-immolations in Tibet is the “Most under-reported story of 2013

CHINA’S ATTACKS on the DALAI LAMA SUBVERT DISCUSSION of the EXPLOITATION of TIBET’S RESOUCRES

China has succeeded in its mission to isolate and discredit the Dalai Lama by punishing heads of state who meet with the Tibetan leader and threatening any institution that invites him to speak, thereby stifling any discussion of China’s oppressive and destructive governance of Tibet. A study from the University of Gottingen in Germany of countries whose top leadership met with the Dalai Lama, showed that they incurred an average 8.1 percent loss in exports to China in the two years following the meeting. Called the “Dalai Lama Effect,” the found the negative impact on exports began when Hu Jintao took office in 2002. China’s obsessive demonization of the Dalai Lama, the distinguished Nobel Peace Prize Laureate who has lived in exile in India since 1959, has succeeded in subverting all rational and increasingly urgent discussion of China’s exploitation of Tibet’s resources, and how Chinese mining and hydro dams projects across Tibet have created a looming environmental catastrophe in Asia, the world’s most populous continent. Despite irrefutable evidence of the dangers of over-exploiting Tibet’s water resources, the Chinese government will not modify or downscale plans for dams, tunnels, railroads and highways across the Tibetan plateau. Of all the countries which depend of Tibet’s waters, the People’s Republic of China alone, can finance any project it chooses without recourse to international lenders.

TIBET IS A WAR ZONE

In 2012, Chinese Defense Minister Liang Guanglie stated: “In the coming five years, our military will push forward preparations for military conflict in every strategic direction…We may be living in peaceful times, but we can never forget war, never send the horses south or put the bayonets and guns away.” In 2009, computer analyst Greg Walton examined computers in the Dalai Lama’s Private Office in Dharamshala and uncovered “Ghost Net”, a massive Chinese cyberespionage hacking system which penetrated 103 countries, as far as the personal laptop of US Defense Secretary Robert Gates. Sec. of Defense Robert Gates stated that “Chinese cyber espionage intrusions into US defense networks is nothing less than an act of war”. Tourists who have visited Tibet provide witness: A physician from Boston who went to Tibet in Nov. 2013, observed; “The Tibetan people appeared totally dominated by a chilling degree of militarization and repression. I did not see any ways or means by which the Tibetans could fight back against such overwhelming force. I could see people wanted to talk to me but were too afraid…I have never seen such a ruthless, cruel and effective police state in my life.”

The Chinese Communist leadership is facing a crisis of legitimacy, at home and abroad

  • The Chinese economy is in decline. For decades CCP propaganda has been highly effective in promoting China as the new military and economic super power of the 21st century, but financial analysts are concerned about bad debt, a real estate bubble and declining exports.
  • There are violent uprisings in China EVERY DAY: in 2010 over 100,000 “incidents” occurred. The CCP propaganda machine is weakening. Chinese netizens are subverting Xinhua and censorship: images of police brutality are now widely circulated.
  • China’s “Peaceful Rise” is now seen as a threat to global stability. China has installed a formidable military-industrial infrastructure across the high ground of the Tibetan Plateau, with military roads, airfields, army bases, dams, mines bordering Burma, Bhutan, Nepal, India, Pakistan. At the ASEAN Conference in Bali in Nov. 2011, representatives from Vietnam and Cambodia vehemently criticized Chinese aggression in Southeast Asia and asked for American protection from the “Chinese Threat.”
  • In 2013 Chinese Troops made over 200 incursions into Indian territory from TIBET. Chinese soldiers planted the Chinese flag in three regions of Bhutan that border Tibet, and are now claiming sovereignty over “Southern Tibet”, all Tibetan cultural zones in India, Nepal and Bhutan.

THE PRICE OF APPEASEMENT For six decades the People’s Republic of China has raped and pillaged Tibet without impediment or penalty But the world will pay a high price for IGNORING the Chinese Communist occupation of Tibet….So goes the old saying:

HE WHO CONTROLS TIBET CONTROLS THE WORLD

Moynihan testimony at the house session

This is a NASA astronaut photograph of Tibet. One great success of Chinese propaganda is to persuade the world that Tibet is insignificant, that it is a lot smaller than it is, but it wasn’t until the 20th century, the era of armed warfare, airplane, and the tank that Tibet could be conquered. Even Ghengis Khan failed. So here is another NASA astronaut photograph of the Tibetan Plateau which is considered the third pole. It is the third largest ice mass concentration on planet Earth after the North and the South Pole. And in Asian folklore, it is known as the western treasure house because it is also one of the world’s largest suppliers of minerals. Next slide. This is a 1920s British map of independent Tibet and as you can see in the insert just how large the Tibetan Plateau is. Tibetan Plateau is a unique geomorphic entity with 46,000 glaciers comprising the world’s third largest ice mass, but what is significant about this in the age of water scarcity is that it is the source of the great rivers of Asia, the Yangtze, the Yellow, the Indus, the Ganges, the Brahmaputra, the Chenab, the Sutleg, the Salween, and the Mekong which flow through 11 nations, nourishing 3 billion people from Peshawar to Beijing. They all rise in Tibet. And the preservation and the management of Tibet’s glaciers and the rivers they sustain is one of the greatest challenges facing humanity in the 21st century because Asia is the most populist nation and industrial development and population growth is projected to double within the next 50 years. The combined effects of rapid development, decertification, and water scarcity has already create cycles of droughts and flood, food shortages and pandemics. But what is China doing about this? Shrinking glaciers, depleting aquifers. I am going to skip over some of this in the interest of

Asia is now facing a very serious water crisis.

Today, all of Asia’s rivers except one, the Ganges, are controlled at their sources by the Chinese Communist party. There are very few international agreements that exist for sharing data and coordinating usage of these rivers. As developing nations manage water supplies as an economic commodity in the age of scarcity, water rights and laws must be appraises. However, China has refused to engage in any negotiations with the downstream riparian nations on the use of Tibet’s waters. Here is a map which shows where the major rivers come from. There is four that come from eastern Tibet and four that come from western Tibet from Mount Kailash. Again, the Ganges originates just a few kilometers outside of control of the Chinese Communist Party. Now, most maps will only show U-Tsang Province which is in yellow as being Tibet, but in the 1950s and into the early 1960s, the Chinese partitioned Tibet as it moved from east to west. Amdo Province, Kham Province have all been partitioned into Quinghai, into Ganze, into all these other provinces, but this is historical Tibet, so you can see how large it is. It comprises almost one third of Communist China’s land mass. As you can see, this is another important map. It shows China’s grip on Asia and the occupation of Tibet gives China an enormous strategic and resource advantage. This is a map I got next from a Japanese Web site which—next slide, which shows the major ethnic regions. And of course, China learned a lesson from the collapse of the Soviet Union which my father predicted would happen through the forces of ethnicity. China is, in fact, a multi-ethnic state. The one star of the Han and the four stars of the other groups declares that it is a multi-ethnic state. And as you can see in yellow that is East Turkestan, the Uighur people; Tibet, Inner Mongolia, and Manchuria. So there is potential for ethnic conflict also again over exploitation of resources. There are the three main faces of the Chinese Communist occupation of Tibet. Phase 1, 1960s, military invasion. And that is when the deforestation, especially of eastern Tibet began. Millions upon millions of acres of first-growth forest were destroyed at this time which had for many centuries functioned also as a barrier to prevent flooding into Southeast Asia and Southwest China. Phase 2, the death of Mao, the rise of Deng and these are details you can go into later when you have more time.

Now we are into Phase 3 which is mines, dams, and war games. In Phase 2, a lot of military roads were built across Tibet. I have traveled over Tibet several times. As my friend and colleague, Paul Berkowitz said, it is very, very remote and you can see that there is no one to stop the Chinese. There will be no NATO. There will no NATO troops. There will be no U.N. peacekeeping forces. They control the roof of the world. And now because of the population transfer of Han Chinese onto the Tibetan Plateau, and the military infrastructure that they installed, they have been able to now in Phase 3 build thousands upon thousands of hydro-electric dams and mines and military airstrips and military garrisons. In 2000, China launched a vast development project called Xi Bu Dai Fa, opening a development of the western regions of Xizang and Tibet which together comprise half of Communist China’s land mass.

Here is a hydro dam on the Sengye Kabab which means mouth of the lion. Before these were Chinese rivers, Indian rivers, they were Tibetan rivers and there is an enormous body of folklore and mythology associated with all these rivers. Sengye Kabab means mouth of the lion. This is the Indus which flows through India and Pakistan. This is one of the many, many—okay, this is one of the most serious sources of conflict between Communist China and democratic India which is diverting the Yarlung Tsangpo, a Tibetan name, which is the Brahmaputra in the north south water transfer program. The Chinese are building a tunnel to divert the waters of the Brahmaputra to northern China which has been suffering from extreme drought conditions for many, many years.

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Could you please repeat where you said the water is being diverted from where to where?

Ms. MOYNIHAN. From the bend in the Brahmaputra as it flows down into northern India and into Bangladesh.  Here is a dam on the Mekong. There are over seven hydro-electric dams on the Mekong which is the main source of fresh water for all of Southeast Asia.

Mr. ROHRABACHER. Is that actually affecting the amount of water that flows into Southeast Asia then?

Ms. MOYNIHAN. Absolutely. Water flows on the Mekong are said to be down 40 to 50 percent and fish stocks have also declined dramatically. And I met with several Thai senators who were flown by the Chinese Government to northern Tibet to look at the dam projects of which they are very proud and the Thai senators——

Mr. ROHRABACHER. And that water is going to be used in China?  The water then, rather than flowing into the Mekong which is a very wide river, now you say the water is being diverted from there to and it is staying in China then?

Ms. MOYNIHAN. Yes. It is being used to create reservoirs that mostly serve southern Tibet and southwestern China and to create hydro-electric. This is a very important map created by my friend, Michael Buckley, whose Web site meltdown in Tibet, I encourage everybody to visit. This shows some of the hydro dams on the Drichu, the Zachu, and the Gyalmo Ngulchu which are the Mekong, the Salween and the Yangtze. Just look how many hydro-electric dams. There are dams that are 10 to 15 feet high and the tallest dam in the world is on the Mekong. The widest dam is at Three Gorges on the Yangtze. But you can ese this is creating a looming environmental crisis in all of South and Southeast Asia. Next slide. China has over 300,000 dams. It is the world’s number one dam builder. You can see most of the concentration of dams are in Tibet, the four rivers of eastern Tibet. Tibet was always called in the nation’s folklore the western treasure house because of the mineral, oil, gas, and salt deposits. Again, you can study these maps in detail. Another important issue is the decline of permafrost in Tibet which will release methane gas and the shrinking glaciers are also of tremendous concern. If we go to the next, there is the map of the melting permafrost. Next slide. This is a glacial lake created near the Rongbuk glacier on the northern side of Mount Everest in Chinese-occupied Tibet. In the last 90 years, the glacier’s tail has lost 90 vertical meters in depth.

Why is this one of the most under reported stories in the world? China spends so much time attacking the Dalai Lama, the distinguished Nobel Peace Prize laureate who has lived for almost 55 years in exile in India. What has this done? It confused diplomats, but it subverts all discussions of the exploitation of Tibet’s resources. My dad always said the Chinese have a perverse obsession with the Dalai Lama, but it works because it diverts everyone’s attention to this strange obsession they have and we are not talking about what is going on in Tibet—next slide, please—because Tibet is a war zone. In 2012, Chinese Defense Minister Liang Guanglie said, ‘‘In the coming 5 years, our military will push forward with preparations for military conflict in every strategic direction. We may be living in peaceful times, but we can never forget war, never send the horses south or put the bayonets and guns away.’’

The Chinese are not about to engage in any negotiation, which you see are possible in the Middle East and other conflict zones, about the use of Tibet’s waters. There is a map next of China’s military investment and expansion. Tibet is also a strategic launching pad for drones. The Chinese have stolen drone technology from American firms and an American State Department official went to an air show in southern China and was alarmed to see all these drones. And they have installed many of these drones in six new military airports they have built in southern Tibet. They can reach India. They can reach New Delhi in 20 minutes.

What is the price of appeasement? For six decades the People’s Republic of China has raped and pillaged Tibet without impediment or penalty, but the world will pay a high price for ignoring the Chinese Communist occupation of Tibet. Ghengis Khan is said to have uttered the famous phrase, ‘‘He who controls Tibet, controls the world.’’

In 2009 the United Nat ions Inter-Governmental Panel on Climate Change reported that the glaciers on the Tibetan Plateau, the source of fresh water for a fifth of the world’s population, are receding at an a alarming rate. Temperatures in Tibetan are rising 7 times as faster than in China. Scientists predict that most Tibetan glaciers could vanish by 2035 if present levels of carbon gas emissions are not reduced. Carbon emissions must be cut by 80% by 2030 to preserve the glaciers, of Tibet, the source of water for, China, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Burma, Thailand, Vietnam and Laos.

Asia is now facing a shrinkage of river-based irrigation water sup lies, which will disrupts grain and rice harvests. Overpumping is swiftly depleting underground water resources in India and China. Water tables are rapidly falling in the North China Plain, East Asia’s principal grain producing region. In India, we ll s are going dry in almost every state.

70% of the world’s irrigated farmland is in Asia. China and India, the world’s most populous nation s and largest grain producers, have millions of new irrigation projects that are rapidly depleting aquifers.

Satellite images released in August 2009 by the National Aerospace and Space Administration (NASA) of the United States show massive dep let ion of groundwater storage in Rajasthan , Punjab and Haryana during the 2002-2008. Indian government data shows that major reservoirs have shrunk by 70% since 2000.

Deglaciation on the Tibetan Plateau, combined with depletion of underground water resources, could create ” permanent famine conditions”, as described by the environmental scientist Lester Brown in his 1995 Worldwatch Institute report ” Who Will Feed China?”

China’s growth has pushed rivers system to a dangerous tipping point. Two thirds of all cities in China are short of water, agricultural runoff from chemical fertilizers, industrial effluent and urban waste have poisoned reservoirs. China’s Environmental Protection Administration reports that that environmental protests are rising by 50% a year. Since 1949, two-thirds of the Yangtze Valley lakes have disappeared, today th e total surface area of lakes in the middle and lower Yangtze alley has shrunk from 18,000 square kilometers to 7,000 in 50 years. Today, all but one Asia’s major rivers – the Ganges – are controlled at their sources by the Chinese Communist Party In a mere quarter century the People’s Republic of China has risen from poverty and isolation into the 21st century’s emergent superpower.

Since Chainnan Mao invaded Tibet in 1951, China has administered a huge military infrastructure across the Tibetan Plateau, which gives China a continuous border with Thailand, Burma, Bhutan, India, Nepal and Pakistan, and is now filled with military airfields and PLA battalions.

Gordon G. Chang Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs

I am a writer and live in Bedminster, New Jersey worked as a lawyer in Hong Kong from 1981-1991 and Shanghai from 1996-2001. Between these two periods, 1 frequently traveled to Asia from California. 1 regularly go there now. I am the author of The Coming Collapse of China (Random House, 2001) and Nuclear Shutduwn: North Korea Takes On the World (Random House, 2006). 1 write regularly about China’s relations with its neighbors and the United States.

China’s Water Crisis The People’s Republic of China, over the course of decades, has grossly misused and mismanaged its lakes, rivers, and streams. The resulting freshwater crisis, in the words of senior Beijing leaders, even threatens the existence of the Chinese state. As Wang Shucheng, a former water minister, tells us, “To fight for every drop of water or die: that is the challenge facing China.” Beijing officials, unfortunately, act as if they believe their overblown rhetoric and are now fighting their neighbors for water. China, the world’s “hydro-hegemon,” is the source of river water to more countries than any other nation, controlling the headwater  needed by almost half of the world’s population, in Central, South, and Southeast Asia as well as Russia. The People’s Republic has 14land neighbors- 13 of them co-riparians-but is a party to no water-sharing treaties, refusing to even begin negotiations on water-sharing with other capitals. “No other country has ever managed to assume such unchallenged riparian preeminence on a continent by controlling the headwaters of multiple international rivers and manipulating their cross-border flows,” notes Brahma Chellaney in Water, Peace, and War: Confronting the Glohal Water Crisis. As the noted water expert reports, the Chinese have commandeered Asia’s great rivers by completing on average one large dam a day since 1949. Until recently, those dams were located inside China’s borders. Now, however, Beijing is seeking to harness the water resources of one of its neighbors, Burma, for its own benefit. As it does so, it is encountering local resistance there, and as it encounters local resistance it is blaming the United States for its deteriorating relationships with that once pliant neighbor. The tendency of Chinese leaders to hold us responsible for their own failures can only worsen our ties with them in the years ahead.

The Myitsone Dam

In 2009, a Sino-Burmese consortium controlled by China Power Investment, a Chinese state-owned entity, began work on the Myitsone Dam, located at the headwaters of the Irrawaddy River. It will be the first dam on that vital waterway and a part of a seven-dam cascade, a $20 billion undertaking. Myitsone has been called Beijing’s attempt to export the Three Gorges Dam, and it is even more unpopular in Burma than that massive project is in China. The Burmese version has been called “a showcase” for the country’s former military government, which signed the deal with China without public consultation. Therefore, those who disliked the junta-an overwhelming majority in the country-came out against the dam. And to make matters worse for Myitsone’s Beijing backers, the project became a symbol of Chinese exploitation of Burma, which the junta renamed Myanmar. It does not help that, in a power-starved nation, 90% of the dam’s electricity will be exported to southern China. The Burmese have condemned Myitsone for other reasons as well The dam is located in Kachin State, a minority area, and the Kachins have been uniformly against it, not just the tens of thousands who have been or will be forced to move to avoid the waters. The dam will Hood historical and cultural sites, including what is considered to be the birthplace of the country.

The area that will be lost has been called one of the world’s “top biodiversity hotspots and a global conservation priority.” Downstream rice farmers expect that Myitsone will rob the river of crucial sediments. The dam is about 60 miles from a major fault line, and ifit failed, it would Hood Myikyina, the largest city in Kachin State. Says Ah Nan of Burma Rivers Network, an environmental

DAVID GOODTREE, CO–CHAIR AND FOUNDER, SYMPOSIUM ON WATER INNOVATION

I have studied China most of my life, been to China. China is a very wealthy country. It has wrapped its arms around capitalism and loves it. Still a dictatorship, a brutal country. Constantly violates human rights, has no concern for the environment. Possesses one half of the U.S. outside debt, spending money all over the world, investments we should call them, building its military at an unbelievable rate and buying gold up by the boatloads. Given all that, it is 1.3 going on 1.4 billion people, the Communist Party is still very strong and I think that in my lifetime I will not see that change. What do we do, what does the United States and its allies do to at least curtail the activities of China on a wide variety of bases? Mr. CHANG.

Ms. MOYNIHAN. Well, of course, the hydro dams do produce reservoirs and energy and in Chinese-occupied Tibet, most of that is going to industrial development. And there is one issue I wanted to mention is that China is also rapidly building mines at the source of a lot of the rivers so they are creating long-term pollution that will go downstream to the other riparian nations. And that could be a whole other hearing.

Mr. ROHRABACHER. But that is very relevant, extremely relevant in the discussion of water in terms of countries that are permitting that type of pollution which then again eliminates that as a source for their neighbors and thank you for bringing that up. I think it is important.

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Largest Mass Extinction caused by Mega-Eruptions in Siberia

Kerr, R.A. December 20, 2013. Mega-Eruptions Drove the Mother of Mass ExtinctionsScience  Vol. 342:1424 

[Excerpts]

After 20 years of trying, researchers have finally convicted massive volcanic eruptions in Siberia as the culprit in the greatest of all mass extinctions, one that destroyed 90% of marine species on the planet.

The key evidence came from geochronologists applying the latest dating techniques to both the basalt from the eruptions and the rock encasing fossils of creatures that went extinct about 252 million years ago.

“I’m excited by the very clean-looking dating,” says paleontologist Paul Olsen of the Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory in Palisades, New York. “It shows you could in fact have the Siberian eruptions cause the mass extinction.” Now, the question is which of the many possible ways that the volcanism could have wiped out species was actually at work.

Suspicion fell on the Siberian Traps—a vast volcanic landscape—more than 2 decades ago because of its enormous size and its age. In one of the greatest volcanic outbursts in Earth’s history, these eruptions carpeted a Western Europe–sized area of Siberia with several million cubic kilometers of basalt.

The best estimate for the initial eruptions is 252.28 million years, with the beginning of the extinction at 251.941 million years ago and its end at 251.880 million years ago. Uncertainties ranged from 0.031 million to 0.110 million years. That puts the volcanic and extinction events in the proper order and close enough to be cause and effect.

Now, researchers will focus on possible kill mechanisms.

Paleontologist Shuzhong Shen said one suspect should be dropped: sudden global warming caused by carbon dioxide pouring from the traps’ eruptions.

Analyses of temperature-sensitive oxygen isotopes in sediments deposited around the time of the extinction reveal a whopping 8°C to 10°C warming, but the rocks show the warming came just after the extinction, ruling out a role in the die-off.

This suggests that the extinction was “very short, only a few thousand years,” a rapidity that supports other potential kill mechanisms including acid rain from sulfur dioxide emissions.

Injecting 1.5 billion tons of volcanic sulfur dioxide into a computer model of the Permian atmosphere acidified rain across the Northern Hemisphere to pH 2, about that of lemon juice. That would have been disastrous for exposed vegetation and every animal that depended on it.

The volcanism may also have touched off toxic coal fires.

As it erupted, the magma that formed the Siberian Traps is known to have pierced coal deposits with a result of a vast, subterranean, coal-fired inferno that belched metal-bearing ash into the stratosphere, where the toxic debris sifted across the Northern Hemisphere.

Now that geochronologists have refined their dating tools, they hope to test suspicions that volcanism was at work in other mass extinctions. Dates for the huge eruptions at the opening of the Atlantic Ocean 201 million years ago and the mass extinction that cleared the way for the dinosaurs overlap, but their order is yet to be determined (Science, 21 December 2012, p. 1522). And several other possible pairings await.

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