Index of best energyskeptic posts

This is an attempt to boil down 1500+ energyskeptic posts into the 200 of the best ones.

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com Women in ecology  author of 2021 Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy best price here; 2015 When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, & “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”.  Podcasts: Crazy Town, Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity

Book Lists – buy books in hard copy to Preserve Knowledge

Introduction

Peak oil. We’re not running out, half is left

But since petroleum is the master resource that makes all other goods possible, including coal and natural gas, and our economy depends on endless growth, you’d want to start preparing for oil decline at least 10-20 years ahead of time (Summary of 2005 Department of Energy Peak Oil Production study).

If peak oil did happen in 2008  (IEA 2018 World Energy Outlook: Peak oil is here, oil crunch by 2023), or 2018 (EIA 2021 International Energy Statistics. Petroleum and other liquids. Data Options), then we have limited time left to start relocalizing, shifting our economy back to a steady-state and agriculture, rationing, and reducing consumption. Building wind, solar, nuclear and so on is pointless: transportation and manufacturing can’t be electrified or run on any other non-fossil energy resource as I explain in my books Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy and When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation

Limits to Growth

Overpopulation & Overshoot

When Trucks Stop running: Why diesel fuel can’t be replaced

Manufacturing uses over half of fossil fuels: see Chapter 9 Life After Fossil Fuels

Though not as thorough or up-to-date, this article will give you an idea of why manufacturing will be hard, perhaps impossible, to electrify or substitute anything for fossil fuels. Roberts, D. 2019. This climate problem is bigger than cars and much harder to solve. Low-carbon options for heavy industry like steel and cement are scarce and expensive. Vox

Biofuels

Wind Power   55 Reasons why wind power cannot replace fossil fuels

Solar Power  Why solar power can’t replace fossil fuels

Can Geothermal power replace declining fossil fuels?

HYDROPOWER

Nuclear Power

FUSION

Coal

Natural Gas

  • Peak Natural Gas
  • 2021-8-30: The Nitrogen Bomb: fossil-fueled fertilizers keep billions of us alive

Climate Change

Renewables are NOT renewable: they need fossil fuels every step of their life cycle

The Electric Grid

Energy storage

Mining & limits to minerals

Microchips are as important as oil and the electric grid

Collapse

Extinction

Agriculture

Politics  

Politics matters. If authoritarian leaders like Trump and other extremists are in power as oil declines, food and energy will go to the wealthy rather than be rationed. Given how Republicans can be credited with some percent of the 650,000 covid-19 deaths (Aug 2021) by discouraging vaccinations and wearing masks, and recommending ineffective horse tranquilizer ivermectin and hydroxychloroquine, it is scary to think about the myriad ways they might increase mortality as energy declines, especially in a nuclear war.

Religion

Pandemics

Transportation: EV, cars, airplanes, rail

 

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Peak oil: “It’s the flows, stupid!” Energy abundance depends entirely on the RATE of energy flow

Preface. Below are excerpts from two articles on why the FLOW RATE of oil is what matters for our fossil-fueled civilization. It’s like how, when filling up a bathtub, you want to turn the faucet on as high as it will go so you can get in and the water will still be warm. Likewise, since oil first gushed out of the ground over a hundred years ago, the flow kept increasing until world oil production reached a plateau in 2005. Once oil begins to decline, the bathtub will take longer and longer to fill up as the size of the tap shrinks.

If World Peak Oil did did occur in 2018 (citations in chapter 2 of Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy), then we still have lots of oil left — half of it, we are not running out!  But our economic system depends on endless growth, of creditors being paid back by debtors. This has worked for 200 years thanks to coal, oil, and natural gas growing the economy (their production growth matches GDP growth). So as the oil flow rate declines, the economy will shrink, and someday, oil will be scarce as it drips rather than gushes.

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com Women in ecology  author of 2021 Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy best price here; 2015 When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, & “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”.  Podcasts: Crazy Town, Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity

Andrews S, Udall R (2008) Peak oil: “It’s the flows, stupid!” ASPO-USA.

“In the public mind, peak oil means ‘running out.’”

Verbal shots from legendary political consultant James Carville land with the shock of a hand grenade. If the always-blunt and ever-controversial Carville were to grasp our oil dilemma and begin a peak oil education campaign, his war-room slogan would probably paraphrase his winning axiom from the 1992 Clinton campaign, using “It’s the Flows, Stupid!”

Peak oil is about peak flow. It’s that simple, despite all those lame statements (some from people who ought to know better) that “we aren’t running out.” That’s right, we aren’t, but who said we were!

“Running out” is a framing technique used with some success to belittle the legitimate peak oil concern. The “running out” epithet has been uttered often by Daniel Yergin, president of Cambridge Energy Research Associates. If you haven’t heard Yergin on CNBC saying, “this is the fourth or fifth time we were supposed to have run out of oil,” it could be because he’s up to “sixth time” by now.

Peak oil describes the maximum flow rate of oil from a well, an off-shore platform, a field, a basin, or a geographic area—state, nation, continent, and eventually the world.  Peak doesn’t mean the end or the bottom or the dregs.  In most areas of human life, peak is a high point, a cause for celebration.

When the USA hit its peak in October 1970, the record went unnoticed. Today, more than 50 nations have peaked, including Mexico and, it now appears, Russia. During the next few years the world will hit peak oil; it could be a sharp summit preluding a steep fall or perhaps a gentle bump on a long plateau.

Petroleum engineers know very well what peak oil means. Indeed, in larger projects they spend billions designing enormously complex systems to meet expected peak production. Consider Thunderhorse, BP’s offshore platform in the deepwater Gulf of Mexico. If memory serves, when it begins operation later this year the platform will process 250,000 barrels of crude oil per day.

The American Petroleum Institute published a 56-page paper entitled “Are We Running Out of Oil?” in December 1995. The executive summary concludes with this red herring: “There is a very real danger that attempts by government to address the non-problem of resource exhaustion will distract from or even aggravate the real challenge of removing remaining institutional barriers to supply growth.” Peak oil does not mean “resource exhaustion,” though M. King Hubbert’s curve does show production declining to zero many decades into the future.

Why does the obfuscation of peak oil deniers matter? The coming end of the “supply growth” world will require an enormous paradigm shift: there will be a little less oil to divvy up among more people. We will need to conserve with a vengeance, and substitute ingenuity, intelligence, and efficiency where we can. Treating this immiment event as a non-problem could end up being enormously painful.

The math determining present and future flow rates is simple:

  • 85 percent of the world’s oil is produced by the 21 largest producers.
  • Production declines dominate the story in six of those large producers: the USA, Indonesia, the U.K., Norway, Mexico and Venezuela.
  • Flat or volatile production rules in five more: Russia, Iraq, Iran, Nigeria and Algeria.
  • Production is increasing in the rest. But China is nearing peak. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates are not planning much more expansion. Canada and Libya can continue growing, within limits. Of this crowd, only Brazil, Kazakhstan and Angola are likely to grow production sufficiently to make a difference past 2010.

Some factors act like dragging anchors on these flow rates:

  • Geologic limits. We drilled the easy pickings first. Most new barrels—from offshore Brazil to the Bakken play in North Dakota and Montana—are smaller or harder to drill than the older giant fields they’re trying to replace.
  • Non-OPEC production is flat, “mature” and underperforming, with few prospects for change.
  • The world’s oil system lacks the skilled labor, equipment, and rigs to help us increase production off the recent three-year plateau. Delays from major projects like Thunderhorse are the norm.
  • OPEC’s reserves are increasingly off-limits, and prevailing petronationalism won’t quickly reverse. To quote an industry player, “yesterday’s Big Oil is today’s small oil.”
  • While investments to expand production are optional, depletion is mandatory and relentless. In a horse race with technology, eventually depletion will win the day.
  • Rising domestic demand by major oil producers Russia, Iran, Venezuela and Mexico drives down their exports. Expect peak exports to hit before peak oil.
  • Unconventional oil is more expensive and slow, with a small energy balance and a large environmental footprint. Unconventional oil will likely be a herd of turtles rather than the cavalry on which many are pinning their hopes.

Because they don’t understand peak oil, many reporters keep getting the story wrong. Because they don’t understand peak oil, some in the U.S. Congress and Senate now threaten to sue OPEC. Because they don’t understand peak oil, business journals keep whining that producer nations don’t practice rational economics.

And indeed they don’t. Lacking refinery capacity, Iran exports crude, imports finished gasoline, subsidizes it at 40 cents/gallon, and then rations its sale to curb consumption. Seems crazy, but Iran isn’t the only nation where cheap energy is the opiate of the people.

Summer sales tax holiday on U.S. gasoline, anyone? After all, we aren’t “running out.”

Steve Andrews and Randy Udall are two of the co-founders of ASPO-USA.

Kobb C (2013) The only true metric of energy abundance: The rate of flow. Resource Insights.

Energy abundance depends entirely on the RATE of energy flow.

Why is the rate of flow the key metric? Because in order to function the global economy depends entirely on continuous, high-quality energy inputs. We cannot shut down the world’s electric generating plants for six months or even three months without crashing world society into a state of irretrievable chaos and decline. We cannot shut down the world’s shipping fleet for even a few weeks without doing irreparable harm. Modern global society has become like a shark. It either keeps barreling forward or it dies.

If the rate of flow for oil declined by half in the next 20 years, we wouldn’t be running out of oil at all. We’d still be pumping about the same amount as we were in 1967, a year of exceptional economic vitality. But, we’d feel the crunch because there are twice as many people on the planet now as there were then. And, the per capita consumption of oil has risen considerably since that year.

New unconventional sources of hydrocarbons are more difficult and costly to extract than conventional ones, since they have very steep declines in their rate of production–so steep that in the tight oil fields of Texas and North Dakota drillers must replace about 40 percent of their production PER YEAR just to maintain current output. The decline rates for shale gas are no more encouraging: 79 to 95 percent after three years according to a comprehensive survey of 65,000 oil and gas wells in 31 shale plays. Shale natural gas and tight oil drillers face a task similar to climbing up a down escalator. Each must replace enormous fractions of their current production frequently just to keep production flat. A path to persistently rising global production of oil and gas far into the future cannot be built on production from such fields.

Some 60 percent of current production flows come from aging giant fields representing just 1 percent of the world’s fields, and as a group they are in decline.

But there’s more. The affordability of hydrocarbons will also matter greatly. Gail Tverberg has outlined in detail on her blog Our Finite World how the high price of hydrocarbons tends to suppress economic activity which then leads to a downturn that then causes oil and natural gas prices to fall due to falling demand. That fall in prices makes unconventional sources of oil and natural gas uncompetitive leading to a slowdown in their production even as production from conventional sources continues to decline. As prices rise with economic recovery, we begin the same cycle again. This suggests that there is a limit to how much of the modern economy’s financial and physical resources can be devoted to extracting energy without causing an economic contraction–something that the shark-like nature of the modern financial economy cannot withstand without the kind of severe repercussions we saw in 2008.

Despite our best efforts, we have only just been able to keep oil supplies from declining in the last seven years. Despite (possibly exaggerated) claims that we have more oil reserves than ever, we need to remember that the rate of flow, that is, our daily consumption, has grown by a factor of eight from 1950 to the present. And, half of all the oil ever consumed has been consumed since 1985. The available reserves may be large, but they are being consumed at such a colossal rate that supposedly record reserves have been unable to lift that rate appreciably above a plateau that started in 2005.

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Diesel is finite. Trucks are the bedrock of civilization. So where are the battery electric trucks?

Last updated: 2023-1-21

Preface. Heavy-duty diesel-engine trucks (agricultural, mining, logging, construction, garbage, cement, 18-wheelers, and more) are essential for doing the actual work of our fossil-fueled civilization. Without them, no goods would be delivered, no food grown, nothing manufactured, no garbage picked up, no minerals mined, no concrete hauled, no metals smelted, and more. If trucks stopped running, gas stations, grocery stores, factories, pharmacies, and manufacturers would shut down within a week and civilization would end (Friedemann 2016).

Since world oil production peaked in 2018, replacing diesel trucks (and locomotives and ships) has become urgent. Yet there are no alternatives since biomass doesn’t scale up, and hydrogen is an energy sink. Nor can trucks run on batteries — they’re too heavy (see Friedemann 2021 Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy).  Battery development has also hit the brick-walls of the limited possible elements in the periodic table as well as the laws of physics and thermodynamics. There’s no reason to think a better battery will ever be invented, they’ve been around over 200 years and despite millions of “breakthroughs” are far from being able to move trucks for reasons explained in the post here.

Trucks that matter can haul 30 tons of goods and weigh 40 times more than an average car.  Batteries scaled up from cars for trucks are far too heavy.  For example, a truck capable of going 621 miles hauling 59,525 pounds, the maximum allowable cargo weight, would need a battery weighing 55,116 pounds, and carry 4,400 pounds of cargo (den Boer et al. 2013) that would take 12 hours or more to recharge.

Or as Ryan Carlyle, oil company engineer puts it: “As far as heavy trucking is concerned, there is no replacement for hydrocarbon fuels. The physics of power/weight ratios, and existence of legal road weight limits, means you simply can’t build an “electric semi” and expect it to haul anything comparable to what diesel trucks haul today. This is not an area where Tesla can build a 30% better battery pack and suddenly it’s feasible. The necessary energy density numbers are more like 50 times less than they need to be. The truck will use over half its payload capacity just carrying its own batteries. There are chemical limits to what batteries can do. Electrochemical galvanic cells physically cannot store enough energy — ever — to approach today’s large diesel engines (Carlyle 2014).

Microsoft founder Bill Gates agrees: ” The problem is that batteries are big and heavy. The more weight you’re trying to move, the more batteries you need to power the vehicle. But the more batteries you use, the more weight you add—and the more power you need. Even with big breakthroughs in battery technology, electric vehicles will probably never be a practical solution for things like 18-wheelers, cargo ships, and passenger jets. Electricity works when you need to cover short distances, but we need a different solution for heavy, long-haul vehicles (Gates 2020).”

FAST CHARGING can damage and shorten battery life. Fast charging trucks is essential. Truckers can not sit around for 12 unpaid hours honing life skills and learning to crochet while waiting for the battery to recharge. But fast charging trucks may never be possible. Scientists at U.C. Riverside recently fast charged batteries similar to Tesla batteries using existing highway fast charging technology. They found that batteries cracked, leaked, lost storage capacity, and suffered internal chemical and mechanical damage, reducing their lifespan. The high heat generated is also a danger that could lead to fire or explosion in the 7104 lithium-ion batteries in a Tesla Model S or the 4416 in a Tesla Model 3 (Quimby 2020).

Oxford professors estimated that the power needed to charge just one truck’s battery using fast charging in 30 minutes would use, over the course of a year, as much power as 4,000 households. Such fast charging is not possible yet and would put the electric grid under enormous stress (Harris 2017).

EV trucks in the news:

2022 Nikola has come out with a new class 8 electric truck, the Tre Bev. Most of these trucks will be bought in California and New York, where there are HVIP incentives of up to $150,000 for drayage clean air programs and $120,000 for non-drayage operations. Nikola expects to produce one a day 2022. Specs: 350 miles with 753 kWh battery pack. This is not a long-haul truck. It is a gigantic delivery truck clearly, since Nikola says it is designed for returning to base, frequent stops, short haul, multiple delivery locations, lighter payloads, average speed 25-45 mph, multiple delivery locations, and at 82,000 GCWR, too heavy to adapt to farm tractors and harvesters. Setting up charging has many steps and expenses, and requires many chargers and acres if the fleet has more than a few trucks, since it takes 1 or 2 chargers to charge 2 to 4 trucks a day. Charging can take up to 3.5 hours. Their cost is unknown, Forbes reported that Nikola said hundreds of thousands of dollars but wouldn’t be more specific than that. Nikola estimated their battery will cost $70 per kWh, so the 753 kWh battery alone would cost $52,710  and last 120,000 to 300,000 miles. And weigh 18,000 pounds, severely cutting into the amount of goods that could be carried (Sripad 2017).

Neely T (2022) Barriers Exist to Rural EV Adoption Witnesses Tell House Ag Committee Rural America Not Ready for Electric Vehicles. Progressive farmer. https://www.dtnpf.com/agriculture/web/ag/news/business-inputs/article/2022/01/12/witnesses-tell-house-ag-committee

[ my comment: the most important sector of transportation that needs to be electrified to cope with energy decline are agricultural diesel vehicles (i.e. tractors and harvesters) to continue to provide food. Doesn’t look like it will happen].

Witnesses told the House Agriculture Committee on Wednesday that rural America in particular faces a number of barriers to overcome (Mark Mills, senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, Geoff cooper, president and CEO of the Renewable fuels Association):

  • There are more than 267 million light-duty vehicles in the U.S. and just 2.3 million are battery electric or plug-in hybrid EVs, so even with increased electric vehicle sales in the years ahead, it would take decades to turn over the fleet
  • EVs still can’t meet the overall practical performance requirements, especially in rural areas, especially the length of time it takes to recharge EV batteries.  Instead of 5 minutes to fill a pickup truck’s tank, a standard level-two charger takes about 10 hours. So-called superchargers can drop that to 40 minutes, but that’s still 8 times longer. To match that means installing at least 10-fold more electric pumps superchargers than exist as gas pumps and superchargers cost twice as much as a gasoline pump — a 20-fold higher infrastructure cost.
  • Superchargers operate at 10-fold higher power levels than standard chargers requiring the rural logistical distribution infrastructure to be upgraded radically, an infrastructure that’s already far more expensive per household than in urban areas. Add in the hidden costs in rural areas where there are 50% more frequent power outages than urban areas.
  • Travel in rural outages is easily overcome with $100 of gasoline. But it would cost over $30,000 to buy a home-based battery storage system with enough backup power for just half of the pickup truck’s battery
  • Mass adoption of EVs would dramatically stress global supply chains and lead to higher battery prices in the coming years. Studies have shown that demand would increase from 400% to over 4,000% for the various critical minerals that are needed to build all the hardware on average.
  • Compared to a gasoline vehicle, an EV entails at least a 1,000% increase in the overall tonnage of materials that are extracted from the earth to deliver the same lifetime miles, a growth in demand for materials far greater right now than the rate at which the world’s miners are able to expand supply.
  • It will be difficult to electrify medium and heavy-duty vehicles.

For $5.1 million dollars, paid for by the state of California’s cap and trade program, the Port of Oakland received 10 Class 8 drayage Peterbilt Model 579EVs, ten electric charging stations, and a new electrical substation and power lines which took two years to complete.  In addition, in California they are eligible for a $150,000 Hybrid and Zero-Emission Truck and Bus Voucher Incentive Project (HVIP) voucher. The Peterbilt 597EVs have a range of 150 miles on their 396 kWh battery, and with a DC fast-charger can be recharged in 3 to 4 hours (Adler 2021).  For comparison, 10 diesel drayage trucks would cost about $1.2 million dollars with a range of over 1,000 miles.

Volvo has an electric class 8 truck that can go 150 miles with a $185,000 rebate from the NYC Department of Transportation’s Clean Trucks Program (O’Donnell 2021).

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com  Author of Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy; When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, & “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”.  Women in ecology  Podcasts: WGBH, Jore, Planet: Critical, Crazy Town, Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, Kunstler 253 &278, Peak Prosperity,  Index of best energyskeptic posts

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There are not any commercially available heavy-duty Battery Electric Vehicles (BEVs) outside the transit bus segment at this time. It is not expected that BEVs can penetrate into the long-haul trucking vocation in the next several decades, where significant high speed steady-state operations dominate the vehicles duty cycle, without significant advances in battery energy density and BEV recharging technologies. (ARB 2015).

There are however, demonstration projects with class 8 electric trucks.  The first, NFI, has two trucks running between Chino and the Ports of Los Angeles/San Pedro 135 miles round-trip using two of the five heavy-duty charging stations in Southern California. Only one round-trip can be made, there isn’t enough juice left in the battery to go again. The second, Penske is averaging 150 miles per shift on dedicated routes to a California quick-service restaurant chain with two battery-powered trucks in a relay system to make the most of the available electric charge.  And other demonstration projects are planned (Adler 2019).

Nikola claimed to have a working Nikola One truck and portrayed it as fully functional with a video called “Nikola One Electric Semi Truck in Motion.  But investment firm Hindenburg Research published a bombshell report claiming that the Nikola One wasn’t close to being fully functional. Even more incredible, Hindenburg reported that the truck in the “Nikola One in motion” video wasn’t moving under its own power. Rather, Nikola had towed the truck to the top of a shallow hill and let it roll down. The company allegedly tilted the camera to make it look like the truck was traveling under its own power on a level roadway, and has admitted that it didn’t have a working hydrogen fuel cell or motors to drive the wheels, the two key components (Lee 2020).

And the latest Nikola scandle from August 1, 2021: Nikola electric-truck prototypes were powered by hidden wall sockets, towed into position and rolled down hills. The prototypes didn’t function and were Frankenstein monsters cobbled together from parts from other vehicles. Nikola also overstated the number of pre-orders the company had received. Federal prosecutors have charged the founder of the Nikola Corp. (NKLA) with lying to investors about the supposed technological breakthroughs the company had achieved in order to drive up its stock price. Prosecutors said in the initial period following Nikola starting to trade publicly, the value of Milton’s shares shot up by $7 billion. After it emerged the company was under investigation, shares tanked causing many retail investors to lose tens and even hundreds of thousands of dollars, prosecutors said. In some cases, some investors lost substantial portions of their retirement savings, they said. Nikola founder Milton was taken into custody and later released on a $100 million bond.

Electric trucks do exist, mostly medium-duty hybrid that stop and start a lot to recharge the battery.  This limits their application to delivery and garbage trucks and buses.  These trucks are heavily subsidized at state and federal levels since on average they cost three times as much as a diesel truck equivalent (Table 1).

But even these stop-and-start a lot to recharge the battery trucks may not be economically feasible. Nikola Motor Company’s plans to mass produce 5,000 garbage trucks for Republic Services, one of the nation’s largest waste management service providers, were canceled, the latest in a string of bad news for the electric truck and hydrogen cell maker (Alcorn 2020).

The most vital truck is a farm tractor to plant and harvest food. A battery-driven tractor would have to be very small or the weight would compact the soil and reduce crop productivity for many decades. The first one I saw appear in the search engine was the 7030 series John Deere battery pack tractor in December 2016, and it was pretty small.  But they never did make it, and it isn’t even mentioned anywhere on their website.

The latest tractor, not in production but promised in 2021, is the $50,000 Monarch Electric Tractor with peak power of 70 HP for a few seconds, otherwise 40 HP (Smith 2020). The farmers comments were interesting:

  • Most farmers I know frequently have to drive their tractors long distances, sometimes miles, just to get to the field of the day. And there’s no power out there…. Talk about range anxiety!
  • 40hp class tractors do not usually till fields. Where I am now, for these applications we see a 75hp class tractor at the very least, usually 90hp and up on larger farms
  • Take it from someone who is actually a farmer. This will never take over the heavy tractor work as there are constant interactions due to irregularities in the ground which require the operator to adjust the tractor or the attached implement to the terrain, ie. rocks, roots, animal burrows. drainage etc. Farming is extremely brutal on equipment and it must be durable enough and simple enough to fix so that we don’t miss very small time windows on each step of the process. Farming has ridiculously small margins so the economic proposition of service life vs. amortized and operating costs over that life must make sense no one wants to pay $4 for one onion.
  • I bought my MF 133 for $1200 USD and it works just fine for being 50 years old. Would I like 4WD? Yeah. Would I like an electric? Sure! Do I see this thing running very long in -10º with a snow-blower hanging off of the PTO? Color me skeptical.
  • As far as the “goal of 20-plus years of continuous service life” — uh huh. Considering my issues and my friend’s issues with getting EVs repaired, I’ll believe it when I see it.
  • I know a few farmers (corn, beans and hogs or cattle) and they dont really have a use for a 40-70hp tractor. This is likely to end up at grape vineyards or hobby farmers who use a tractor intensely for a few days or weeks of the year.
  • The grid is thin in the country, if battery tractors existed, could they all charge up at once in the narrow planting and harvesting seasons?

Tractors  do a lot of heavy work over rough ground, and today only internal combustion engines can provide efficient mobile and portable heavy-duty power (DTF 2003).

The Port of Los Angeles thought about using heavy-duty all-electric drayage trucks to improve air quality. Drayage trucks drive at least 200 miles a day back and forth between the port and inland warehouses. But it remained a thought experiment because electric drayage trucks cost too much, $307,890.  The 350 kWh battery alone is $110,880 dollars.  That’s three times as much as an equivalent diesel truck $104,360, and 100 times more than a used $3,000 drayage truck. And cost wasn’t the only problem (Calstart 2013a):

  • The range is too short because of the battery weight and size.  Drayage trucks need to go at least 200 miles a day, but at best an electric truck could go 100 miles before having to be recharged, which would take too long, and require expensive infrastructure to charge each truck several times a day.
  • The batteries/battery pack cost too much.
  • Overcoming the long time to recharge by using fast-charging may shorten battery life which would result in the unacceptable expense of a new battery pack before the lifetime of the truck ended
  • Although electricity is available almost everywhere, the quantities required for a fleet of Battery Electric Vehicle (BEV) drayage trucks are very high and could require significant infrastructure. Multiple costly high-power and/or fast-charging stations would be required
  • Roadway power infrastructure is complicated and expensive, and may be appropriate only in certain areas or applications. The impact on the grid and whether enough power could be supplied is unknown for the roughly 10,000 drayage trucks in the I-710 region
  • Large battery pack life-cycle and maintenance costs are unknown
  • Swapping stations are impractical and would require “industry standardization and ‘ruggedization’ of battery packs, as well as standardized software and communication protocols for batteries and system integration, plus many locations, and the storage space and operating space for multiple large trucks and hundreds of large battery packs.
cost of electric vs diesel trucks 2016Table 1. Electric trucks coust 3 times more than diesel equivalents (ICEV) on average. Source: 2016 New York State Electric Vehicle – Voucher Incentive Fund Vehicle Eligibility List. https://truck-vip.ny.gov/NYSEV-VIF-vehicle-list.php

Other costs

  • Battery cost is a major component in the overall cost, ranging from $500 to $700 per kilowatt-hour (kWh) range. This is substantially more than the cost for a conventional diesel powerplant. In their 2013 I-710 commercialization study, CALSTART estimated the cost of a 350 kWh battery system at over $200,000 in 2012.
  • A BEV 240 kW fast charger can cost can cost $1,500,000 (with $300,000 in additional costs). It can charge 5 heavy duty trucks (ICF 2016) per charger: $350,000 EVSE 450kW+ $150,000 to $200,000 installation costs per EVSE (Calstart 2015), or $350,000 for a specialized Proterra fast charger able to accommodate up to eight Proterra transit buses (ARB 2015)
  • Additional costs to upgrade the distribution system if the rated capacity of the installed electric equipment is exceeded. A fleet with 20 E-Trucks in Southern California had to upgrade a transformer on the customer side of the meter. The transformer cost $470,000. 100 medium-duty E-Trucks charging at the same time would demand 1.5 MW of power on the grid and 50 E-Buses would demand 3.0 MW. This is in the same order of magnitude as the peak power demand of the Transamerica Pyramid building, the tallest skyscraper in San Francisco, CA (Calstart 2015)
  • Unlike electric cars, which can charge at night when rates are lowest (11 pm to 8 am for $0.05), e-trucks and buses need to run during the day at the highest peak hours (12 noon to 6 p.m. $0.20) and mid-peak charges (8 a.m. to noon and 6 pm to 11 pm ($0.10), doubling to quadrupling the price paid for electricity (Calstart 2015).
  • Earning money from V2G is not likely to be adopted by commercial fleets because they have rigid operating schedules while the grid varies constantly and unpredictably. If the grid tapped into e-truck batteries, it might reduce their range or delay availability (Calstart 2015)

Electric trucks are also not commercial yet because they have too many performance issues, such as poor performance in cold weather, swift acceleration, driving up steep hills, too short a range and battery life, they take too long to recharge, declining miles per day as the battery degrades, all of which make planning routes difficult and inefficient.

It is also much harder to develop batteries for trucks than cars because trucks are expected to last 15 years (versus 10 for cars) or go for 1 million miles.  Trucks also have to endure more extreme conditions of temperature, vibrations, and corrosive agents than autos (NRC 2015), and it is hard to make battery packs durable enough for this rougher ride, longer miles, and longevity.

Calstart interviewed many businesses about their reluctance to buy hybrid or all electric trucks, and found their greatest concerns were the purchase cost, lack of confidence in the technology, lack of industry and truck manufacturer support, lack of infrastructure, and the heavy weight (Calstart 2012).

Elon Musk recently tweeted that Tesla will build a semi-truck with absolutely no details, promising to tweet again half a year from now with more information. Why should I believe an Elon Musk tweet any more than a Trump tweet?  Especially since nearly all of the electric truck companies I studied for “When Trucks Stop Running” are out of business now, despite huge federal and state subsidies. Given that Tesla is nearly $5 billion in debt, he’s clearly angling to get drayage truck subsidies from the Ports of Los Angeles and San Pedro and more money from investors.  None of the electric trucks I studied or that are on the market now were long-haul or off-road tractors, harvesters, construction, logging, or other class 8 heavy-duty trucks (except garbage trucks).  They were all much smaller class 4-6 delivery trucks or buses, because they stop and start enough to use hybrid batteries, a far more commercially likely possibility than long-haul trucks, that can go for hundreds of miles before stopping, and be up to 80,000 pounds (and even more weight off-road).  This wired.com article points out other issues as well with electric trucks as well.

But if the devil is in the details, then read more below in my summary and excerpts of a paper about electric trucks.  Catenary trucks, which use overhead wires, will be covered in another post.  Both electric and catenary trucks are covered at greater length in When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer

Abbreviations:

  • BEV Battery Electric Vehicle
  • PEV Plug-in Battery Electric Vehicle
  • HEV Hybrid Electric Vehicle
  • ICEV Internal Combustion Engine Vehicle (usually diesel, also gasoline engines)

What follows is a summary and then details of the following paper:

Pelletier, S., et al. September 2014. Battery Electric Vehicles for Goods Distribution: A Survey of Vehicle Technology, Market Penetration, Incentives and Practices. CIRRELT. 51 pages.

SUMMARY

Financial

While commercial BEVs’ energy costs can be nearly four times cheaper than ICEV equivalents, the downside is that their purchase costs are around three times higher.

A study of drayage trucks on the I-710 corridor found that $3,000 old used trucks were used to take containers from Los Angeles ports to inland facilities that paid $100 per container delivered.   “Costs for a full BEV truck are not expected to go below $250,000 even past the 2025 time frame of this report. … The same is true for fuel cells” (Calstart 2013b).

Furthermore, the cost of the equipment necessary for charging the battery can be several thousand dollars. The high cost of level 3 Electric Vehicle Supply Equipment (EVSE) is still a significant barrier to a wider adoption of fast charging. Level 2 charging equipment costs approximately $1,000 per station and installation costs approximately $2,500 to $6,000 for one unit or $18,520 for 10 units. Level 3 fast charging is not used much yet because more research needs to be done on whether this shortens battery life.

PEV and HEV vehicles typically have significant autonomy and payload limitations and involve much larger initial investments in comparison to internal combustion engine vehicles (ICEV). The battery pack is the most expensive component in PEVs and significantly augments their purchase cost compared to similar ICEV trucks.

Competing with compressed natural gas (CNG) and existing diesel (ICEV) trucks will be hard — significant improvements in ICEV efficiencies are likely in the future from the 21st Century truck partnership and other efforts to improve diesel engines.  BEVs will also have to compete with other fuel alternatives such as CNG, in which case their business case can be even harder to make.

Battery Issues

Can’t carry enough cargo: Battery size and weight reduce maximum payloads for electric vans and trucks compared to equivalent diesel trucks.  Even HEVs suffer from the extra weight of two power-trains reducing payload capacity.

Short range. Technical disadvantages include a relatively low achievable range. Typical ranges for freight BEVs vary from 100 to 150 kilometers (62-93 miles) on a single charge.

The miles a truck can travel declines over time.  In Germany and the Netherlands, the limited operating range of electric trucks caused less flexibility in planning trips and restricted ad-hoc tour planning, resulting in less efficient operations. Also, the range declined over time through battery aging, when carrying heavy loads, and in winter from heating, lights and ventilation. Furthermore, the range listed by EV manufacturers is based on measurements according to the New European Drive Cycle which, compared to real life energy consumption in urban last mile delivery, do not give a reliable indication of the expected range. The reliability of the EVs was dependent on the model; certain prototypes and conversions were judged as reliable, while others were reported as insufficient (Taefi 2014).

Short battery life. At the moment, lithium ion batteries last for four years; however, practical experience has shown that the average period of use is only two years.

Range is also shortened by: extreme temperatures, high driving speeds, rapid acceleration, carrying heavy loads and driving up slopes.   The efficiency and driving range varies substantially based on driving conditions and driving habits. Extreme outside temperatures tend to reduce range because more energy must be used to heat or cool the cabin. Cold batteries do not provide as much power as warm batteries do. The use of electrical equipment, such as windshield wipers and seat heaters, can reduce range. High driving speeds reduce range because more energy is required to overcome increased air resistance. Rapid acceleration reduces range compared with smooth acceleration. Hauling heavy loads or driving up significant inclines also reduces range (U.S. Department of Energy 2012b).

Long time to charge battery: It takes a long time to charge the batteries because of their low energy density.  Recharging time may take up to 4 to 8 hours, and even with quick-charging equipment, recharging a battery to 80% takes up to 30 minutes.

Charging issues:  The most common way of charging was to slow charge the vehicles over night at company premises. The in-house charging infrastructure had to be fixed several times when it was overloaded by the high capacity need of the e-trucks in Germany. Other charging related issues found were that the implementation of a smart grid and load management for large electrical fleets is not yet clarified; solutions to ensure charging in case of power outage are necessary; and charging plugs were too damageable, so only specially trained staff could handle the plug, which caused problems with replacement drivers and training issues.  The limited number of charging spots outside the cities and lack of battery swapping for larger vehicles was also an issue (Taefi 2014).

Batteries have low energy density — too low. Batteries are a critical factor in the widespread adoption of electric vehicles but have a much lower energy density than gasoline, partly caused by the large amount of metals used in their production.

Battery life too short: Lithium-ion batteries in current freight BEVs typically provide 1,000 to 2,000 deep cycle life, which should last around six years.

Some manufacturers are working on a 4,000 to 5,000 deep cycle life within 5 years, but there are often tradeoffs to be made between different lithium based battery chemistries. For example, lithium-titanate batteries already reach 5,000 full discharge cycles, but have lower energy densities than other lithium-ion technologies. Calendar life, on the other hand, is a measure of natural degradation with time and was in the 7-10 years range as of 2010 with a projected range of 13-15 years by 2020. Typical battery warranty lengths for electric trucks have been reported as being in the three to five year range.

Battery degradation. Battery health can be influenced by the way they are charged and discharged. For example, frequent overcharging (i.e., charging the battery close to maximum capacity) can affect the battery’s lifespan, just as can keeping the battery at high states of charge for lengthy periods. As expressed through deep cycle life, battery deterioration can also occur if it is frequently discharged to very deep levels . This generally implies that only 80% of the marketed battery capacity is actually usable. Using high power levels to quickly charge batteries could also have negative impacts on battery life, especially if used in the beginning and end of the charging cycle. The uncertainty regarding the effect of extreme operational temperatures on lithium batteries is another issue that should be further considered. All these potential deteriorating factors can speed up the reduction of maximum available battery capacity and shorten vehicle range and battery life.

Lithium-ion batteries.  At the moment, lithium ion batteries last for four years; however, practical experience has shown that the average period of use is only two years (AustriaTech 2014).

The Demands on the Electric Grid

Power Requirements to recharge batteries are high.  A battery electric truck with a 120 kWh battery would require a charging power level of 15 kW to be able to charge in 8 hours, and the same vehicle with a battery pack of 200 kWh would require a power level of 400 kW to be able to be charged in 15-30 minutes.

The impact of the high power demand from the electricity grid. This could limit the amount of vehicles in a depot which could simultaneously be charged with high power levels, potentially requiring further investments for transformer upgrades.

The stations would also need to recharge a very large amount of batteries at the same time, which could impact the electric grid.

Out of Business

Better Place was considered a fron-trunner in the battery swapping industry but it recently filed for bankruptcy (Fiske (2013)).

Some models have recently been discontinued due to manufacturers’ financial difficulties or restructuring plans; these include Azure Dynamics’ Transit Connect Electric in 2012, Navistar’s eStar in 2013, and Modec’s Box Van in 2011.

Commercial Vehicles are dependent on government subsidies

To see the New York State All-Electric NYSEV-VIF incentives, click here.

To see the California Hybrid Truck and Bus Voucher Incentive Project (HVIP) incentives, click here.

Many U.S. companies which operate battery electric trucks also have received funding from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act.  

Plug-in electric trucks and vans (class 2 to 8 vehicles) have generally only penetrated niche applications, while remaining dependent on government incentives. They attribute this to key industry players going out of business, the conservative nature of fleet operators when it comes to new technologies, renewed interest in natural gas, and the important cost premium of these vehicles.

Sales of HEV & BEV trucks are very low

The global stock of class 2 to 8 HEVs, PHEVs and BEVs was around 20,000 at the end of 2013, versus 15 million diesel and gasoline (ICEV) trucks sold in 2013.

The vast majority of expected sales are not fully electric plug-ins, but are Hybrid Electric Vehicles (HEVs) which do not require plug-in recharging (but which are only suitable for applications that require a great deal of stopping and starting, i.e. garbage trucks, delivery vans).

One of project FREVUE’s reports identifies other factors explaining the limited use of electric freight vehicles in city logistics, namely doubts regarding technology readiness, high purchase costs, limited amount of models on the market, and rapid technology improvements themselves can be a market barrier since fleet operators fear that an electric freight vehicle purchased today could quickly lose all residual value. The uncertainties surrounding the vehicles’ residual value also limit leasing companies’ interest in electric freight vehicles.

The bottom line is that a wider adoption of Battery Electric Vehicles can only be achieved if these prove to be cost-effective.

———————————–

[ Here are more details. ]

The worst possible use of an e-truck is daily mileage less than 40 km, never needs to return to the base, has little chance of charging while on operations, needs to be charged in 20 minutes or less, carry a full load equal to a diesel truck, carries the full load all day, goes the same speed much of the day, travels on freeways, hilly terrain, and charges at peak load. The best possible use of EV is 60+ km/day, returns to the base to recharge 3 to 6 times a day for 30 minutes a day, carries half a load, has very high variations in speeds traveled in flat urban areas and only charges off-peak (AustriaTech 2014b).

Cost Competitiveness of Battery Electric Vans and Trucks

While commercial BEVs’ energy costs can be nearly four times cheaper than diesel equivalents, the downside is that their purchase costs are approximately three times higher (Feng and Figliozzi 2013).

Furthermore, the cost of the equipment necessary for charging the vehicle’s battery, which can reach several thousands of dollars, should be considered. Maintenance costs should also be significantly less than for ICEVs (Taefi et al. (2014)) and this advantage should increase as the vehicles get older (Electrification Coalition (2010)). Because of these different cost structures between ICEVs and BEVs, the only way to appropriately compare the cost competitiveness of battery electric vans and trucks for goods distribution is to study their whole life costs (McMorrin et al. 2012), according to which all costs incurred over the vehicle’s life are actualized to a net present value. Whole life costs are also referred to as the vehicle’s total cost of ownership (TCO). The following are brief descriptions of the cost structure and TCO of battery electric freight vehicles compared to their conventional counterparts.

Cost Structure: High Fixed Costs and Low Variable Costs Purchase costs for medium duty battery electric trucks offered by AMP Trucks, Inc., Boulder Electric Vehicles, Electric Vehicle International, and Smith Electric Vehicles range from $130,000 to $185,000 US, while equivalent ICE trucks go within the $55,000 to $70,000 range (New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (2014)). One way to decrease the cost premium of these larger BEVs is to be able to right-size the costly battery according to the application (Electrification Coalition 2013). However, while this measure could significantly improve the vehicles’ business case and allow for additional payload capacity, the smaller battery would require more frequent deep discharges, which could cause accelerated battery deterioration (Pitkanen and Van Amburg 2012). Another option for reducing upfront costs while also addressing fleet operators’ concerns about battery life is to lease the battery for a monthly fee based on energy consumed or distance traveled (McMorrin et al. 2012).

However, uncertainties regarding battery residual value limit many fleets’ interest in battery leasing (Pitkanen and Van Amburg (2012)), most likely because these uncertainties will be integrated into the leasing fee. Furthermore, battery leasing currently only seems available for a few battery electric vans but not for trucks, for whom it could significantly help the business case based on whole life costs (Valenta (2013)). Purchase costs for battery electric vans vary largely depending on GVWs and the availability of battery leasing. Large manufacturer products with battery leasing go for about $25,000 for GVWs close to 2,100 kg. Examples of these include Renault for its Kangoo Z.E. vans and Nissan for its e-NV200 van, with monthly battery leasing fees starting at approximately $100 per month and varying according to monthly mileage and contract lengths (Renault (2014c), Nissan (2014d)). Typical purchase costs with battery ownership range from approximately $25,000 for lighter battery electric vans (GVW starting at 1100 kg) with limited battery capacities, to about $100,000 for larger battery electric vans (GVW up to 3,500 kg) with higher battery capacities. Conventional cargo vans with GVWs close to 4,500 kg cost between $30,000 and $40,000, GVWs close to 3,500 kg are within the $25,000-$30,000 price range, and GVWs around 2,500 kg are closer to $20,000 (Nissan (2014a)).

Valuable sources for vehicle prices include Source London (2013) and New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (2014), referred to as SL (2013) and NYSEV-VIF (2014) in the tables. Some models’ prices are simply not available, most likely because, as Lee et al. (2013, p.8025) point out, “commercial vehicle prices can vary depending upon negotiation between fleet operators and truck manufacturers, and truck volumes to be purchased”. This could also imply that the prices listed here could vary depending on specific purchasing contexts. Ranges for these class 3 to 6 trucks are from 115 to 200 km (71-124 miles) depending on battery size, vehicle weight

  • $133,000 AMP vehicles 100 kWh battery, 6350-8845 kg GVW
  • $130-150,000 Boulder 500-series 72 kWh battery, 4765-5215 kg GVW, payload 1405 kg,
  • $150,000 Navistar eStar 80 kWh battery 5490 kg GVW, payload 1860 kg
  • $185,000 EVI walk-in van 99 kWh battery, 7255-10435 GVW
  • $150,000 Smith Electric “Newton” 80 kWh, $181,000 with a 120 kWh battery

Den Boer et al. (2013) state that approximately 1,000 battery electric distribution trucks were operated around the world as of July 2013. CALSTART’s report on the demand assessment of electric truck fleets (Parish and Pitkanen 2012) claims that industry experts have estimated there were less than 500 battery electric trucks in use in North America as of 2012, with most sales made in US states like California and New York, which offered incentives for these vehicles. Also, approximately 4,500 hybrid electric trucks were sold in North America as of 2012. The large majority of hybrid and battery electric trucks sold were in medium duty and vocational applications rather than long-haul class 8 applications. Stocks of freight electric vehicles (vans and trucks) as of January 1st 2012 in Europe included 70 in Belgium, 106 in Denmark, 338 in Germany, 1,566 in France, 217 in the Netherlands, 103 in Norway, 38 in Austria, 13 in Portugal, 459 in Spain, and over 2000 in London (TU Delft et al. 2013). However, most of the electric vans in the UK are old low performance vans with lead-acid batteries, with only a few hundred modern electric vans with lithium-ion batteries sold in 2012 (Cluzel et al. 2013).

As previously noted, the advantage in the cost structure of BEVs comes from their lower variable costs (i.e., energy and maintenance costs) (McMorrin et al. 2012).

However, electricity rates incurred depend on geographical location, average consumption levels, and time of use (Hydro-Quebec (2014)). Charging during off-peak hours can allow for reduced electricity rates and seasonal price variations may also occur. It is therefore necessary to evaluate the potential of lower energy costs of commercial BEVs according to one’s specific context.

Gallo and Tomi´ c (2013) provide an overview of the performance of delivery BEVs (class 4-5) operated by a large parcel delivery fleet in Los Angeles. The findings showed that in comparison to similar diesel vehicles, the electric trucks were up to four times more energy efficient, offering up to 80% lower annual fuel costs. The report estimated maintenance savings ranging from $0.02 to $0.10 per mile, finding these savings “will vary widely depending on driving conditions, vehicle usage, driver behavior, vehicle model and regenerative braking usage”(p.53). Other findings included the need for drivers to be trained to adapt their techniques to electric trucks, that a minimum utilization of 50 miles per day is necessary to recuperate purchase costs in a reasonable time span, and that incentives are still necessary at this stage to make the vehicles a viable alternative. Additionally, some repairs needed to be provided by the vehicle manufacturers because of the limited experience of fleet mechanics with electric trucks. TU Delft et al. (2013) also reported several companies having experienced a lack of available resources for quickly solving technical issues with freight BEVs. This is important to consider because in order to profit from lower variable costs, companies must have access to reliable maintenance services and spare parts.

Figliozzi (2013) compared whole life costs of battery electric delivery trucks to a conventional diesel truck serving less-than-truckload delivery routes. The BEVs are the Navistar eStar (priced at $150,000) and Smith Newton (priced at $150,000), while the diesel reference is an Isuzu N-series (priced at $50,000). Different urban delivery scenarios were designed based on typical US cities values and different routing constraints. Thus, 243 different route instances were simulated by varying values for the number of customers, the service area, the depot-service area distance, the customer service time, and the customer demand weight. Different battery replacement and cost scenarios were also studied. The planning horizon was set to ten years, with the residual value of the vehicles set at 20% of their purchase price. In spite of the fact that the electric trucks had a higher TCO in 210 out of the 243 route instances, a combination of the following factors would allow them to be a viable alternative: high daily distances, low speeds and congestion, frequent customer stops during which an ICEV would idle, other factors amplifying the BEVs’ superior efficiency, financial incentives or technological breakthroughs to reduce purchase costs, and a planning horizon above ten years. With a battery replacement after 150,000 miles at a forecasted cost of $600/kWh, the diesel truck always had a lower TCO.

The need for a battery replacement significantly decreases thee business case for BEV Trucks

Battery electric freight vehicles currently fit much more into city distribution than long haul applications because of the battery’s energy density limitations (den Boer et al. 2013). Typical daily miles traveled by urban delivery trucks are often lower than the range already achieved by electric commercial vehicles (Feng and Figliozzi 2013). With limited payloads, this makes them more viable for last mile deliveries in urban areas involving frequent stop-and-go movements, limited route lengths, as well as low travel speeds (Nesterova et al. 2013), AustriaTech 2014b), Taefi et al. 2014)). With forecasted reductions in battery costs and evolution of diesel prices are compared to electricity prices, as time goes by, BEV distribution trucks should become more competitive with equivalent ICEVs based on their own economic proposition (den Boer et al. 2013). However, commercial BEVs will also have to compete with other fuel alternatives such as compressed natural gas, in which case their business case can be even harder to make (Valenta 2013). Furthermore, significant improvements in ICEV efficiencies are expected in upcoming years (Mosquet et al. (2011)). Nevertheless, for now, the appropriateness of using delivery BEVs ultimately depends on the context of their intended use, but the high purchase cost has been extensively pointed out as a huge cost effectiveness barrier, and the need for incentives at this stage of the market seems like a recurring requirement for a viable business case.

Financial Incentives

The goal of financial incentives is to reduce the upfront costs of electric vehicles and charging equipment (IEA and EVI (2013)). One form is purchase subsidies granted upon buying the vehicle (Mock and Yang (2014)). An example of this is the California Hybrid Truck and Bus Voucher Incentive Project (HVIP) which provides up to $35,000 towards hybrid truck purchases and up to $50,000 towards battery electric truck purchases to be used in California (Parish and Pitkanen (2012)). Eligible vehicles can be found in CEPAARB (2014). Another similar program is the New York Truck Voucher Incentive Program, which offers up to $60,000 for electric truck purchases to be used New York (New York State Energy Research and Development Authority (2014)).

Companies are also eligible to receive similar purchase subsidies for participating in demonstration or performance evaluation projects (US DOE (2013b)).

Overviews of tax exemptions related to electric vehicles can be found in IEA and EVI (2013), Mock and Yang (2014), ACEA (2014), and US DOE (2012a).

Companies Experimenting with BEVs In North America, large companies using battery electric delivery vehicles include FedEx, General Electric, Coca-Cola, UPS, Frito-Lay, Staples, Enterprise, Hertz and others (Electrification Coalition (2013b)). Frito-Lay alone has been operating 176 battery electric delivery trucks in North America since 2010 (US DOE (2014b)). Fedex also operates over 100 electric delivery trucks (Woody (2012)). Many U.S. companies which operate battery electric trucks have received funding from the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act to cover a portion of the vehicles’ purchase costs (US DOE (2013b)).

BEVs in city logistics have often been used for parcel delivery, deliveries to stores, waste collection and home supermarket deliveries. A few notable private initiatives identified in the report include Deret’s 50 electric vans for last mile deliveries to city centers in France, UPS’s 12 Modec vehicles for parcel and post delivery in the UK and Germany, Tesco’s 15 Modec vehicles for on-line shopping deliveries in London, Sainsbury’s use of 19 electric vans for supermarket

Drivers expressed concerns regarding the reduction in payloads.

Delivered products include parcel, courier, textiles, fast food, bakery, hygienic articles and household articles.

Negative factors experienced included the required investments (vehicles and EVSE), reduced payloads, limited range, the effect of cold temperatures on range, imprecise marketed vehicle ranges, the lack of resources to fix technical problems, incompatibility of vehicles’ connectors with public charging infrastructure, and the need to train drivers to better adapt to the vehicles. All in all, the case studies indicated that the vehicles were found to be most adequate for last mile and night deliveries.

Electric Tricycles carrying up to 440 pounds (200 kg)

Electric tricycle

Urban consolidation centers (UCC) are logistic facilities multiple organizations use, close to the area they serve. UCCs using BEVs for last mile deliveries also often use smaller vehicles ideal for tight urban areas, which can lead to increases in vehicle kilometers per ton delivered (Allen et al. (2012)). These smaller vehicles are typically electric tricycles, which have payloads of up to 200 kg (AustriaTech 2014b) and low driving speeds. These tricycles can find parking locations more easily than larger vehicles, can often use bicycle lanes for faster access to customers in congested and pedestrian areas, and from a cost point of view are more affected by driver costs than purchase costs and utilization rates (Tipagornwong and Figliozzi 2014). Allen et al. (2007) present an example of the use of electric tricycles by a UCC. La Petite Reine used a consolidation center in the center of Paris for last mile deliveries of food products, flowers, parcels, and equipment/parts with electric tricycles with a maximum payload of 100 kg (220 pounds). The initial trial in 2003 was deemed a success, with monthly trips growing from 796 to 14,631 and the number of tricycles from seven to 19 in the first 24 months. Operations are now permanent and La Petite Reine operates three locations in Paris with over 70 collaborators, 80 tricycles, 15 electric light duty vehicles and 1 million deliveries per year (La Petite Reine 2013).

Nesterova et al. (2013) present two other cases of two phased deliveries in Paris integrating to some extent electric bikes and tricycles. The first is Chronopost International, which offers express delivery of parcels and uses two underground areas in Paris for sorting last mile deliveries. The parcels are first transported from their facility at the border of Paris to their underground areas, where they are sorted per route and distributed to customers by electric bikes and vans in inner Paris. The second is Distripolis, a delivery concept tested by road transport operator GEODIS. A depot in Bercy receives shipments from three organizations and delivers the packages under 200 kg to multiple UCCs in the city center of Paris (heavier packages are directly delivered to the receiver). From here, electric trucks and tricycles are used for the last mile deliveries of the light packages. Distripolis operated 10 light duty electric vehicles (Electron Electric truck, GVW 3.5 tons) and one electric tricycle in 2012, and aims at having 56 tricycles and 75 electric vehicles by 2015.

BESTFACT (2013) provides another case of two-phased deliveries with electric vehicles. Gnewt Cargo operates a transhipment facility for the last mile deliveries of an office supplies company in London (Office Depot). They use an 18 tons vehicle to transport parcels from the office supplies company warehouse in the suburbs of London to the transhipment center in the city, where the parcels are transferred onto electric vans and tricycles for final delivery to customers. Initially a trial in 2009, the company has permanently implanted this system because it involved no increases in operational costs, and it plans to implement similar delivery systems in other cities (Browne et al. (2011)).

Other Interesting Distribution Concepts for BEVs

An interesting experiment regarding last mile deliveries with BEVs can be found in the context of project STRAIGHTSOL, during which TNT Express integrated a mobile depot into their operations in Brussels with electric vehicles during the summer of 2013 (Nathanail et al. 2013), Anderson and Eidhammer 2013), Verlinde et al. 2014). A large trailer equipped as a mobile depot with typical depot facilities was loaded with parcels at TNT’s depot near the airport in the morning. Next it was towed by a truck to a dedicated parking spot in the city center, where last mile deliveries as well as pick-ups were made with electric tricycles by a Brussels courier company, which then returned to the mobile depot with the collected parcels. At the end of the day, the mobile depot was towed back to TNT’s depot, from where the collected parcels were shipped. Challenges included gaining exclusive access to the parking location for the mobile depot, significant increases in operating costs, and decreases in the punctuality of the deliveries and pickups (Johansen et al. 2014), Verlinde et al. 2014).

They could find a niche application in short haul port drayage operations (CALSTART 2013b). One example of this practice is found at the Port of Los Angeles, where 25 heavy duty battery electric drayage trucks manufactured by Balqon were tested for operational suitability. In exchange for the purchase of the trucks, Balqon agreed to locate its factory in L.A. and pay the port a royalty for future sales (EVI et al. (2012)). The Port of L.A. also tested similar heavy duty battery electric trucks from Transpower and U.S Hybrid, as well as a fuel cell heavy duty truck (Port of L.A. 2014).

Incentives still play a critical role in the business case of these vehicles, but the long-term unsustainability of certain financial incentives and recent trends suggest their imminent phasing out (Bernhart et al. 2014) will require that these vehicles be cost competitive independent of such incentives. One could argue that these vehicles are not ready for this challenge, in view of current cost dynamics, recent financial setbacks of key industry players, often resulting in discontinued vehicle models (Schmouker 2012), Shankleman 2011), Truckinginfo 2013), Everly 2014), Torregrossa 2014)).

The market take-up of electric vehicles in urban freight transport is very slow, because costs are high compared to conventional vehicles and companies are still uncertain about the maturity of the technology and about the availability of charging infrastructure.

The worst possible use of an e-truck is daily mileage less than 40 km, never needs to return to the base, has little chance of charging while on operations, needs to be charged in 20 minutes or less, carry a full load equal to a diesel truck, carries the full load all day, goes the same speed much of the day, travels on freeways, hilly terrain, and charges at peak load. The best possible use of EV is 60+ km/day, returns to the base to recharge 3 to 6 times a day for 30 minutes a day, carries half a load, has very high variations in speeds traveled in flat urban areas and only charges off-peak.

Financially at least 50% public subsidies pay for it

At present, lithium ion batteries are most often used in electric freight vehicles with a current battery lifetime of 1000 to 2000 cycles (approximately 6 years). Also, the kilometer range declines over time, which may reduce peak power capacity and energy density. For these reasons electric vehicles are currently most suitable for daily urban distribution activities as the battery energy density is too low for regular long haul applications. At the moment, lithium ion batteries last for four years; however, practical experience has shown that the average period of use is only two years. Improvements in battery powered trucks are expected within five years in terms of the cost and durability of batteries.

Related Articles

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Posted in Batteries, Electric & Hydrogen trucks impossible, Trucks: Electric | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | 11 Comments

Book review: The Bottlenecks of the 21st Century

Preface. Nate Hagens and DJ White’s book is the kind of book I’d like to write someday. Like them, I’d publish only in paper to preserve knowledge because the electric grid will come down some day since it can’t outlast fossil fuels, as I explain in my books “When Trucks stop running” and “Life After Fossil fuels”. One reason is that wind and solar are intermittent, so if the grid comes down even for an hour or less then computer chips can’t be built. Making computer chips requires thousands of steps over several weeks — any power outage and they all have to be tossed out. Microchips are the pinnacle of technical achievement and therefore likely to be the first to go away during the coming decline (as you can see in the The Fragility of Microprocessors section of the Preservation of Knowledge).  Yet so many books, magazines, and journals are found only online that can only be read with electrical devices that depend on microchips. Poof! All that knowledge will be gone when the grid goes down.

White & Hagens book was written for college students at the University of Minnesota. I’ve seen many iterations as Nate perfected his teachings over several years.  You couldn’t find a better book to give to anyone who is energy blind, but especially younger people since this book might change what career they choose. The authors recommend young people follow their passion, but I think there are some pretty obvious careers and skills to pursue as we return to a world powered by muscle and wood as fossil fuels decline and the electric grid winks out. And they should pursue their passion in a place that’s under carrying capacity, as Hall & Day advise in “America’s Most Sustainable Cities and Regions: Surviving the 21st Century Megatrends”.

Much of their book is about human psychology, which is critical to understanding how the coming Great Simplification may play out.  What follows are some excerpts that I’ve cut or paraphrased.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

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White DJ, Hagens NJ (2019) The Bottlenecks of the 21st Century. Essays on the Systems Synthesis of the Human Predicament.

The way things have been the last several hundred years is not the way they have been for the bulk of the human past, nor will be for the bulk of human future. You exist in a near-stroboscopic blip of time in which humanity is churning through millions of years of resources in a one-time pulse. This has ramifications both wonderful and terrible, and we should probably make ourselves aware of them if we are to make self-awareness actually good for anything.

The information to be covered is existentially challenging, but the human condition has always faced existential challenges of one sort or another which required living humans to rise to them. But there’s a psychological adjustment to make that has to do with the tapestry of expectations and beliefs about the future we’ve soaked up from the cultural narratives we exist within. 

The long-term story of complex life is steered as much b catastrophe as by stability with ~99.9% of all species ever to live now extinct (or speciated).

Mankind’s cleverness at opening new niches finally tapped the dead remains of fossil plants from earlier eras. This grew human biomass by an order of magnitude and granted a bolus of temporary energy wealth, which humans created the industrial society run the energy of these long dead organisms. This enabled us to take anything we wanted, which is now leading to mass extinctions. 

Why does something feel bad or good to us at all? It’s because the ancestors who “felt good” about doing things which happened to enhance their relative fitness at that time survived to pass on these tendencies and the behavioral rewards inherent in their particular brain structure. Sex feels great.  Eating high-energy-content food feels great. Being a high-status tribal member feels great. Hating outgroups feels great. And killing large prey (and outgroup members during wartime) feels great. To some of us that is such an uncomfortable thing to hear it feels incorrect.  Our ability to recognize the way our own brains function is limited because our conscious minds can access only the output results of the more-powerful brain regions which influence us, and not the processes they use to arrive at those results.

The mindless evolution of life across the ages has created a world of incredible wonder and diversity. Our current economics consider this to have zero value, but in our mind se (most of us) realize otherwise. Swimming over a coral reef, walking in a rainforest with its sounds, hiking a desert, we are surrounded by other species that have survived until now. 

Then on page 99 my favorite part of the book – how candy and oil are similar.  I used to trick-or-treat for three nights: beggars night, Halloween, and clean-up, so I loved this metaphor.  Author DJ White sets it up by explaining that he was the oldest of four siblings and found more candy than the others by getting up first, and hiding his easter basket with candy from the other siblings baskets in the basement.  Now a metaphor of candy and economics and oil:

You can only eat what you find.  My dog understands this, but the fact that hardly any large new oilfields are being discovered hasn’t filtered into the common wisdom. The filled Easter baskets have long since been emptied, but most Americans think the USA is now a net oil exporter. Not even close.

You can only eat it once. Once you eat it, it’s gone. The sophistication of this parable has leapfrogged neoclassical economics, which believes that demand creates energy and that resources will always be found if the price is right. I literally seethed with demand during the lean months, but it didn’t make any candy appear. I had no money, so it didn’t matter that the stores had candy.

Concentrations of energy are finite and unevenly distributed, and mostly found already. What is our oil doing underneath all those foreigners? There is such a thing as “abiotic oil”, but nobody has ever found enough to make it useful. DJ used to look for more candy in the yard after he ran out of the good stuff a week later, and compares his hunt to why oil companies are no longer actively looking for new oilfields. They know that what’s left is the equivalent of ant-covered jellybean remnants and rained-on marshmallow peeps.

The most aggressive competitors get to eat the most candy. The resources of weaker nations don’t do them much good and can cause stronger nations to take an unhealthy interest in them.

The quality of an energy source can vary. While it’s all called “candy”, there is a lot of difference between fresh Cadbury eggs and stale hairy jellybeans.

The biggest energy deposits get found and eaten first, so new discoveries get smaller and smaller.  The big concentrations (the Easter Baskets) are where everyone goes first. Today there are no more super-giant oilfields on earth. We’ve already drilled the good places, now we’re doing the equivalent of sticking our hands into suspicious holes in the backyard.

Sometimes an energy source is so marginal that it’s barely worth using, taking more energy than it’s worth and making a disgusting mess.  Once the holiday candy ran out, DJ bummed moldy Jell-O into candy, the equivalent of tar sands. We’ve always know they were there but haven’t been hard-up enough to actually eat them.

Energy and wacky ideas travel together. At any given time children believe that easter candy comes from giant pink rabbits. This is a fair parallel to the general state of energy knowledge in the USA, where we not only have a right to our own opinions, but to our own facts. So we say “drill baby drill” as though the process of drilling creates oil reservoirs, and when oil prices go up assume it’s a conspiracy. We think about energy in the same magical terms young kids think about candy, while being similarly uncertain as to its origin and prospects.

No kid saves his good candy. It’s not human nature to save stuff for the future, even though we know that it’s a long long time until the next sugar holiday, but we don’t care. Candy!

Nobody worries about diabetes until after they have it.  We believe what we want to believe.

And a few more excerpts:

There’s no reason to think that we humans aren’t fit enough to look at reality honestly. We became who we are by facing some daunting realities. We are kick-ass primates who until recently have dealt with some very hairy, scary realities. Plagues. Famines. Mile-high ice sheets and blizzards. Horrible parasitic diseases. Sabre-toothed tigers, dire wolves, cave bears. We kicked their asses into oblivion and made houses out of mastodon bones. So at what point in evolution did we become aristocratic weenie debate societies, …unwilling to take risks or endure hardship?

The big shock is not reality itself, but in abruptly finding out – after much of your life—that you’ve been told incorrect, incomplete, and wildly overoptimistic stories about the world by those around you who never questioned that what “feels good to believe” might not be true.  We think that if kids were taught the realities of energy, evolution, and ecology from a young age, they’d adjust to it, though more than a bit annoyed with the situation they’re being handed. 

Cleverness to find energy only works when there is energy around to be found, and a practical way to put it to work. An astronaut stranded on the moon will die even with an IQ of 300, because cleverness isn’t magic. If Einstein had been born in 1800 AD, he would not have discovered relativity. At that point human knowledge hadn’t advanced far enough. And Darwin wouldn’t have discovered evolution by natural selection if Britain hadn’t expanded greatly harnessing coal and able to finance scientific voyages.

The problem is that people forget energy is a fundamental driver of all life and technology.

Posted in Energy Books, Expert Advice, Nate Hagens | Tagged | 2 Comments

Underestimating the Challenges of Avoiding a Ghastly Future

Preface. This is another “Scientists Warnings to Humanity” by many famous scientists, including Paul & Anne Erlich, John Harte, Peter Raven, and Mathis Wackernagel.

Some of the challenges they point to are loss of biodiversity and consequent 6th mass extinction, human population growth which has led to ecological overshoot and overconsumption, climate change and consequent mass migrations. They conclude there will be mass extinction, declining health, and war over resources and many other grim consequences.

Unfortunately this important message is once again energy blind. It does mention that ecological overshoot is due to fossil fuels, but neglects to mention that peak oil happened in 2018 or 2008 and peak coal probably 2013, so they assume we will continue on our current population trajectory until the 22nd century! And they assume the worst about climate change as well by not acknowledging that there is a limit to fossil energy and since oil is naturally declining at 8.5% a year, offset by 4% enhanced oil recovery with little discovery of new oil the past 7 years, we may well have only half or less oil remaining by 2030. And a dieoff of billions of people, and 50% less CO2 emissions. Why peak fossils are ignored I can’t imagine, they are very aware of limits to growth.

In the end this is a shout out to their colleagues to be more honest:
“…only a realistic appreciation of the colossal challenges facing the international community might allow it to chart a less-ravaged future. While there have been more recent calls for the scientific community in particular to be more vocal about their warnings to humanity, these have been insufficiently foreboding to match the scale of the crisis. Given the existence of a human “optimism bias” that triggers some to underestimate the severity of a crisis and ignore expert warnings, a good communication strategy must ideally undercut this bias without inducing disproportionate feelings of fear and despair. It is therefore incumbent on experts in any discipline that deals with the future of the biosphere and human well-being to eschew reticence, avoid sugar-coating the overwhelming challenges ahead and “tell it like it is.” Anything else is misleading at best, or negligent and potentially lethal for the human enterprise at worst.”

More warnings:

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com  Author of Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy; When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, & “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”.  Women in ecology  Podcasts: WGBH, Planet: Critical, Crazy Town, Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, Kunstler 253 &278, Peak Prosperity,  Index of best energyskeptic posts

* * *

Bradshaw CJA, Ehrlich PR, Beattie A et al (2021) Underestimating the Challenges of Avoiding a Ghastly Future. Frontiers in Conservation Science.

We report three major and confronting environmental issues that have received little attention and require urgent action. First, we review the evidence that future environmental conditions will be far more dangerous than currently believed. The scale of the threats to the biosphere and all its lifeforms—including humanity—is in fact so great that it is difficult to grasp for even well-informed experts. Second, we ask what political or economic system, or leadership, is prepared to handle the predicted disasters, or even capable of such action. Third, this dire situation places an extraordinary responsibility on scientists to speak out candidly and accurately when engaging with government, business, and the public. We especially draw attention to the lack of appreciation of the enormous challenges to creating a sustainable future. The added stresses to human health, wealth, and well-being will perversely diminish our political capacity to mitigate the erosion of ecosystem services on which society depends. The science underlying these issues is strong, but awareness is weak. Without fully appreciating and broadcasting the scale of the problems and the enormity of the solutions required, society will fail to achieve even modest sustainability goals.

Introduction

Humanity is causing a rapid loss of biodiversity and, with it, Earth’s ability to support complex life. But the mainstream is having difficulty grasping the magnitude of this loss, despite the steady erosion of the fabric of human civilization (Ceballos et al., 2015; IPBES, 2019; Convention on Biological Diversity, 2020; WWF, 2020). While suggested solutions abound (Díaz et al., 2019), the current scale of their implementation does not match the relentless progression of biodiversity loss (Cumming et al., 2006) and other existential threats tied to the continuous expansion of the human enterprise (Rees, 2020). Time delays between ecological deterioration and socio-economic penalties, as with climate disruption for example (IPCC, 2014), impede recognition of the magnitude of the challenge and timely counteraction needed. In addition, disciplinary specialization and insularity encourage unfamiliarity with the complex adaptive systems (Levin, 1999) in which problems and their potential solutions are embedded (Selby, 2006; Brand and Karvonen, 2007). Widespread ignorance of human behavior (Van Bavel et al., 2020) and the incremental nature of socio-political processes that plan and implement solutions further delay effective action (Shanley and López, 2009; King, 2016).

We summarize the state of the natural world in stark form here to help clarify the gravity of the human predicament. We also outline likely future trends in biodiversity decline (Díaz et al., 2019), climate disruption (Ripple et al., 2020), and human consumption and population growth to demonstrate the near certainty that these problems will worsen over the coming decades, with negative impacts for centuries to come. Finally, we discuss the ineffectiveness of current and planned actions that are attempting to address the ominous erosion of Earth’s life-support system. Ours is not a call to surrender—we aim to provide leaders with a realistic “cold shower” of the state of the planet that is essential for planning to avoid a ghastly future.

Biodiversity Loss

Major changes in the biosphere are directly linked to the growth of human systems (summarized in Figure 1). While the rapid loss of species and populations differs regionally in intensity (Ceballos et al., 2015, 2017, 2020; Díaz et al., 2019), and most species have not been adequately assessed for extinction risk (Webb and Mindel, 2015), certain global trends are obvious. Since the start of agriculture around 11,000 years ago, the biomass of terrestrial vegetation has been halved (Erb et al., 2018), with a corresponding loss of >20% of its original biodiversity (Díaz et al., 2019), together denoting that >70% of the Earth’s land surface has been altered by Homo sapiens (IPBES, 2019). There have been >700 documented vertebrate (Díaz et al., 2019) and ~600 plant (Humphreys et al., 2019) species extinctions over the past 500 years, with many more species clearly having gone extinct unrecorded (Tedesco et al., 2014). Population sizes of vertebrate species that have been monitored across years have declined by an average of 68% over the last five decades (WWF, 2020), with certain population clusters in extreme decline (Leung et al., 2020), thus presaging the imminent extinction of their species (Ceballos et al., 2020). Overall, perhaps 1 million species are threatened with extinction in the near future out of an estimated 7–10 million eukaryotic species on the planet (Mora et al., 2011), with around 40% of plants alone considered endangered (Antonelli et al., 2020). Today, the global biomass of wild mammals is <25% of that estimated for the Late Pleistocene (Bar-On et al., 2018), while insects are also disappearing rapidly in many regions (Wagner, 2020; reviews in van Klink et al., 2020). FIGURE 1

Figure 1. Summary of major environmental-change categories expressed as a percentage change relative to the baseline given in the text. Red indicates the percentage of the category that is damaged, lost, or otherwise affected, whereas blue indicates the percentage that is intact, remaining, or otherwise unaffected. Superscript numbers indicate the following references: 1IPBES, 2019; 2Halpern et al., 2015; 3Krumhansl et al., 2016; 4Waycott et al., 2009; 5Díaz et al., 2019; 6Christensen et al., 2014; 7Frieler et al., 2013; 8Erb et al., 2018; 9Davidson, 2014; 10Grill et al., 2019; 11WWF, 2020; 12Bar-On et al., 2018; 13Antonelli et al., 2020; 14Mora et al., 2011.

 

Freshwater and marine environments have also been severely damaged. Today there is <15% of the original wetland area globally than was present 300 years ago (Davidson, 2014), and >75% of rivers >1,000 km long no longer flow freely along their entire course (Grill et al., 2019). More than two-thirds of the oceans have been compromised to some extent by human activities (Halpern et al., 2015), live coral cover on reefs has halved in <200 years (Frieler et al., 2013), seagrass extent has been decreasing by 10% per decade over the last century (Waycott et al., 2009; Díaz et al., 2019), kelp forests have declined by ~40% (Krumhansl et al., 2016), and the biomass of large predatory fishes is now <33% of what it was last century (Christensen et al., 2014).

With such a rapid, catastrophic loss of biodiversity, the ecosystem services it provides have also declined. These include inter alia reduced carbon sequestration (Heath et al., 2005; Lal, 2008), reduced pollination (Potts et al., 2016), soil degradation (Lal, 2015), poorer water and air quality (Smith et al., 2013), more frequent and intense flooding (Bradshaw et al., 2007; Hinkel et al., 2014) and fires (Boer et al., 2020; Bowman et al., 2020), and compromised human health (Díaz et al., 2006; Bradshaw et al., 2019). As telling indicators of how much biomass humanity has transferred from natural ecosystems to our own use, of the estimated 0.17 Gt of living biomass of terrestrial vertebrates on Earth today, most is represented by livestock (59%) and human beings (36%)—only ~5% of this total biomass is made up by wild mammals, birds, reptiles, and amphibians (Bar-On et al., 2018). As of 2020, the overall material output of human endeavor exceeds the sum of all living biomass on Earth (Elhacham et al., 2020).

Sixth Mass Extinction

A mass extinction is defined as a loss of ~75% of all species on the planet over a geologically short interval—generally anything <3 million years (Jablonski et al., 1994; Barnosky et al., 2011). At least five major extinction events have occurred since the Cambrian (Sodhi et al., 2009), the most recent of them 66 million years ago at the close of the Cretaceous period. The background rate of extinction since then has been 0.1 extinctions million species−1 year−1 (Ceballos et al., 2015), while estimates of today’s extinction rate are orders of magnitude greater (Lamkin and Miller, 2016). Recorded vertebrate extinctions since the 16th century—the mere tip of the true extinction iceberg—give a rate of extinction of 1.3 species year−1, which is conservatively >15 times the background rate (Ceballos et al., 2015). The IUCN estimates that some 20% of all species are in danger of extinction over the next few decades, which greatly exceeds the background rate. That we are already on the path of a sixth major extinction is now scientifically undeniable (Barnosky et al., 2011; Ceballos et al., 2015, 2017).

Ecological Overshoot: Population Size and Overconsumption

The global human population has approximately doubled since 1970, reaching nearly 7.8 billion people today (prb.org). While some countries have stopped growing and even declined in size, world average fertility continues to be above replacement (2.3 children woman−1), with an average of 4.8 children woman−1 in Sub-Saharan Africa and fertilities >4 children woman−1 in many other countries (e.g., Afghanistan, Yemen, Timor-Leste). The 1.1 billion people today in Sub-Saharan Africa—a region expected to experience particularly harsh repercussions from climate change (Serdeczny et al., 2017)—is projected to double over the next 30 years. By 2050, the world population will likely grow to ~9.9 billion (prb.org), with growth projected by many to continue until well into the next century (Bradshaw and Brook, 2014; Gerland et al., 2014), although more recent estimates predict a peak toward the end of this century (Vollset et al., 2020).

Large population size and continued growth are implicated in many societal problems. The impact of population growth, combined with an imperfect distribution of resources, leads to massive food insecurity. By some estimates, 700–800 million people are starving and 1–2 billion are micronutrient-malnourished and unable to function fully, with prospects of many more food problems in the near future (Ehrlich and Harte, 2015a,b). Large populations and their continued growth are also drivers of soil degradation and biodiversity loss (Pimm et al., 2014). More people means that more synthetic compounds and dangerous throw-away plastics (Vethaak and Leslie, 2016) are manufactured, many of which add to the growing toxification of the Earth (Cribb, 2014). It also increases chances of pandemics (Daily and Ehrlich, 1996b) that fuel ever-more desperate hunts for scarce resources (Klare, 2012). Population growth is also a factor in many social ills, from crowding and joblessness, to deteriorating infrastructure and bad governance (Harte, 2007). There is mounting evidence that when populations are large and growing fast, they can be the sparks for both internal and international conflicts that lead to war (Klare, 2001; Toon et al., 2007). The multiple, interacting causes of civil war in particular are varied, including poverty, inequality, weak institutions, political grievance, ethnic divisions, and environmental stressors such as drought, deforestation, and land degradation (Homer-Dixon, 1991, 1999; Collier and Hoeer, 1998; Hauge and llingsen, 1998; Fearon and Laitin, 2003; Brückner, 2010; Acemoglu et al., 2017). Population growth itself can even increase the probability of military involvement in conflicts (Tir and Diehl, 1998). Countries with higher population growth rates experienced more social conflict since the Second World War (Acemoglu et al., 2017). In that study, an approximate doubling of a country’s population caused about four additional years of full-blown civil war or low-intensity conflict in the 1980s relative to the 1940–1950s, even after controlling for a country’s income-level, independence, and age structure.

Simultaneous with population growth, humanity’s consumption as a fraction of Earth’s regenerative capacity has grown from ~ 73% in 1960 to 170% in 2016 (Lin et al., 2018), with substantially greater per-person consumption in countries with highest income. With COVID-19, this overshoot dropped to 56% above Earth’s regenerative capacity, which means that between January and August 2020, humanity consumed as much as Earth can renew in the entire year (overshootday.org). While inequality among people and countries remains staggering, the global middle class has grown rapidly and exceeded half the human population by 2018 (Kharas and Hamel, 2018). Over 70% of all people currently live in countries that run a biocapacity deficit while also having less than world-average income, excluding them from compensating their biocapacity deficit through purchases (Wackernagel et al., 2019) and eroding future resilience via reduced food security (Ehrlich and Harte, 2015b). The consumption rates of high-income countries continue to be substantially higher than low-income countries, with many of the latter even experiencing declines in per-capita footprint (Dasgupta and Ehrlich, 2013; Wackernagel et al., 2019).

This massive ecological overshoot is largely enabled by the increasing use of fossil fuels. These convenient fuels have allowed us to decouple human demand from biological regeneration: 85% of commercial energy, 65% of fibers, and most plastics are now produced from fossil fuels. Also, food production depends on fossil-fuel input, with every unit of food energy produced requiring a multiple in fossil-fuel energy (e.g., 3 × for high-consuming countries like Canada, Australia, USA, and China; overshootday.org). This, coupled with increasing consumption of carbon-intensive meat (Ripple et al., 2014) congruent with the rising middle class, has exploded the global carbon footprint of agriculture. While climate change demands a full exit from fossil-fuel use well before 2050, pressures on the biosphere are likely to mount prior to decarbonization as humanity brings energy alternatives online. Consumption and biodiversity challenges will also be amplified by the enormous physical inertia of all large “stocks” that shape current trends: built infrastructure, energy systems, and human populations.

It is therefore also inevitable that aggregate consumption will increase at least into the near future, especially as affluence and population continue to grow in tandem (Wiedmann et al., 2020). Even if major catastrophes occur during this interval, they would unlikely affect the population trajectory until well into the 22nd Century (Bradshaw and Brook, 2014). Although population-connected climate change (Wynes and Nicholas, 2017) will worsen human mortality (Mora et al., 2017; Parks et al., 2020), morbidity (Patz et al., 2005; Díaz et al., 2006; Peng et al., 2011), development (Barreca and Schaller, 2020), cognition (Jacobson et al., 2019), agricultural yields (Verdin et al., 2005; Schmidhuber and Tubiello, 2007; Brown and Funk, 2008; Gaupp et al., 2020), and conflicts (Boas, 2015), there is no way—ethically or otherwise (barring extreme and unprecedented increases in human mortality)—to avoid rising human numbers and the accompanying overconsumption. That said, instituting human-rights policies to lower fertility and reining in consumption patterns could diminish the impacts of these phenomena (Rees, 2020).

Failed International Goals and Prospects for the Future

Stopping biodiversity loss is nowhere close to the top of any country’s priorities, trailing far behind other concerns such as employment, healthcare, economic growth, or currency stability. It is therefore no surprise that none of the Aichi Biodiversity Targets for 2020 set at the Convention on Biological Diversity’s (CBD.int) 2010 conference was met (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity, 2020). Even had they been met, they would have still fallen short of realizing any substantive reductions in extinction rate. More broadly, most of the nature-related United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) (e.g., SDGs 6, 13–15) are also on track for failure (Wackernagel et al., 2017; Díaz et al., 2019; Messerli et al., 2019), largely because most SDGs have not adequately incorporated their interdependencies with other socio-economic factors (Bradshaw and Di Minin, 2019; Bradshaw et al., 2019; Messerli et al., 2019). Therefore, the apparent paradox of high and rising average standard of living despite a mounting environmental toll has come at a great cost to the stability of humanity’s medium- and long-term life-support system. In other words, humanity is running an ecological Ponzi scheme in which society robs nature and future generations to pay for boosting incomes in the short term (Ehrlich et al., 2012). Even the World Economic Forum, which is captive of dangerous greenwashing propaganda (Bakan, 2020), now recognizes biodiversity loss as one of the top threats to the global economy (World Economic Forum, 2020).

The emergence of a long-predicted pandemic (Daily and Ehrlich, 1996a), likely related to biodiversity loss, poignantly exemplifies how that imbalance is degrading both human health and wealth (Austin, 2020; Dobson et al., 2020; Roe et al., 2020). With three-quarters of new infectious diseases resulting from human-animal interactions, environmental degradation via climate change, deforestation, intensive farming, bushmeat hunting, and an exploding wildlife trade mean that the opportunities for pathogen-transferring interactions are high (Austin, 2020; Daszak et al., 2020). That much of this degradation is occurring in Biodiversity Hotspots where pathogen diversity is also highest (Keesing et al., 2010), but where institutional capacity is weakest, further increases the risk of pathogen release and spread (Austin, 2020; Schmeller et al., 2020).

Climate Disruption

The dangerous effects of climate change are much more evident to people than those of biodiversity loss (Legagneux et al., 2018), but society is still finding it difficult to deal with them effectively. Civilization has already exceeded a global warming of ~ 1.0°C above pre-industrial conditions, and is on track to cause at least a 1.5°C warming between 2030 and 2052 (IPCC, 2018). In fact, today’s greenhouse-gas concentration is >500 ppm CO2-e (Butler and Montzka, 2020), while according to the IPCC, 450 ppm CO2-e would give Earth a mere 66% chance of not exceeding a 2°C warming (IPCC, 2014). Greenhouse-gas concentration will continue to increase (via positive feedbacks such as melting permafrost and the release of stored methane) (Burke et al., 2018), resulting in further delay of temperature-reducing responses even if humanity stops using fossil fuels entirely well before 2030 (Steffen et al., 2018).

Human alteration of the climate has become globally detectable in any single day’s weather (Sippel et al., 2020). In fact, the world’s climate has matched or exceeded previous predictions (Brysse et al., 2013), possibly because of the IPCC’s reliance on averages from several models (Herger et al., 2018) and the language of political conservativeness inherent in policy recommendations seeking multinational consensus (Herrando-Pérez et al., 2019). However, the latest climate models (CMIP6) show greater future warming than previously predicted (Forster et al., 2020), even if society tracks the needed lower-emissions pathway over the coming decades. Nations have in general not met the goals of the 5 year-old Paris Agreement (United Nations, 2016), and while global awareness and concern have risen, and scientists have proposed major transformative change (in energy production, pollution reduction, custodianship of nature, food production, economics, population policies, etc.), an effective international response has yet to emerge (Ripple et al., 2020). Even assuming that all signatories do, in fact, manage to ratify their commitments (a doubtful prospect), expected warming would still reach 2.6–3.1°C by 2100 (Rogelj et al., 2016) unless large, additional commitments are made and fulfilled. Without such commitments, the projected rise of Earth’s temperature will be catastrophic for biodiversity (Urban, 2015; Steffen et al., 2018; Strona and Bradshaw, 2018) and humanity (Smith et al., 2016).

Regarding international climate-change accords, the Paris Agreement (United Nations, 2016) set the 1.5–2°C target unanimously. But since then, progress to propose, let alone follow, (voluntary) “intended national determined contributions” for post-2020 climate action have been utterly inadequate.

Political Impotence

If most of the world’s population truly understood and appreciated the magnitude of the crises we summarize here, and the inevitability of worsening conditions, one could logically expect positive changes in politics and policies to match the gravity of the existential threats. But the opposite is unfolding. The rise of right-wing populist leaders is associated with anti-environment agendas as seen recently for example in Brazil (Nature, 2018), the USA (Hejny, 2018), and Australia (Burck et al., 2019). Large differences in income, wealth, and consumption among people and even among countries render it difficult to make any policy global in its execution or effect.

A central concept in ecology is density feedback (Herrando-Pérez et al., 2012)—as a population approaches its environmental carrying capacity, average individual fitness declines (Brook and Bradshaw, 2006). This tends to push populations toward an instantaneous expression of carrying capacity that slows or reverses population growth. But for most of history, human ingenuity has inflated the natural environment’s carrying capacity for us by developing new ways to increase food production (Hopfenberg, 2003), expand wildlife exploitation, and enhance the availability of other resources. This inflation has involved modifying temperature via shelter, clothing, and microclimate control, transporting goods from remote locations, and generally reducing the probability of death or injury through community infrastructure and services (Cohen, 1995). But with the availability of fossil fuels, our species has pushed its consumption of nature’s goods and services much farther beyond long-term carrying capacity (or more precisely, the planet’s biocapacity), making the readjustment from overshoot that is inevitable far more catastrophic if not managed carefully (Nyström et al., 2019). A growing human population will only exacerbate this, leading to greater competition for an ever-dwindling resource pool. The corollaries are many: continued reduction of environmental intactness (Bradshaw et al., 2010; Bradshaw and Di Minin, 2019), reduced child health (especially in low-income nations) (Bradshaw et al., 2019), increased food demand exacerbating environmental degradation via agro-intensification (Crist et al., 2017), vaster and possibly catastrophic effects of global toxification (Cribb, 2014; Swan and Colino, 2021), greater expression of social pathologies (Levy and Herzog, 1974) including violence exacerbated by climate change and environmental degradation itself (Agnew, 2013; White, 2017, 2019), more terrorism (Coccia, 2018), and an economic system even more prone to sequester the remaining wealth among fewer individuals (Kus, 2016; Piketty, 2020) much like how cropland expansion since the early 1990s has disproportionately concentrated wealth among the super-rich (Ceddia, 2020). The predominant paradigm is still one of pegging “environment” against “economy”; yet in reality, the choice is between exiting overshoot by design or disaster—because exiting overshoot is inevitable one way or another.

Given these misconceptions and entrenched interests, the continued rise of extreme ideologies is likely, which in turn limits the capacity of making prudent, long-term decisions, thus potentially accelerating a vicious cycle of global ecological deterioration and its penalties. Even the USA’s much-touted New Green Deal (U. S. House of Representatives, 2019) has in fact exacerbated the country’s political polarization (Gustafson et al., 2019), mainly because of the weaponization of ‘environmentalism’ as a political ideology rather than being viewed as a universal mode of self-preservation and planetary protection that ought to transcend political tribalism. Indeed, environmental protest groups are being labeled as “terrorists” in many countries (Hudson, 2020). Further, the severity of the commitments required for any country to achieve meaningful reductions in consumption and emissions will inevitably lead to public backlash and further ideological entrenchments, mainly because the threat of potential short-term sacrifices is seen as politically inopportune. Even though climate change alone will incur a vast economic burden (Burke et al., 2015; Carleton and Hsiang, 2016; Auffhammer, 2018) possibly leading to war (nuclear, or otherwise) at a global scale (Klare, 2020), most of the world’s economies are predicated on the political idea that meaningful counteraction now is too costly to be politically palatable. Combined with financed disinformation campaigns in a bid to protect short-term profits (Oreskes and Conway, 2010; Mayer, 2016; Bakan, 2020), it is doubtful that any needed shift in economic investments of sufficient scale will be made in time.

While uncertain and prone to fluctuate according to unpredictable social and policy trends (Boas et al., 2019; McLeman, 2019; Nature Climate Change, 2019), climate change and other environmental pressures will trigger more mass migration over the coming decades (McLeman, 2019), with an estimated 25 million to 1 billion environmental migrants expected by 2050 (Brown, 2008). Because international law does not yet legally recognize such “environmental migrants” as refugees (United Nations University, 2015) (although this is likely to change) (Lyons, 2020), we fear that a rising tide of refugees will reduce, not increase, international cooperation in ways that will further weaken our capacity to mitigate the crisis.

Changing the Rules of the Game

While it is neither our intention nor capacity in this short Perspective to delve into the complexities and details of possible solutions to the human predicament, there is no shortage of evidence-based literature proposing ways to change human behavior for the benefit of all extant life. The remaining questions are less about what to do, and more about how, stimulating the genesis of many organizations devoted to these pursuits (e.g., ipbes.org, goodanthropocenes.net, overshootday.org, mahb.stanford.edu, populationmatters.org, clubofrome.org, steadystate.org, to name a few). The gravity of the situation requires fundamental changes to global capitalism, education, and equality, which include inter alia the abolition of perpetual economic growth, properly pricing externalities, a rapid exit from fossil-fuel use, strict regulation of markets and property acquisition, reigning in corporate lobbying, and the empowerment of women. These choices will necessarily entail difficult conversations about population growth and the necessity of dwindling but more equitable standards of living.

Conclusions

We have summarized predictions of a ghastly future of mass extinction, declining health, and climate-disruption upheavals (including looming massive migrations) and resource conflicts this century. Yet, our goal is not to present a fatalist perspective, because there are many examples of successful interventions to prevent extinctions, restore ecosystems, and encourage more sustainable economic activity at both local and regional scales. Instead, we contend that only a realistic appreciation of the colossal challenges facing the international community might allow it to chart a less-ravaged future. While there have been more recent calls for the scientific community in particular to be more vocal about their warnings to humanity (Ripple et al., 2017; Cavicchioli et al., 2019; Gardner and Wordley, 2019), these have been insufficiently foreboding to match the scale of the crisis. Given the existence of a human “optimism bias” that triggers some to underestimate the severity of a crisis and ignore expert warnings, a good communication strategy must ideally undercut this bias without inducing disproportionate feelings of fear and despair (Pyke, 2017; Van Bavel et al., 2020). It is therefore incumbent on experts in any discipline that deals with the future of the biosphere and human well-being to eschew reticence, avoid sugar-coating the overwhelming challenges ahead and “tell it like it is.” Anything else is misleading at best, or negligent and potentially lethal for the human enterprise at worst.

Posted in Scientists, Scientists Warnings to Humanity | Tagged , | 6 Comments

We’re Running out of Antibiotics

Preface.  A collection of articles I’ve run across about potential antibiotic shortages some day.  By no means definitive, and maybe the Scientists Will Come Up With Something.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of  “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy”, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer; Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

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Gibson R (2019) Exploring the Growing U.S. Reliance on China’s Biotech and Pharmaceutical Products

The U.S. Has Lost Virtually All of Its Industrial Base to Make Generic Antibiotics. The nation’s health security is in jeopardy. The U.S. can no longer make penicillin. The last U.S. penicillin fermentation plant closed in 2004. Industry data reveal that Chinese companies formed a cartel, colluded to sell product on the global market at below market price, and drove all U.S. European, and Indian producers out of business. Once they gained dominant global market share, prices increased.  The U.S. can no longer make generic antibiotics. Because the U.S. has allowed the industrial base to wither, the U.S. cannot produce generic antibiotics for children’s ear infections, strep throat, pneumonia, urinary tract infections, sexually-transmitted diseases, Lyme disease, superbugs and other infections that are threats to human life. We cannot make the generic antibiotics for anthrax exposure. After the anthrax attacks on Capitol Hill and elsewhere in 2001, the U.S. government turned to a European company to buy 20 million doses of the recommended treatment for anthrax exposure, doxycycline. That company had to buy the chemical starting material from China. What if China were the anthrax attacker?

More daunting topics from this document:

  • Beyond Antibiotics, the U.S. Industrial Base for Generic Drug Manufacturing Is on the Brink of Collapse. Generic Drugs are 90 Percent of the Medicines Americans Take (antibiotics, anti-depressants, birth control pills, chemotherapy for cancer treatment for children and adults, medicine for Alzheimer’s, HIV/AIDS, diabetes, Parkinson’s, and epilepsy, to name a few).
  • If China Shut the Door on Exports of Medicines and Their Key Ingredients and Raw Materials, U.S. Hospitals and Military Hospitals and Clinics Would Cease to Function Within Months, if Not Days
  • As the U.S. Rapidly Loses Control Over the Production and Supply of Vital Medicines, It Loses Control Over the Price of Medicines Consumers and Hospitals Pay
  • Risks of Contaminated and Potentially Lethal Medicines Are Increasing
  • Medicines Can Be Used as a Strategic and Tactical Weapon Against the United States
  • Medicines should be treated as a strategic asset similar to oil and other energy supplies and agricultural commodities such as wheat and corn. The United States would cease to function within days if supplies of energy and food commodities were disrupted. The same is true of medicines

Borland S (2014) Doling out too many antibiotics ‘will make even scratches deadly’: WHO warns that crisis could be worse than Aids

  • Spread of deadly superbugs that evade antibiotics is happening globally
  • It’s now a major threat to public health, the World Health Organization (WHO) says
  • It could mean minor injuries and common infections become fatal
  • Deaths from cuts and grazes, diarrhea and flu will soon be common as antibiotics lose their power to fight minor infections, experts have warned.
  • The World Health Organisation says the problem has been caused by antibiotics being so widely prescribed that bacteria have begun to evolve and develop resistance.
  • It claims the crisis is worse than the Aids epidemic – which has caused 25 million deaths worldwide – and threatens to turn the clock back on modern medicine.
  • The WHO warns that the public should ‘anticipate many more deaths’ as it may become routine for children to develop lethal infections from minor grazes, while hospital operations become deadly as patients are at risk of developing infections that were previously treatable.
  • Doctors are increasingly finding that antibiotics no longer work against urinary and skin infections, tuberculosis and gonorrhoea.

The WHO is urging the public to take simple precautions, such as washing hands to prevent bacteria from spreading in the first place.

Dr Keiji Fukuda, the WHO’s assistant director for health security, said: ‘Without urgent, coordinated action, the world is headed for a post-antibiotic era, in which common infections and minor injuries which have been treatable for decades can once again kill.  Effective antibiotics have been one of the pillars allowing us to live longer, live healthier, and benefit from modern medicine. Unless we take significant actions to improve efforts to prevent infections, and also change how we produce, prescribe and use antibiotics, the world will lose more and more of these global public health goods and the implications will be devastating.  We should anticipate to see many more deaths. We are going to see people who have untreatable infections.’

SUPERBUGS: THE GUIDE TO BUGS RENDERING ANTIBIOTICS OBSOLETE

MRSA – Patients infected with MRSA (methicillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus) are 64 per cent more likely to die than those with a non-resistant form of S. aureus.
People infected by resistant superbugs are also likely to stay longer in hospital and may need intensive care, pushing up costs.

C. difficile – This bacteria produces spores that are resistant to high temperatures and are very difficult to eliminate. It is spread through contaminated food and objects and can cause blood poisoning and tears in the large intestine.

E. coli – this now accounts for one in three cases of bacterial infections in the blood in the UK and a new strain is resistant to most antibiotics. It is highly contagious and could cause more than 3,000 deaths a year.

Acinetobacter Baumannii – a common bacteria which is resistant to most antibiotics and which can easily infect patients in a hospital. It can cause meningitis and is fatal in about 80 per cent of patients.

CRKP – this is a bacterium that is associated with extremely difficult to treat blood infections and meningitis. It is resistant to nearly all antibiotics and is fatal in 50 per cent of cases.

Multi-drug resistant tuberculosis is estimated to kill 150,000 people globally each year.

NDM-1 – a bacteria detected in India of which some strains are resistant to all antibiotics.

In the largest study of its kind, the WHO looked at data from 114 countries on seven major types of bacteria. Experts are particularly concerned about bacteria responsible for pneumonia, urinary tract infections, skin infections, diarrhoea and gonorrhoea.

They are also worried that antiviral medicines are becoming increasingly less effective against flu.

Dr Danilo Lo Fo Wong, a senior adviser at the WHO, said: ‘A child falling off their bike and developing a fatal infection would be a freak occurrence in the UK, but that is where we are heading.’

British experts likened the problem to the Aids epidemic of the 1980s. Professor Laura Piddock, who specialises in microbiology at the University of Birmingham, said: ‘The world needs to respond as it did to the Aids crisis.

‘We still need a better understanding of all aspects of resistance as well as new discovery, research and development of new antibiotics.’

The first antibiotic, penicillin, was developed by Sir Alexander Fleming in 1929. But their use has soared since the 1960s, and in 1998 the Government issued guidelines to doctors urging them to curb prescriptions. Nonetheless, surveys suggest they are still prescribed for 80 per cent of coughs, colds and sore throats.

The Atlantic: We’re Running out of Antibiotics

Nicole Allan. Feb 19, 2014. The Atlantic

It’s difficult to imagine a world without antibiotics. They cure diseases that killed our forebears in droves, and enable any number of medical procedures and treatments that we now take for granted.

When We Lose Antibiotics, Here’s Everything Else We’ll Lose Too

By Maryn McKenna,   2013.   Wired.com

If we really lost antibiotics to advancing drug resistance — and trust me, we’re not far off — here’s what we would lose. Not just the ability to treat infectious disease; that’s obvious.

But also: The ability to treat cancer, and to transplant organs, because doing those successfully relies on suppressing the immune system and willingly making ourselves vulnerable to infection. Any treatment that relies on a permanent port into the bloodstream — for instance, kidney dialysis. Any major open-cavity surgery, on the heart, the lungs, the abdomen. Any surgery on a part of the body that already harbors a population of bacteria: the guts, the bladder, the genitals. Implantable devices: new hips, new knees, new heart valves. Cosmetic plastic surgery. Liposuction. Tattoos.

We’d lose the ability to treat people after traumatic accidents, as major as crashing your car and as minor as your kid falling out of a tree. We’d lose the safety of modern childbirth: Before the antibiotic era, 5 women died out of every 1,000 who gave birth. One out of every nine skin infections killed. Three out of every 10 people who got pneumonia died from it.

And we’d lose, as well, a good portion of our cheap modern food supply. Most of the meat we eat in the industrialized world is raised with the routine use of antibiotics, to fatten livestock and protect them from the conditions in which the animals are raised. Without the drugs that keep livestock healthy in concentrated agriculture, we’d lose the ability to raise them that way. Either animals would sicken, or farmers would have to change their raising practices, spending more money when their margins are thin. Either way, meat — and fish and seafood, also raised with abundant antibiotics in the fish farms of Asia — would become much more expensive.

And it wouldn’t be just meat. Antibiotics are used in plant agriculture as well, especially on fruit. Right now, a drug-resistant version of the bacterial disease fire blight is attacking American apple crops. There’s currently one drug left to fight it. And when major crops are lost, the local farm economy goes too.

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Excerpt from “The Geopolitics of Resource Wars”

Preface.  This is an excerpt from Philippe Le Billon’s (editor) anthology “The Geopolitics of Resource Wars.”

Global peak oil production happened in 2018 (EIA 2020), and the energy crisis will probably hit by 2025.  The coming energy crisis and climate change is likely to trigger resource wars over oil as well as civil wars as nations they sink into starvation and poverty. Indeed, this is already happening, see my book review of Ahmed’s “Failing States, Collapsing Systems BioPhysical Triggers of Political Violence” here.

The thing is, this is a unique collapse. Pre-fossil civilizations fell when they’d cut down their forests and eroded their topsoil. Most wars devastated rural areas and survivors streamed to cities. But after the energy crisis, food won’t be able to be transported to cities, so perhaps in an energy crisis people will abandon cities for the country to seek and grow food.  Then again, cities have always been a parasite of rural areas and farmers, perhaps ways will be found to channel remaining energy into food transport. But in the end, 80 to 90% of future generations will need to return to farming.

If you’re thinking of escaping to the country ahead of the energy crisis, consider living in a town for the sake of defense, and if you plan to farm or grow food, buy land within bicycling distance.  Good luck!

War

  • S. A. LeBlanc. Constant Battles: The Myth of the Peaceful, Noble Savage. 2003
  • J. Weatherford. Genghis Kahn and the Making of the Modern World
  • J. Weatherford. Secret History of the Mongol Queens
  • Lutz Kleveman, The New Great Game:  Blood and Oil in Central Asia. 2003
  • Michael Klare. Resource Wars: The New Landscape of Global Conflict. 2001
  • Chalmers Johnson. 2004. The Sorrows Of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic.  
  • J. Matloff. No friends but the mountains: Dispatches from the world’s violent highlands
  • Margaret MacMillan. War: How conflict Shaped Us. 2020
  • P. Coffee. American arsenal. A century of waging war.
  • Robert Baer. 2004. Sleeping With the Devil: How Washington Sold Our Soul for Saudi Crude.
  • Ahmed Rashid. 2000. Taliban. Militant Islam, Oil and Fundamentalism in Central Asia.
  • Peter Turchin. War and Peace and War. The Life Cycles of Imperial Nations. 2007
  • David Berreby. Us and Them. Understanding Your Tribal Mind. 2005
  • Azar Gat. War in Human Civilization. 2008
  • Lawrence Keeley. War before Civilization: The Myth of the Peaceful Savage. 1997
  • James Waller.  Becoming Evil. How ordinary people commit genocide and mass killing. 2007
  • Philip Gourevitch. We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will be Killed With Our Families: Stories from Rwanda. 1999
  • Daniel Goldhagen. Hitler’s Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans & the Holocaust. 1997
  • Wrangham & Peterson. Demonic Males: Apes and the Origins of Human Violence. 1997
  • Michael Ghiglieri. 2000.The Dark Side of Man: Tracing the Origins of Male Violence
  • Richard Rhodes. 2000. Why They Kill: The Discoveries of a Maverick Criminologist.  
  • Giles MacDonogh. After the Reich.  The Brutal History of the Allied Occupation.
  • C. Andrew. Secret world: A history of intelligence.  980 pages
  • M. Matthews. Head strong: how psychology is revolutionizing war

Cyber War

  • Richard Clarke.2012.  Cyber War: The Next Threat to National Security 
  • Joel Brenner. 2011. America the Vulnerable: Inside the New Threat Matrix 

What it’s like to be a soldier            

  • Guy Sajer. The Forgotten Soldier      
  • David Finkel. The Good Soldiers      
  • Peter Goldman. Charlie Company: What Vietnam Did to Us          

EIA (2020) International Energy Statistics. Petroleum and other liquids. Data Options. U.S. Energy Information Administration. Select crude oil including lease condensate to see data past 2017.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of  “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy”, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer; Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

Le Billon, Philippe, editor (2007) The Geopolitics of Resource Wars. Routledge.

    A typical insurgency bears a close resemblance to criminal activity. Such conflicts have, in fact, been referred to as ‘crime disguised as war’ and the perpetrators have been termed ‘entrepreneurs or businessmen of war’. It is also true that an insurgency may be battling a state that is also integrated into complex criminal networks and that the state itself may be privatized or criminalized. It is not unusual for both war-lords and state functionaries to be dealing not just with the exploitation of natural resources but also with drugs, money laundering, and other illegal activity. Conflicts between war-lords and criminalized states tend to be particularly devastating for civilians who are caught between warring parties and considered dispensable except as captive workers or soldiers. The brutality and single-mindedness of these confrontations between fighters and civilians also creates a distinctive landscape. Large rural areas may be emptied of population, their roads rendered impassable, and the structures, that once provided human habitation, completely destroyed. Towns and cities, on the other hand, may swell with internally displaced persons (IDPs), often living in overcrowded camps on the outskirts of built up areas.

    Another part of this landscape is the ubiquitous roadblock which appears along the few usable roads that lead to urban centers or mining areas. The roadblocks are typically manned by soldiers or rebels, and always present the traveler with the threat of a shakedown or worse. So widespread is this practice that children caught up in an insurgency frequently make a game of tying a rope across a road and demanding money from anyone who passes for filling (and refilling) pot-holes. These landscapes of conflict have not received much attention, but there have been some descriptions of ‘warscapes’ which show up on maps as areas full of landmines with few safe entry and exit points, or even areas that are ‘forgotten to death’ because their isolation has made it difficult to determine what horrors have gone on there.

    Conflicts that are resource-based can be intractable. Some of the participants in the war may actually benefit from the unsettled conditions that can facilitate access to resources, smuggling and certain kinds of trade. The beneficiaries are understandably reluctant to terminate the conflict, thus militating against a peace settlement. The end result may be a stand-off, a condition that is neither peace nor war but which continues to leave civilians vulnerable, services moribund, and the larger economy stagnant to declining. This phenomena has been termed ‘negative peace’, a condition in which the basic structural imbalances that caused the conflict in the first place remain in place.

    Although the conflict in Sierra Leone has closely followed the scenario described above, there are three factors in particular that are critical to an understanding of the confrontation that took place there. Each of these will be considered in turn:

   1. The war was always closely connected to the competition for resources       particularly diamonds, and this association was strengthened through time,

  2. the conflict can be linked to the collapse of the state, the emergence of pervasive criminality among state and non-state actors along with the proliferation of small arms,

  3. the Sierra Leone war has never been restricted to a single state; rather it has always been part of a regional process whereby boundaries have not impeded the flows of resources and weapons or the movement of people.

The Diamonds of Sierra Leone

  Although the economy of Sierra Leone has been diversified during both the colonial and post-colonial period, diamonds have played a special role since   their initial commercial exploitation in the 1930s. Diamonds are an unusual resource in that they are extremely valuable per unit of weight and thus small quantities can bring substantial returns; diamonds are, in other words  very lootable. The value associated with these gems reflects an almost century-long effort by the De Beers company, originally of South Africa to create an artificial demand by successfully associating diamonds with love and marriage, while at the same time controlling the supply through a world-wide cartel.

    Diamonds appear in Africa in two forms: in kimberlite dikes which are usually mined by centralized organizations using heavy machinery and in alluvial deposits which are much more accessible. Most West and Central African diamonds are alluvial, and thus, readily available to casual miners who dig pits in river beds and pan for diamonds much as one would pan for  gold. Typically, this type of diamond extraction is a precarious tedious poorly-paid and unhealthy enterprise and one without a framework of regulations to protect miners, but it is one of the few non-agricultural employment options available to poorly-educated young men in isolated parts of Africa. The miners tend to be manipulated by local landowners or by entrepreneurs who organize them into small groups – providing credit and basic equipment in exchange for stones. There are environmental as well as social and economic ramifications of this system- the convergence of diamond diggers, many producing holes up to 30 ft deep leads to soil loss, severe gullying and sometimes to the undermining of roads and other structures.

   Diamonds were first found in quantity in Sierra Leone in the eastern provinces of Kono and Kenema. The initial exploitation was based on a tributary system whereby miners were given the right to prospect in specified areas by paramount chiefs; they then turned their trove over to the chief and were provided with a share of its total value. At the same time the colonial government was looking for potential concessionaires to develop the main diamond areas, settling on the Sierra Leone Selection Trust (SLST), a De Beers subsidiary, in 1934. The SLST was given a 99-year lease and, shortly thereafter, the right to hire its own security forces to protect against intruders. When the SLST found itself in competition for access to diamonds with the local chiefs and miners, the region took on the complexion of a gold-rush frontier with substantial petty crime and smuggling.

    The mining areas, in effect, provided a safety-valve for young men seeking a livelihood, and De Beers’ efforts to keep out illicit miners was ultimately a losing one. In the 1950s, illegal diamond mining and smuggling expanded rapidly with most diamonds being sold for hard currency in Liberia. The Lebanese community played a central role in this process, often with members of the same family covering both ends of a smuggling ring in Sierra Leone and Monrovia. In order to bring this situation under control, the colonial government reduced the size of the SLST concession, provided a legal basis for local mining to function, and expelled 40,000 foreign miners who had flocked to the area.’ Many Lebanese were able to  obtain licenses, however, as they came to play a growing role in both the  legal and illegal diamond trade. Gradually De Beers became disillusioned with this process and moved its regional headquarters to Monrovia.

    Diamond riches came to play a more critical role in the political economy of Sierra Leone as the country moved towards independence in 1960 and then, as part of the patronage politics of the 1970s and 1980s. Taxes and fees associated with mining had contributed substantially to the national treasury during the colonial period, but even before the SLST completely pulled out in 1984, decreasing numbers of diamonds were being traded through official channels. Instead, profits were siphoned off by the leadership of the ruling party and its clients. Contacts with the international market continued to be made by Lebanese traders resident in Sierra Leone and at one point, the diamonds were actually contributing to each of the factions in the Lebanese Civil War. By the late 1980s, smuggling had become so rampant that hardly any stones were still part of the legal exchange structure.

The Process of State Collapse

The start of the war in Sierra Leone can be dated from March 1991, when a group of insurgents known as the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) crossed over from Liberia, but conditions favorable to the success of the RUF had been developing for decades. The role of diamonds in contributing to the enrichment of politicians and their followers has already been mentioned but diamonds provided just one of the sources of illicit wealth that sustained the political elite. Within a decade of independence, state operatives had come to profit from the taxes and fees associated with cash crops, from bribes and paybacks contributed by foreign companies seeking access to fisheries, rutile (titanium oxide) and bauxite, and the expropriation of property. Potential challengers to this systematic looting by the state were intimidated by the instrumental use of violence.

    In the late 1980s, as the state became completely superfluous as well as predatory, sustaining its patrimonial structure became difficult. When the International Monetary Fund (IMF) called for fiscal restraint in exchange for continued loans, social services were all but eliminated and even the rice subsidies that had kept the Sierra Leone Army (SLA) in line were sacrificed.

A volatile combination of conditions were emerging in Sierra Leone: 1) increasing rural-urban migration that contributed to a growing cohort of young men lacking education, skills or job prospects, 2) a return to the subsistence sector by farmers discouraged by poor cash crop prices and by isolation from markets caused by deteriorating roads and petroleum shortages and, 3) as a result of 1 and 2 above, the need for expensive food imports that drained the state’s limited supplies of hard currency.

All that was absent from this brew was the potential for severe ethnic or religious conflicts. Politicians had manipulated ethnicity for their own purposes, particularly rivalries between the northern Limba and Temne people who had dominated the APC government in the 70s and 80s and the Mende of the south and east, but these antagonisms had not yet become the source of major confrontations.

   When the RUF forces entered Sierra Leone, led by a former SLA corporal named Foday Sankoh, there was much speculation as to what factors had stimulated the invasion. It was widely believed that Charles Taylor wanted to both punish Sierra Leone for having worked against his interests with the regional peacekeeping group, ECOMOG, and to distract the SLA from fighting against him in Liberia. A secondary factor, however, was the genuine disgruntlement on the part of dissident youths with a corrupt government, and for some, the breakdown of the patronage networks that had previously supplied them with some support. Certainly, what might be termed a rebellious youth culture had been forming for years on the edge of Freetown and other cities. Many unemployed and undereducated members of these groups worked part-time as thugs, enforcing government edicts. Gradually, the youth culture had come to be influenced by students who railed against the APC regime and then by the efforts of Libya’s President Ghaddafi to provide training for selected malcontents as a means of spreading his messages and expanding his network of allies.

    When the RUF took shape as a loosely organized contingent of dissidents, it was initially based on a vague desire to replace the government in Freetown with a more egalitarian alternative, but it evolved into a less ideological and more wealth-seeking movement. From the beginning, Charles Taylor provided support for Sankoh and the RUF that included facilities for training in Liberia, instruction in guerrilla warfare, weapons, and fighters from Liberia and Burkina Faso (Burkinabe). It was undoubtedly part of the equation that the RUF would compensate Taylor with the proceeds from diamond sales when it was in control of the mines.

    By the time of the RUF invasion, Sierra Leone had come to resemble its pre-colonial and early colonial counterpart in terms of spatial structure.

Before independence, African rulers had typically tried to control their core areas, accepting that authority would decline with distance and that it was more critical to dominate people and resources than territory. Then, when Freetown emerged as a colony in the late 1700s, it included only the basic urban and peri-urban area; it was not thought necessary to politically dominate the hinterland. The independent state of Sierra Leone reflects this legacy in that it came to focus on a series of connected islands, each of which contributed income to the center or served as a conduit for exports. Those areas that were not considered economically viable functioned as labor reserves, much as during the colonial period. The RUF insurgency eventually mimicked this pattern. The Regional Context From its inception, the war in Sierra Leone reflected the country’s position within a larger region. It is possible to identify a series of nested relationships in West Africa that are critical to the endemic warfare that has come to prevail in the area. At one end of the scale is the Mano River Union (MRU) which includes Liberia and Guinea as well as Sierra Leone. The borders between the MRU countries have always been porous; ethnic groups that spanned the border moved freely between countries and a legal and illegal trade has always taken place, especially in response to the presence of the US dollar in Liberia.

   At the level of West Africa as a whole, there have been two competing contingents. First there are the Francophone states which include, among others, Burkina Faso, the Ivory Coast and Togo, countries that have often collaborated to further their mutual interests and which allied themselves both with France, as expected, and with Anglophone Liberia. Then there is Nigeria, the regional powerhouse that has ties with its own coterie of primarily Anglophone countries, including Sierra Leone. Ostensibly, all of these states are unified in an organization known as ECOWAS which promotes West African co-operation, but the reality is much more complex. A diplomat even referred to the political jockeying engaged in by these countries as West Africa’s version of the ‘Great Game’.

   Initially within Sierra Leone, and then within a wider context, the actual invasion by the RUF along the Liberian border had a definite geopolitical logic. Liberia had a long-standing claim to part of the boundary zone and so possessed a rationale for supporting the RUF as a means of possibly adjudicating this issue. Border areas in general are often gathering places for the socially and economically marginalized, where government authority is minimal and illegal activities are carried out with impunity. Along the Sierra Leone-Liberian border, for example, diamond diggers had formed villages where anti-government sentiment made the RUF a preferred alternative.

   One of the actual invasion sites, Kailahun province, had become increasingly isolated due to the closure of the railroad by the APC government. The other site, the south-eastern district of Pujehun, had been the scene of a chiefdom dispute that had resulted in strong local antipathy to the government. As a staging ground for the RUF insurgency, the east had one other advantage: it was the most resource-rich part of the country, the best area for growing valuable cash crops such as cocoa and coffee and the site of concentrations of alluvial and kimberlite diamonds.

The Spread of the Conflict

The invasion at Kailahun and Pujehun was to be part of a pincer movement, with the two RUF brigades coming together further in the interior. The goal was to control a substantial, resource-rich territory within which an urban center could serve as administrative headquarters – much as Gbargna in Nimba County had became the ‘capital’ of Taylor’s Greater Liberia. Initially, the RUF incursion went according to plan. Having entered the country with just a few thousand fighters, the RUF expanded with impunity since the local population was unarmed and sometimes sympathetic. The invaders followed a strategy of occupying villages by either co-opting or eliminating the local chiefs, elders and educated elite and commandeering their food or other requirements. Fighting forces were expanded through the recruitment of individuals who fit the original RUF profile: school drop-outs, diamond diggers and general itinerants for whom the RUF promised the potential of easier access to the country’s riches.

    The RUF had no revolutionary programme for relating to the peasantry, however. The rebels terrified most of the rural population and volunteer recruits to the RUF had to be supplemented by kidnapped children and young adults.21 New members were inducted into the RUF ranks through a combination of initiation rites (an established practice in Sierra Leone’s secret societies), material rewards (usually plundered from other villages), training (the bush camps were substitutes for non-functioning schools) and mandatory participation in raids. According to the RUF, once the new fighters were seen as the enemy by the local population, they were unlikely to be welcomed back in their home villages.

    In order to counter this incursion, the government tried to mobilize its limited assets including foreign aid (a declining factor in the 1990s), taxes on cash crops (declining as well because of the war), remittances from citizens living abroad, taxes on rutile and bauxite, and fees and taxes associated with diamond digging and sales. Even when the APC government was replaced in a military coup conditions remained much the same. The SLA units, never trained to repel an invasion, were at first only marginally effective. They were invariably poorly-supplied, erratically paid, and frequently immobilized because of impassable roads or petrol shortages. Under these circumstances, soldiers were known to participate in illicit activities of their own, including raiding villages for tribute and even  co-operating with the RUF in dividing up the spoils of war. They became infamously identified as Sobels, soldiers by day when they fought the RUF and rebels by night when they participated in looting. They were gradually strengthened by new recruits, army regulars provided by the Guinean government and ULIMO fighters, anti-Taylor dissidents anxious to gain a foothold near the Liberia border.

    During the initial year-and-a-half period of their insurgency, the RUF were able to survive and persevere because their resource base was diversified. Food and cash crops were cultivated, harvested and sold, often by forced labor, while diamonds were collected from dispersed alluvial sites as the RUF made their way closer to the major diamondiferous areas in Kono District and Tongo Fields in Kenema District. One Freetown correspondent identified the RUF approach as follows: ‘Escapees from the rebel stronghold report that the intention of the invading force is to cut Sierra Leone, like Liberia, into two, taking the economically viable part which produces the nation’s cash crops and minerals – they don’t want any other part of the country’ By June 1991, the RUF was only 18 miles from Koidu, the district centre of Kono, but the threat of the loss of the diamond mining area caused resistance to stiffen and slowed the RUF advance.

    By this point, the spatial structure of the expanding RUF political entity had taken on a definite form: The RUF territory could be divided into three parts which fluctuated over time: a) areas firmly under RUF control, mainly in Kailahun, Pujehun, and some of Kenema Districts, b) expansion/ contraction areas where RUF raids and the destruction of villages were sometimes followed by army counter-attacks and government reoccupation and, 3) more distant areas where the RUF propaganda machine spread rumors of an imminent attack (see Figure 2 – Strategy I). In effect, the RUF hoped to minimize confrontations by intimidating the rural population into rapidly deserting their villages even before an attack had taken place.

   The rural population that stayed in place faced the risk of kidnapping, murder, theft or property destruction by both RUF fighters and government soldiers in turn. Some tried to disperse as widely as possible so as to avoid being a target, even going so far as moving out of villages during the day and returning at night. Such strategies required the ability to live off wild plants and limited hunting since cultivation was severely limited. Even beyond the conflict zone, villagers refrained from burning vegetation so that smoke would not advertise the presence of a rural settlement.

     By early 1992, the SLA was able to sustain its counter-offensive and the RUF, were actually being pushed back. This was when the government began to engage in what might be termed the rhetoric of normalcy. It would declare areas to be rebel-free and encourage all IDPs to return home, particularly chiefs who were to set an example. The Rehabilitation and Relief Committee was formed to provide returnees with seeds and tools and the repatriation of refugees was discussed. The residue of the conflict was referred to as a mopping up operation designed to eliminate the last vestiges  of the rebellion.

     Yet, in spite of the rhetoric to the contrary, the conflict was far from over. The government did not take into account the larger regional context, within  which the struggle with the RUF was embedded. Since the RUF retained its Liberia connection, there would always be a source of new supplies, weapons and fighters, and setbacks would only be temporary. For example, when the government counter-insurgency made it too costly for the RUF to  hold onto extensive territory, the rebels regrouped and transformed their  spatial strategy. Rather than trying to defend towns and large villages against army attacks, the RUF dispersed to at least six major bases with about 5000 to 6000 fighters each, scattered throughout the national space.  The bases were typically hidden in areas of forest or dense bush, connected  by bush paths, ideally suited for the new guerrilla ‘war without frontlines’. Radio equipment was widely scattered as well, allowing for communication between bases as well as the broadcasting of frequent propaganda messages. The RUF also began to carry out the atrocities for which they were to become notorious, cutting off limbs and other body parts as a mechanism for both sowing terror and undermining the official economy.

    No part of the country was immune from the expanding conflict as food production declined precipitously. IDPs flooded hastily built camps around major towns and refugees fled the country. In October 1992, the RUF finally infiltrated the Kono diamond district, in part because government soldiers were digging for diamonds themselves rather than maintaining a strong defense. The two remaining bulwarks of the Sierra Leone economy were captured later: the major rutile and bauxite producing areas. The RUF were not able to mine and process rutile or bauxite themselves, but they denied the government the opportunity to earn hard currency from mineral sales.

    During the next three years, the relative circumstances of the protagonists fluctuated, although the RUF pushed ever closer to Freetown. This was also the period when the security situation became complicated by two additional elements. Firstly, there was the growing menace of armed bands, often former soldiers who had deserted and who survived by plundering the countryside. Secondly, there was an expansion of local militias, organized from secret societies and groups of traditional hunters that were originally meant to provide intelligence to the SLA on RUF infiltration. They were often referred to by the Mende term, Kamajors, although similar contingents were organized among other ethnic groups and eventually the term Civil Defense Forces (CDF) became standard. The Kamajors were more successful than the SLA at protecting villages against attacks and even reoccupying villages that had been abandoned. In time, the militias were as likely to confront the SLA as the RUF since the former frequently competed with the militias for influence, power and resources in the ongoing conflict.”

    When morale in the capital had reached a particularly low point in June 1995, the government made a contract with Executive Outcomes (EO), a private South African security company, that was certainly more effective than the SLA in countering the RUF offensive. EO possessed both the technology and experience to locate and obliterate the RUF camps, they were very loyal as long as they were paid, and, critically, they allowed the government to retake the diamond areas and obtain a reliable source of income.

The Election and Its Aftermath

In 1996, after considerable preparation and under difficult circumstances, a reasonably fair election was organized to replace the military government and Ahmed Tejan Kabbah of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) became president. This success initiated another period of optimism: a treaty was signed with the RUF, refugees began to return home. Executive Outcomes left the country, and numerous NGOs committed themselves to a crash development program to resurrect the economy. There were, however, definite signs of trouble beneath the surface. Most disturbing were the indicators of ongoing RUF and even SLA control of selected areas of the country, combined with RUF and SLA clashes with local militias.  There was even evidence that the new government was recreating the patrimonial-style system that had undermined Sierra Leone’s economy in the first place.

    This experiment with democracy was cut short in May 1997 when the military, feeling increasingly marginalized by downsizing and by competition from the CDF, staged a coup and then invited its former enemies, the RUF, to join the new government. The RUF at this point was being supported by a vigorous trade in diamonds for arms.

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Aging nuclear power plants should be shut down

Preface. Below are my notes from the Greenpeace 146-page “Lifetime extension of ageing nuclear power plants”.  Even if you don’t understand all the terms, read on anyhow, since it certainly conveys why nuclear plants grow more dangerous with age.  Imagine how fast you’d die after being fried by radiation and heat. So do metal and cement.  They too will eventually crack, corrode, and break. 

Reading this makes me want to shut nuclear power plants down as soon as possible. They are clearly not a “solution” to replace fossil energy, especially because their nuclear wastes will poison the earth for hundreds of thousands of years. Both of my books explain why there are no alternatives to fossil fuels for transportation, manufacturing high heat, natural gas fertilizers, half a million products made out of fossil fuels, and the electric grid itself, which requires natural gas as the backup for intermittent energy when it’s not up, and to balance it when it is. 

Physical ageing. A comprehensive range of physical ageing mechanisms is described in the IAEA safety guide on ageing management:  Degradation of mechanical components can be caused by radiation embrittlement (affecting the RPV beltline region), general corrosion, stress corrosion cracking, weld-related cracking, and mechanical wear and fretting (affecting rotating components). Electrical and instrumentation and control components can be affected by insulation embrittlement and degradation (cables, motor windings, transformers), partial discharges (transformers, inductors, medium and high voltage equipment), oxidation, appearance of monocrystals and metallic diffusion.

Civil structures, especially concrete elements, can suffer damage due to aggressive chemical attacks and corrosion of the embedded steel, cracks and distortion due to increased stress levels from settling, and loss of material due to freeze–thaw processes. Pre-stressed containment tendons can lose their pre-stress due to relaxation, shrinkage, creep and elevated temperature.

Ageing of electrical installations.  In the field of instrumentation and control equipment, cables are among the components of most concern in terms of ageing. During the operational lifetime of reactors, the plastics of the cable insulation are exposed to environmental influences that cause deterioration. Oxidation is the dominant ageing mechanism of polymer cable coating, leading to embrittlement of the material, which increases the potential for cracking. Cracked cables can cause short circuits followed by electrical failures or even cable fires. Ageing cables therefore have the potential for serious common-cause failures of instrumentation and control equipment, especially under accident conditions.

Ageing effects on the reactor pressure vessel. The RPV and its internals are the most stressed components in a nuclear power plant. During operation the RPV has to withstand: • neutron radiation that causes increasing embrittlement of the steel and weld seams; • material fatigue due to frequent load cycles resulting from changing operational conditions; • mechanical and thermal stresses from operating conditions, including fast reactor shutdowns (scrams) and other events throughout the operational lifetime; and • different corrosion mechanisms caused by adverse conditions such as chemical impacts or vibrations.

Embrittlement under neutron radiation is of special importance for old reactors. At the time of their construction, knowledge of neutron-induced embrittlement was limited, so sometimes unsuitable materials were used.

Ageing of reactor pressure vessel head penetrations and primary circuit components. Leaks in the primary circuit components of PWRs due to ageing mechanisms such as stress corrosion cracking can lead to accidents involving loss of primary coolant. For systems and components in the primary circuit, especially high-quality standards are required to prevent loss of coolant and consequent loss of function. 

EIA (2020) International Energy Statistics. Petroleum and other liquids. Data Options. U.S. Energy Information Administration. Select crude oil including lease condensate to see data past 2017.

Aging nuclear plants in the news:

Pécout A (2022) French energy supplier EDF shows concern over corrosion problems at its nuclear plants. Cracked pipes were detected in the safety injection systems of several reactors. As inspections continued, only 30 reactors out of 56 were operating by the end of Wednesday, April 20. Le Monde.  The phenomenon of corrosion has been a cause for concern in the industry for several months now, as it causes cracks in reactor pipes, especially in their safety injection system. That is the important backup system of nuclear stations, which is designed to cool the primary circuit by injecting borated water into it in the event of an accident. Inspections have already detected cracks in five reactors, between the second half of 2021 and the beginning of 2022, and at least four more could be affected, which means the issue might affect all of France’s nuclear power plants, although further evaluation is needed.

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of  “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy”, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer; Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

Greenpeace. 2014.  Lifetime extension of ageing nuclear power plants: Entering a new era of risk. Greenpeace Switzerland.

Summary of major risk arguments

Important aspects of risk with respect to ageing reactors are: • physical ageing; • conceptual and technological ageing; • ageing of staff and atrophy of knowledge; As of 2014, the average age of European reactors has risen to 29 years. As the number of new-build reactors in the EU has been very limited since the 1990s, European nuclear power plant operators have followed two strategic routes, lifetime extension and power uprating. These two strategies have serious implications for the safety of nuclear power plants, especially with respect to the following aspects:

1) Physical ageing of components in nuclear power plants leads to degradation of material properties. The effects of ageing mechanisms such as crack propagation, corrosion and embrittlement have to be countered by continuous monitoring and timely replacement of components. Nevertheless, an increasing level of material degradation cannot be completely avoided and is accepted to a certain degree, therefore lowering the original safety margins. Particularly under accident conditions that cannot be precisely predicted, an abrupt failure of already weakened components cannot be fully excluded.

2) Power uprating imposes significant additional stresses on nuclear power plant components due to an increase in flow rates, temperatures and pressures. Ageing mechanisms can be exacerbated by these additional stresses. Modifications necessitated by power uprating may additionally introduce new potential sources of failure due to adverse interactions between new and old equipment.

3) Reactor lifetime extension and power uprating therefore decrease originally designed safety margins and increase the risk of failures.

4) Serious problems related to ageing effects have already been encountered in nuclear power plants worldwide, even though they have not yet exceeded their design lifetimes. Typical ageing problems are: • embrittlement, cracks or leaks in the RPV or primary circuit components; • damage to RPV internals such as core shrouds; • degradation of older concrete containment and reactor buildings; and • degradation of electrical cables and transformers.

5) The fundamental design of a nuclear power plant is determined at the time of planning and construction. The science and technology of nuclear reactor safety is continually developing. Subsequent adaptation of a plant’s design to new safety requirements is possible only to a limited degree. Thus, during the lifetime of a facility, the gap between the technology employed and state-of-the-art technology is constantly increasing.

6) To enable lifetime extensions of existing plants, operators must implement enhanced ageing management. Nevertheless, general acceptance criteria for the maximum permitted extent of ageing effects are not defined. Besides technical aspects of ageing, ageing management has to consider loss of experienced staff both in the plant’s workforce and in the supply chain, as well as problems of quality assurance under changing external supply conditions.

7) With increasing lifetime, the radioactive inventory stored in a reactor’s spent fuel pool and, where present, dry storage increases. As the risk associated with the spent fuel pools and dry storage was initially perceived as low, design requirements with respect to cooling and physical protection were weak. New risk perceptions after the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the Fukushima disaster necessitate a considerable improvement in the safety of spent fuel storage.

8) The site specific design basis of older nuclear power plants was usually rather weak concerning external hazards such as earthquakes, flooding and extreme weather. Site-specific reassessments of plants usually result in stricter hazard assumptions due to better knowledge and higher standards. However, comprehensive retrofitting is difficult to implement in older power plants, especially in terms of protection against earthquakes or even terrorist acts such as deliberate aircraft impacts. In the case of multiple-unit sites, the possibility of emergency situations occurring simultaneously in different units had been largely overlooked until the Fukushima disaster.

9) Until now, most evacuation plans for nuclear power plants have covered radii of less than 10 km. No harmonization of country-specific regulations in the EU has yet been achieved. The Chernobyl and Fukushima disasters show that external emergency plans for plants need to include larger evacuation areas. 10) The European Stress Test provided valuable insights into the safety level of European nuclear power plants. Nevertheless, important aspects of ageing were not explicitly addressed and evaluated. ENSREG created a list of good practices and recommended possible safety enhancements. But neither the good practices nor the identified safety enhancements are obligatory for EU nuclear power plants.

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The heyday of nuclear power plant construction was the 1970s and 1980s. While most of the first generation of reactors have been closed down, the following second generation of reactors are largely still operational. By 11 March 2014, the third anniversary of the Fukushima nuclear disaster, the 25 oldest reactors in Europe (excluding Russia) will be over 35 years old.

Almost half of those are older than their original design lifetime. In Europe excluding Russia, 46 out of 151 operational reactors are older than their original design lifetimes or within three years of reaching that date. However, only a few of those reactors will be closed down in the near future – most have had, or are set to have, their lifetimes extended for a further 20 years or more. In the United States, meanwhile, more than two-thirds of the ageing reactor fleet have received extended licenses to take them to 60 years of operation. As a result, we are entering a new era of nuclear risk.

The design lifetime is the period of time during which a facility or component is expected to perform according to the technical specifications to which it was produced. Life-limiting processes include an excessive number of reactor trips and load cycle exhaustion. Physical ageing of systems, structures and components is paralleled by technological and conceptual ageing, because existing reactors allow for only limited retroactive implementation of new technologies and safety concepts. Together with ‘soft’ factors such as outmoded organizational structures and the loss of staff know-how and motivation as employees retire, these factors cause the overall safety level of older reactors to become increasingly inadequate by modern standards.

Ageing of staff and atrophy of knowledge. The building of new nuclear reactors came to an almost complete halt for many years, beginning in the 1980s. The nuclear sector became less important, the need for personnel declined, and career prospects in the industry deteriorated. Young professionals began to be in short supply. However, the safe operation of nuclear power plants relies on experienced employees in the plants themselves and in the supply chain. Irreplaceable and undocumented knowledge can be lost when older personnel leaves. In the near future, first-hand knowledge from the construction phase will no longer be available – a phenomenon that we can already see today. Adverse effects on the safety performance of ageing reactors due to the atrophy of the knowledge base may be expected.

Another aspect of ageing is that in a declining market the number of manufacturers and service providers working exclusively or predominantly in the nuclear field has diminished over time. Specific experience has been lost and cannot be maintained on an equivalent level, especially where the delivery of technology only used in older plants is required. It has become apparent that the extraordinary high quality standards required for nuclear power plants will no longer be met with the same reliability as before. Manufacturers and subcontractors with insufficient experience in the nuclear field have become a significant factor in the decrease of quality and the increase in failures.

Measures to uprate a reactor’s power output can further compromise safety margins, for instance because increased thermal energy production results in an increased output of steam and cooling water, leading to greater stresses on piping and heat exchange systems, so exacerbating ageing mechanisms. Modifications necessitated by power uprating may additionally introduce new potential sources of failure due to adverse interactions between new and old equipment. Thus, both lifetime extension and power uprating decrease a plant’s originally designed safety margins and increase the risk of failures.

Physical ageing issues include those affecting the reactor pressure vessel (including embrittlement, vessel head penetration cracking, and deterioration of internals) and the containment and the reactor building, cable deterioration, and ageing of transformers. Conceptual and technological ageing issues include the inability to withstand a large aircraft impact, along with inadequate earthquake and flooding resistance. Some reactor types, such as the British advanced gas-cooled reactors (AGC) and Russian-designed VVER-440 and RBMK (Chernobyl-type) reactors suffer specific problems.

Spent fuel storage presents a special risk for ageing nuclear power plants due to the build-up of large amounts of spent fuel. Examples of problems include inadequate protection against external hazards and the risks of a long-term loss of cooling (due to poor redundancy and low quality standards in spent fuel pool cooling systems), both issues illustrated by the Fukushima catastrophe. The re-racking of spent fuel elements into more compact storage units to increase the space available for the larger than expected amount of spent fuel is a further source of risk.

Site-specific risks change over time. New insights into earthquake risk require higher protection standards which cannot be fully met by modification of older nuclear power plants. The lack of emergency preparedness evident during the Fukushima disaster forces a reassessment of risks including those of flooding and loss of external infrastructure. Especially when seen in the light of the implications of climate change in terms of extreme weather and sea level rise.

The Fukushima disaster also highlighted the risk of an external event compromising multiple reactors at the same time – a situation hardly any multi-unit site is prepared for. Sources of common-cause failures include shared cooling inlets, pumping stations, pipelines, electricity infrastructure and so on – issues that were not sufficiently addressed in, for instance, the post Fukushima EU Stress Test of nuclear reactors. Perceptions of the most suitable locations for nuclear power plants have also changed over time. Many older plants are located in highly populated areas, obviously making emergency preparedness much more complex than for plants situated far from population areas, and greatly increasing the potential for harm.

The EU Stress Test furthermore did not explicitly cover ageing-related issues. The use of the original design basis to determine the robustness of reactors was particularly unsatisfactory, because design deficiencies and differences between different reactors were not fully taken into account. Because beyond design basis events had not been systematically analyzed before, too little documentation was available and expert judgement played too large a part.

ECONOMICS OF NUCLEAR AGEING Prof. Stephen Thomas – University of Greenwich

If the cost of modifications is relatively low, life-extended nuclear power plants can be highly profitable to their owners because the capital cost of the plant (making up most of the cost of a unit of nuclear-generated electricity) will already have been paid off, leaving only the operations and maintenance cost to be paid. Other advantages to the owner include the fact that the plant is a known quantity.

In the USA, reactor retirements have mostly been due to economic reasons (including the prohibitive cost of repair), though some have been because of design reasons. In Germany most closures have stemmed from political decisions, though a few have been design-related. Elsewhere, reasons have been mainly economic (France) or technical and economic (Canada, Spain, the UK), political (Italy, Sweden) or political and design-related (Japan, largely in the wake of the Fukushima disaster).

National regulators are constantly increasing safety requirements, but for ageing reactors these can never be set at the level of the best available technology. For instance, design lessons from the 1975 Browns Ferry accident were applied to most designs developed after that, but those from the 1979 Three Mile Island accident and the Chernobyl (1986) and Fukushima (2011) disasters can only be taken into limited account.

Three plants (Vermont Yankee, Kewaunee and Crystal River) recently closed before lifetime extension was obtained because of excessive costs in the context of low electricity prices. San Onofre in California closed even before an extension was applied for, because of the cost of repairs.

The increasing risk posed by nuclear ageing should lead to an increase in operators’ insurance premiums. With ageing nuclear reactors, adequate financial security to cover the costs of a potential accident becomes even more a necessity. It is important for society as a whole that objective calculations are made of the damage that a nuclear accident could potentially cause, and on that basis alternative systems of financing the coverage have to be investigated. It is obviously important to accompany this with a mandatory financial security requirement for operators, but the higher resulting costs resulting from such an analysis should not be a reason to limit liability.

LIABILITY OF AGEING NUCLEAR REACTORS Prof. Tom Vanden Borre – University of Leuven; Prof. Michael Faure – University of Maastricht

It is especially important that compulsory insurance protects victims against insolvency of the operator. Conversely, the conventions, even as revised by their relevant protocols, allow for only up to about 1% of the cost of an accident to be compensated for.

Legal channeling of all liability to the operator is problematic. From the viewpoint of victims it would be preferable to be able to address a claim against several persons or corporations, as this would increase their chances of receiving compensation. It would also have a preventive effect since all parties bearing a share of the risk would have an incentive to avoid damage. Countries considering plant lifetime extension should end funding part of the liability coverage with public means, extend liability to suppliers, and introduce unlimited liability for operators, while requiring the latter to have third-party liability insurance coverage or other financial security of a realistic level in terms of the actual scope for damage.

Countries should opt for reactor lifetime extension only if arrangements for the compensation of victims in the event of an accident are substantially improved. A higher level of liability would not only benefit the victims of a nuclear accident but would again have an important preventive effect. Pooling unlimited liability across Europe would encourage operators to monitor one another, since they would be reluctant to allow a bad risk into their system.

POLITICS, PUBLIC PARTICIPATION AND NUCLEAR AGEING Ir. Jan Haverkamp – Greenpeace, Nuclear Transparency Watch

As of January 2014, more than 50% of operational reactors worldwide were over 30 years old. Forty-five reactors have exceeded 40 years, 14 of them located in Europe including Russia. Beznau 1 in Switzerland is the oldest operational reactor in Europe and – together with Tarapur-1 and 2 in India – the oldest in the world at nearly 45 years. None of the reactors that have so far been permanently shut down worldwide has reached 50 years of operation since first grid connection. The British Calder Hall and Chapelcross reactors have come closest, reaching 44 and 47 years respectively. The reactors at both sites were small units with a power capacity of 60 MW each. The average age of shut down reactors worldwide is less than 25 years. From these numbers it is evident that little operational experience exists of nuclear reactors with more than 40 years of commercial operation.

Construction of new reactors

Around 1980, more than 200 reactors were simultaneously under construction. In the 1990s and 2000s this figure dropped to well under 50 reactors. Only recently has there been a modest increase in construction start-ups. Enhanced safety requirements, generally decreasing acceptance of nuclear power in many countries and financial risks have prevented the European nuclear industry from building new reactors.

Most reactors under construction today are located in Asia, and over the past 10 years, new reactors have been connected to the grid in China (10), India (7), Japan (4), South Korea (4), Russia (3), Ukraine (2), Iran (1), Pakistan (1) and Romania (1).

In order to maintain nuclear energy output levels, European governments and operators are following two strategic routes, both of which are seen as less expensive and politically more convenient than building new reactors: • Plant lifetime extension (PLEX) of reactors; and • Plant power uprating (PPU) of reactors. Lifetime extension and power uprating allow electrical generating capacity to be maintained or enhanced with comparatively little effort in terms of financing, planning, licensing and technical implementation, compared to building a new reactor.

The term ‘physical ageing’ encompasses the time-dependent mechanisms that result in degradation of a component’s quality. After three or four decades of operation under high pressure, temperature, radiation and chemical impacts as well as changing load cycles, the risk of ageing becomes more and more significant. Unexpected combinations of various adverse effects such as corrosion, embrittlement, crack progression or drift of electrical parameters may result in the failure of technical equipment, leading to the loss of required safety functions. Life-limiting processes include the exceeding of the designed maximum number of reactor trips and load cycle exhaustion.

In addition to plant lifetime extension, operators of nuclear power plants may wish to enhance the power output of their reactors. The process of increasing the maximum power level at which a commercial reactor may operate is called a plant power uprate (PPU). To increase the power output, the reactor will be refueled with either slightly more enriched uranium fuel or a higher percentage of new fuel.

A power uprate forces the reactor to produce more thermal energy, which results in an increased production of the steam that is used for electricity generation. A higher power level thus produces a greater flow of steam and cooling water through the systems, and components such as pipes, valves, pumps and heat exchangers must therefore be capable of accommodating this higher flow. Moreover, electrical transformers and generators must be able to cope with the more demanding operating conditions that exist at the higher power level.

While more recent nuclear power plants have equipment hatches for the replacement of large parts already included in the reactor building and containment, in older plants it may be necessary to cut a hole through the concrete, rebar, and steel liner of the reactor building and containment in order to exchange large components such as steam generators. The concrete must first be hydro-blasted, sawn, or chipped away by jackhammer from the rebar and the steel liner of the containment, leaving them exposed to the environment. These methods can weaken the containment and the steel liner severely.  

Accordingly it was planned to cut a large hole in the concrete containment, which was strengthened with hundreds of tightened vertical and horizontal steel tendons. But after the tension in some of the tendons was relaxed, unexpected stresses inside the concrete occurred, causing delamination and cracking of the containment. The operator Progress Energy’s repair attempts made the situation worse, and the plant was permanent shut down in February 2013. Another example of the pitfalls of heavy component replacement concerns the steam generator replacement in units 2 and 3 of the San Onofre nuclear power plant in California, which resulted in permanent shutdown of both plants. Severe and unexpected degradation of tubes appeared in the newly installed steam generators after only approximately 1.7 years and 1 year respectively of effective full power operation. The excessive tube wear was caused by a combination of flow-induced vibration and inadequate support structures. The risk of the replacement became obvious in January 2012, when a tube in the unit 3 steam generator

experienced a coolant leak after only 11 months of operation. Steam generator tube ruptures are severe nuclear incidents which result in radioactivity transfer from primary circuit into secondary circuit and can also affect the core cooling due to loss of coolant.

The safety concept of nuclear reactors builds upon a systematic approach comprising technical and organizational measures. The following fundamental safety functions must be ensured for all plant states, whatever the type of reactor:

1) control of reactivity 2) limiting the insertion of reactivity; 3) ensuring safe shutdown and long-term subcriticality; and 4) ensuring subcriticality during handling and storage of irradiated and new fuel assemblies; 5) removal of heat from the core and from the spent fuel pool: 6) sufficient quantity of coolant and heat sinks; 7) ensuring heat transfer from the core to the heat sink; and 8) ensuring heat removal from the fuel pool; 9) confinement of radioactive material: 10) confinement of radioactive material by effective barriers and retention functions; 11) shielding of people and environment against radiation; and 12) control of planned radioactive releases, as well as limitation of accidental radioactive releases.

Replacement of the RPV (like the replacement of the containment) is impossible for economic and practical reasons. Consequently, if ageing mechanisms prevent further safe operation of these components, the reactor will have to be shut down. The risk of loss of RPV integrity increases under accident conditions, as the IAEA explains: If an embrittled RPV were to have a flaw of critical size and certain severe system transients were to occur, the flaw could propagate very rapidly through the vessel, possibly resulting in a through-wall crack and challenging the integrity of the RPV.

The IAEA identifies such severe transients as: Pressurized thermal shocks (PTS), characterized by rapid cooling of the downcomer and internal RPV surface, followed sometimes by repressurization of the RPV (PWR and WWER reactor types) Cold overpressure (high pressure at low temperature) for example at the end of shutdown situations.

So the unidentified degradation of RPVs, such as cracks and flaws, therefore has the potential to escalate an incident into an uncontrollable accident, even though it does not cause problems during normal operation. During power operation the RPV is not accessible for inspections or intervention measures. As a result defects may remain undetected for longer periods of time.

Extensive research programs are being conducted in order to gauge the resistance and stability of RPVs. At present there are conflicting scientific opinions concerning the current significance and further progression of ageing. Huge uncertainties are involved in estimating and predicting the progression of ageing and the long-term behavior of materials, especially under accident conditions.

A special problem arises from cracks in the RPV head penetrations – nozzles through which the control rods pass into the core. These nozzles are exposed to the high temperature and pressure of the RPV, the chemically aggressive primary coolant, and intense radiation combined with changes of load.

Ageing of reactor pressure vessel internals The main function of RPV internals is to keep the nuclear fuel elements in the reactor core in a stable position. Stable reactor core geometry is a prerequisite for reactor shutdown and fuel cooling. Distortion of internals due to cracks, as well as the release of fragments from internals, may affect the function of the control rods and thus prevent safe shutdown, and may also compromise the cooling of fuel elements. Foreign particles or fragments of RPV internal which are released and transported into the primary circuit can damage other important components such as coolant pumps, pipes or vessels which are connected to the RPV.

Another problem affecting power plant electrical installations arises from the external power supply. The European network of transmission grids for electricity has grown beyond European frontiers in recent years, and has changed from a static to a dynamic system behaviour. The increasing dynamic and higher volatility of the electricity network has various causes, of which the input of electricity from variable renewable sources is only one. It also results from increasing electricity transit through countries, changing characteristics of consumer behavior and the impact of changing electricity markets. Moreover, the upgrading and extension of the transmission grid has often been neglected or addressed belatedly. The resultant increasing dynamic and higher volatility produces high overloads, frequency deviations and other instabilities.

As a result the electro-technical design and components of a power plant – especially the unit transformers at the interface with the transmission network, but also the network protection equipment, other transformers, rectifiers, circuit breakers and so on – have to meet high quality standards. Otherwise short circuits or overloads can affect electro-technical components and propagate up to failures of engineering components of the power plant.

The unit transformers, usually two per unit, are often as old as the reactor itself. Replacement of the transformers is usually not envisaged due to the high costs of necessary power outages. Instead, comprehensive test procedures are conducted on ageing transformers. Nevertheless, ageing unit transformers and their protection systems often give rise to incidents resulting in reactor scrams and even compromising mechanical components of the power plant. Older unit transformers can suffer damage due to network instabilities, which can then result in transformer fires. In many cases, the root causes cannot be identified due to the destruction of the transformer. After several incidents in Germany, most German nuclear power plants have had their unit transformers replaced.

The development of science and technology continuously produces new knowledge about possible failure modes, properties of materials, and verification, testing and computational methodologies. This leads to technological ageing of the existing safety concept in nuclear power plants. At the same time, as a result of lessons learnt from operational experiences such as the major accidents at Three Mile Island, Chernobyl and Fukushima Daiichi, power plants have to fulfil new regulatory requirements. Thus earlier safety concepts are themselves becoming obsolete, in a process of so-called conceptual ageing. Very often, new regulatory requirements are applicable only to new nuclear reactors, while for existing plants different criteria are applied. Changes in the safety philosophy can also be introduced by malicious acts. The 9/11 terrorist attacks in the USA showed the need for more robust protection against external hazards. Older nuclear power plants have not been designed to withstand the impact of an aircraft on the reactor building. While an accidental aircraft impact was required to be taken into account in the design of some newer power plants, not one nuclear power plant worldwide has been designed to withstand the intentional impact of a large commercial aircraft like an Airbus 380. Accordingly, it can be questioned whether any existing nuclear power plant would withstand such an attack.

Ageing PWR and BWR design concepts. The fundamental design principles of modern nuclear power plants consist among others of redundancy; conceptual segregation of redundant subsystems, unless this conflicts with safety benefits; physical separation of redundant subsystems; preference for passive over active safety equipment; and a high degree of automation. Reactors such as the two-loop PWRs Beznau 1 and 2, and Doel 1 and 2, have a limited number of safety subsystems. The original basic design of the Beznau reactors has only one emergency feedwater system and two core cooling subsystems (a small degree of redundancy). One common cooling pipe is used instead of the three or four independent subsystems typical of stateof-the-art modern reactors (therefore having no segregation of redundant subsystems). Although a lot of additional installations have been carried out at Beznau to compensate for the design shortcomings, their quality standards would not meet the current high standards for safety systems80. Retrofitting of additional safety systems under conditions of a shortage of space because main structures cannot be changed, can result in higher complexity and in interface problems between existing and retrofitted systems. Similar problems exist in older BWRs of two-loop design.

A lack of robustness of the reactor building to withstand external hazards is a problem common to many older reactors.

Concerning the only operational German BWRs, Gundremmingen B and C, two former members of the German federal nuclear regulator have produced a list of design deficits. According to their analyses:

• the construction of the reactor vessel does not represent the technical state of the art • only two of the required three redundancies of the emergency core cooling system are sufficiently qualified as safety systems; • the determination of the design basis earthquake has not been reviewed for decades, and the peak ground acceleration of the current design basis earthquake (a key parameter) does not fulfil the IAEA’s minimum requirements; • some safety-relevant components and subsystems are not qualified to resist the design basis earthquake; • the basic design of the spent fuel pool and its cooling system is outdated; and • the basic plant design does not take into account the possibility of flooding as a result of a breach of a nearby weir on the Danube.

VVER-440 The Russian VVER-440/V-213 PWR design (Dukovany 1–4, Paks 1-4, Bohunice V2 and Mochovce 1,2) suffers design problems concerning the emergency core cooling and emergency diesel generator systems. At Dukovany, external hazards may cause simultaneous loss of offsite power to all four reactors. In these circumstances, the simultaneous loss of function of the Jihlava River raw water pumping station, the raw water conditioning and the cooling-towers is unavoidable. As a consequence of the loss of cooling and the following overheating of the essential service water, a loss of the emergency diesel generators could also result. In this event only temporary emergency measures would be available for the cooling of the four reactors and their spent fool pools. Furthermore, the two pipes that supply the raw water for all four reactors are not protected against any external hazards. 85 Comparable design deficits affect the other European VVER-440/V-213s. To overcome major shortcomings of the design, both Finnish VVER-440/V-213 reactors are equipped with Western-type containment and control systems. The VVER-440 reactors are designed as twin units, sharing many operating systems and safety systems, for example the emergency feedwater system, the central pumping station for the essential service water system, and the diesel generator station. The sharing of safety systems increases the risk of common-cause failures affecting the safety of both reactors at the same time.

All VVER-440 type reactors with the exception of Loviisa in Finland have only a basic level of containment. External hazards such as earthquakes, chemical explosions or aircraft impacts were not taken into account in the original design of these plants.

Despite the defects of the type, it almost seems as though certain European countries are competing with one another to extend the lifetimes and uprate the power of their VVER-440/V-230 and V-213 reactors, as shown in Table 1.3. Finland and Hungary, in particular, intend lifetime extension up to 50 years and power uprating of 18 and 15 per cent respectively, while the Czech Republic and Slovakia are also planning lifetime extension and uprating.

The RBMK (Reaktor Bolshoy Moshchnosti Kanalniy) design from the former Soviet Union is a graphite-moderated reactor. The reactor’s characteristic positive void coefficient and instability at low power levels caused the April 1986 Chernobyl disaster, when the reactor core exploded due to a power excursion and released high amounts of radioactivity across Eastern and Western Europe, contaminating areas. There was a consensus during the 1992 G7 summit in Munich to close the last two European RBMK reactors outside Russia, located in Lithuania, due to strong concerns about the design. This decision was implemented as part of Lithuania’s EU accession. Ignalina 1 was closed in December 2004 and Ignalina 2 at the end of 2009, leaving Russia as the only country which has operational RBMK reactors. The EU has agreed to pay Lithuania part of the decommissioning costs and some compensation for closure and extended and increased its financial help in November 201389.

Ageing management as explained so far is explicitly aimed at creating the conditions for the extended operation of old reactors. However, regulatory requirements for extended operation of existing plants do take into account the limited capabilities of ageing design features. Which means that they do not correspond to the safety requirements for new reactors. Against this background, regulation is intended to allow a large degree of flexibility in the case of lifetime extension. It is not intended to set strict limits. Consequently, clear and general accepted criteria for a maximum permitted degree of ageing are usually lacking, which is a major shortcoming in dealing with ageing effects.

The likelihood of system or component failure is commonly illustrated by the so-called ‘bathtub curve’ (Figure 1.9). A high incidence of early failures (mainly caused during design, manufacturing and installation) is followed by a significant decrease in failure probability. Later, the probability will increase again due to the increasing influence of ageing effects. The objective of ageing management is to keep the failure rate at a low level. Monitoring programs and resulting measures such as maintenance, repair and precautionary replacement of components have to come into effect before the failure rate begins to increase significantly towards the end of the technical lifetime. Ageing plants are thus approaching the edge of the bathtub curve. Technical modifications and changing modes of operation which result in higher loads, especially power uprating, have the potential to increase failure rates. Consequently, for ageing plants even a modest increase in lifetime may cause a significant increase in failure frequency, leading to a loss of safety-related functions.

It is difficult to produce an accurate estimation of the risk of ageing-related failures for an extended reactor lifetime of over 40 years. A simple bathtub curve will probably not reflect the reality. Experience shows that a simple distribution of observed data must be qualified by the awareness of additional influences as follows: • Non-technical ageing effects are not considered within the failure rate as illustrated by the bathtub curve. In principle, it is not possible to show a clear mathematical distribution of these impacts over time. • Operational experience, which is an essential basis for the prediction of ageing-related failure rates, is in the case of most reactor types available for less than a 40-year lifetime and so does not cover the proposed lifetime extensions. • Underestimated ageing mechanisms or new mechanisms which are constantly being discovered can result in unexpected damage and serious incidents. Additionally, the precautionary replacement of intact components prevents detailed evaluation of potential ageing mechanisms. • Ageing management programs as implemented so far have not proved sufficient to prevent the occurrence of serious ageing effects. Latent failures and damage at an early stage can remain undetected and cannot be observed in the failure rate. • Technical modifications and changing modes of operation result in higher loads. Power uprating in particular may contribute to a more frequent occurrence of ageing-related failures. • With increasing age, uncertainties in the assessment of the present condition and future performance of components may become more and more significant. • As a result of all these factors, the technical limit of a reactor’s lifetime may be exceeded earlier than initially assumed – contrary to the assumptions underlying extended operation.

A basic safety principle is that safety-related equipment must be proven in use. However, the development of technology means that technology originally used in a power plant design will become obsolete. Identical parts for repair and replacement are available only for a limited time. A change of equipment involves inherent risks, because an equivalent proof of satisfactory performance in service is not available.  EXAMPLE: the replacement of hard-wired control devices by digital control technology has triggered controversial discussions about how to guarantee the required reliability of safety-related control functions. Failure mechanisms and procedures for inspection and quality assurance are not transferable from one technology to the other. Susceptibility to faults may increase, and interaction between old and new control technology may cause additional problems.

There is an increasing trend for components to be delivered and installed without adequate quality certification. As a result, retrofitting or refurbishment of equipment carries a risk of introducing new defects into the plant.   EXAMPLE: in the course of a retrofit required for seismic protection, thousands of anchor bolts were wrongly installed in several plants in Germany and had to be replaced. Some manufacturers and suppliers intentionally offer substandard components to increase profitability. Naturally, such components cannot guarantee the required reliability and effectiveness.

EXAMPLES: In Japan between 2003 and 2012, several thousand electrical parts and fittings were delivered with faked certificates. Most of them were at the time of discovery installed in operational nuclear power plants. A significant proportion were used in components with safety-related functions. It has been suggested that around 100 employees of operators and of several suppliers were involved.

Spent fuel storage.  During operation of a nuclear reactor, a large inventory of radioactive fission products and actinides is produced in the reactor core. This radioactive inventory is concentrated in the nuclear fuel. After three to five years in the reactor core, the spent fuel is taken out of the RPV and replaced with new fuel. The spent fuel is then stored in spent fuel pools, to enable continuous cooling and the decay of the radioactive inventory. Spent fuel pools are fundamentally large pools of water. The radioactivity of the spent fuel assemblies inside the pool is shielded by the water above the fuel. A pool cooling system is required to remove residual decay heat from the pool. Spent fuel pools are located either inside the containment within the reactor building (as in many PWRs), inside the reactor building but outside the actual containment (as in BWRs) or even in a separate spent fuel pool building (as in many older PWRs).

After approximately five years, when the heat generation has decreased sufficiently, it is in principle possible to reload the spent fuel elements into dry storage casks, which can then be placed in an interim storage facility. At this stage heat removal from the spent fuel occurs passively via convection – active systems for heat removal are no longer needed.  As a nuclear power plant ages and spent fuel is added to the pool, the radioactive inventory stored there increases, thus increasing the potential level of radioactive contamination in the event of an accident involving the spent fuel pool.

Spent fuel storage policy varies between European countries. The spent fuel from the Spain’s reactors is currently stored in the plants’ own pools. The original storage racks have been progressively replaced with significantly more compact units, so expanding the storage capacity. This so-called re-racking is also practised at other countries’ power plants, for example Bohunice in Slovakia. As a result of this approach, the radioactive inventory stored in the fuel pools is increased beyond the initial design values.

The cessation of reprocessing of spent fuel from Belgian reactors has led to stockpiling at the spent fuel pools at Tihange. The operator, Electrabel GDF Suez, has stated that by 2020 the on-site storage capacity for spent fuel will be full.

Risks of spent fuel storage. A loss of cooling to a spent fuel pool while there is spent fuel in the pool will lead to heating of the pool water and increased evaporation. The rate of heating of the pool water will depend primarily on the heat load in the fuel pool. Most heat will be contributed by the youngest spent fuel elements in the pool. The heat emitted by a fuel element depends on various factors such as the fuel type, the burnup and the time since shutdown of the critical reaction. Thus, the time taken for the pool to heat by a given amount is not directly related to the quantity of spent fuel in the pool  

Given sufficient evaporation of the water in the pool, the spent fuel elements will become uncovered and there is then a risk of them overheating and becoming damaged – in an extreme case a situation similar to a meltdown of the reactor core can develop, associated with the risk of hydrogen production and explosions.

Physical damage to the spent fuel pool could also lead to water being lost, with the spent fuel elements potentially being uncovered rapidly, again leading to fuel damage and a release of radioactivity.

The risks associated with spent fuel storage were initially perceived to be low in comparison to the risks associated with the nuclear reactor core. Reasons for this were the much lower power density of the spent fuel (compared with that of the fuel in the reactor core, and the much lower risk of a critical reaction in the spent fuel pool. Because of the low power density and the large amount of water in a s spent fuel pool, considerable grace time is available in the event of a loss of spent fuel pool cooling, as long as the integrity of the fuel pool remains unchallenged.

This perception of low risk led to weaknesses in the safety of spent fuel pools especially in older power plants, as follows: • Due to the perceived long grace time in the event of a loss of spent fool pool cooling, cooling systems tend to have a poor level of redundancy in comparison with the emergency cooling systems for the reactor core. • As events involving a loss of external electricity were perceived to be likely to be of only short duration, spent fuel cooling systems are often not supported by emergency power supply systems.

• Spent fuel pools and their cooling systems are often not specifically protected against external hazards, especially in the case of older BWRs and VVER-440 reactors. • The fuel pool is sometimes placed outside the containment (BWRs, some older PWRs and VVER-440), thus making release of radioactivity to the environment possible in the event of fuel damage.

Changed perceptions of risk Following the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the USA, a renewed discussion of the safety of spent fuel storage took place. It was acknowledged that spent fuel pools located outside the reactor building in dedicated spent fuel pool buildings have a considerably lower degree of protection against terrorist attacks such as a deliberate aircraft impact. Such attacks could lead to a long-term loss of cooling or the immediate destruction of the pool structure itself, thus resulting in fuel damage and consequent large-scale releases of radioactivity to the environment.

The 2011 Fukushima disaster demonstrated powerfully the risks associated with other external hazards to spent fuel storage. Cooling of the spent fuel pools was lost after the earthquake, when external power to the site was lost. In addition, the essential service water systems were destroyed by the subsequent tsunami. When the hydrogen explosions in Unit 1, Unit 3 and Unit 4 destroyed the upper parts of the reactor buildings, the spent fuel pools were uncovered and came into direct contact with the environment.

Furthermore, the integrity of the reactor buildings was compromised as a consequence of the earthquake and the explosions. It was consequently feared that the buildings could at least partly collapse, in which case the integrity of the spent fuel pools would also be lost and cooling of the fuel would no longer be possible. Moreover, large amounts of debris from the heavily damaged reactor buildings – including the heavy structures of the fuel handling crane – had fallen into the spent fuel pools, with the risk that it had destroyed fuel assemblies

Staff had to attempt to ensure sufficient cooling of both the three reactor cores and the spent fuel pools simultaneously, which complicated matters further. For several days, the necessary cooling of the spent fuel remained a serious emergency challenge. First attempts were conducted with helicopters and water cannon, while later special truck mounted concrete pumps were used. At the end of 2013, nearly three years after the event, the spent fuel pools, especially that of the badly damaged unit 4, pose a severe danger to the site and surrounding environment. Full recovery of the spent fuel from all fuel pools is expected to take around another decade.

In the aftermath of the Fukushima disaster, the safety of spent fuel storage has again been keenly debated in many countries in the EU and worldwide.

For example, the Swiss nuclear regulator ENSI ordered directly after the Fukushima catastrophe in 2011 a design reassessment of spent fuel storage with regard to risks from earthquake, external flooding or a combination of the two. One outcome was that retrofitting of the spent fuel pool cooling system was required at the Mühleberg plant. However, the spent fuel pool itself has not been given improved protection against terrorist attacks such as a deliberate aircraft impact.

Improvements to the safety of spent fuel storage discussed in the EU amount to additional instrumentation to monitor the spent fuel pool temperature and water level, retrofitting of water feed systems to enable refilling the spent fuel pool from external sources in the event of a loss of cooling, and the need for measures to protect against hydrogen explosions in the area of the spent fuel pool.

While these measures are important first steps to enhance the safety of spent fuel storage, other major shortcomings have not yet been addressed. No fundamental improvement of the physical protection of spent fuel pools that are not located inside well-protected reactor buildings has so far been discussed. Neither is the problem of containing possible releases of radioactivity from damaged spent fuel addressed by the improvements mentioned above. While freshly unloaded spent fuel requires several years of cooling in a spent fuel pool, another important step to enhance the safety of spent fuel storage would be the unloading of the older spent fuel from fuel pools into dry cask storage in physically well protected interim storage facilities.

External hazards and siting issues. Several of the lessons of the Fukushima disaster relate to the insufficient consideration of external hazards in the design and siting of the power plant. Furthermore it has become evident that additional problems arise from a severe accident happening in several units on one site at the same time.

Country-specific regulatory requirements may also change considerably due to new operational experience. For example, France is changing its regulatory requirements with respect to the assessment of flooding risks in response to a severe event happening at the Blayais power plant.

Loss of key external infrastructure as a result of a natural disaster is another important factor. Natural disasters with extensive and long-lasting effects were usually not taken into account as an explicit design basis condition. Today, a more robust degree of plant autonomy is required to cope with situations beyond the original design basis. Unfortunately, some measures to cope with emergency situations are based on conventional installations and infrastructure (external non-nuclear power plants, transportation routes, alternative cooling water resources) which are not as well protected as nuclear installations. This also holds true for some of the emergency preparedness measures for severe accidents that have been specifically introduced in response to the lessons learnt from the Three Mile Island and Chernobyl disasters.

Seismic hazards. Older nuclear power plants were often originally designed to resist a lower magnitude of earthquake than has to be taken into account today. Moreover, in the case of some sites with low seismicity, earthquakes were not considered at all in the original design, or only a very low level of resistance was requested. Today, even for sites with low seismicity, a minimum level of earthquake resistance is required. For several European power plants, this requirement remains to be fulfilled. In addition, new scientific findings require that seismic risk levels of existing plants are redetermined in accordance with the latest methods and data. In several cases, a recalculation of the robustness of existing plants to show consistency with the new standards has been accepted instead of the implementation of expensive retrofit s.

Extreme weather conditions and climate change. The development of the risk posed by extreme weather conditions and the associated changes in risk perception are an important example of conceptual ageing.

In general, it is expected that normally occurring extreme weather conditions can be withstood by solidly constructed buildings, especially those designed to withstand extreme external events such as earthquakes, aircraft impacts or chemical explosions.

Scientific research has shown that an increasing intensity and frequency of extreme weather events must be expected. The possibility of nuclear emergencies due to extreme precipitation (including snowfall), sudden icing, storms and tornadoes, heat waves and droughts has therefore to be considered. The effects of these extreme weather conditions, such as flooding, landslides, cooling water inlet or drainage clogging, forest fires or water shortages can directly compromise a power plant and can cause wide-ranging as well as long-lasting impairment of vital infrastructure. External infrastructure such as electricity and feedwater supplies and access roads are most threatened by natural impacts. It has to be assumed that in the event of an extreme weather event the site will become inaccessible. The effectiveness of fire-fighting and other external assistance and the delivery of external auxiliary emergency equipment and support, can thus be substantially affected.

Weak protection against natural hazards is a typical problem of ageing power plants, if the design is not adapted to cope with changing risk levels and new scientific findings. Nevertheless, in the context of the European stress test some operators refused a re-evaluation of external hazards. Conversely, some countries such as the Czech Republic admitted that they had underestimated extreme weather conditions up to now.

As reactors need large amounts of cooling water, they are usually located on lakes or rivers or by the sea. Consequently, the risk of flooding of the site has to be taken into account. New assessments according to the state-of-the-art of science and technology often reveal insufficient flood protection missed by previous assessments. Changes of land use in the surrounding area (land sealing, water management, embankment) may influence the flooding risk. These changes may happen over a much shorter timescale than climatic changes and thus have to be taken into re-assessed on a regular basis. As a rule public flood protection is designed for less significant and more frequent flooding events than nuclear power plants need to be protected against, for example events with return periods of 100 years rather than 10,000 years. Unforeseen combinations of natural hazards including extreme weather (storm and precipitation, sudden icing, land slides) as well as insufficient plant protection (undersized drainage systems, missing sealing, water ingress through underground channels) can exacerbate the consequences of an extreme weather event. Some sites are forced to rely on temporary measures which are not as reliable as permanent flood protection measures, or indeed a location above the level of a design basis flood.

EXAMPLES: in December 2009, as a result of prolonged and heavy rainfall, large quantities of vegetation were washed into the river Rhône. Subsequently, the feedwater intake of the Cruas 4 reactor was blocked, leading to a shutdown of the reactor. After a shutdown, residual heat removal is still required to avoid overheating of the reactor. However, the residual heat removal system was dependent on the functioning of the same cooling water intake. The operator was forced to take emergency action: it took over five and a half hours to unblock the water intake.

In 2011 a flood had a serious impact on the Fort Calhoun power plant in Nebraska, even though it was less serious than the design basis flood. The site was flooded to a depth of 60cm. A rubber barrier installed as a temporary flood protection measure burst. Simultaneously a fire broke out in the control room. The electricity supply and some of the emergency diesel generators failed due to the flooding. The spent fuel pool cooling system was interrupted until the back-up emergency power supply started successfully. The entire site was inaccessible and some installations could not be reached for needed action. Staff had to remain on site for a prolonged period. Additional fuel had to be delivered rapidly and under difficult conditions to enable the emergency diesel generators to operate for a prolonged time.

Possible effects of climate change are insufficiently addressed, for example, in the safety design of older UK power plants such as Wylfa, Hunterston B and Hinkley Point B. Hunterston B and Hinkley Point B may not tolerate wave overtopping of protection dykes in the event of an extreme storm surge exacerbated by climate change. Flooding of installations may result, especially if the drain water discharge is not as effective as assumed in the safety design, for example due to unforeseen clogging. In this event, the power plants would have to rely on provisional measures, such as the use of fire hydrants to ensure cooling water supply at Hinkley Point, or temporary dams to protect against flooding. Climate change is predicted to result in sea level rise and higher intensity and frequency of extreme storm surge events, as well as increased maximum wave heights. Furthermore it must be acknowledged that dams or dykes do not completely guarantee flood protection. Ageing mechanisms reducing their reliability and efficiency are a common problem. In certain cases it has been shown that these installations are of inadequate size due to incorrect design assumptions and failure to adapt to changing standards. The European stress test report on Hinkley Point B summarized the potential impact of sea level rise there.

However, work subsequent to the second periodic safety review indicated a sea level rise due to climate change of approximately 0.88 m at Hinkley Point B over the current century. This indicated that sea level rise will be 9.18 m AOD [above Ordnance Datum] by 2016. This depth is still not adequate to threaten the main Hinkley Point B nuclear island at 10.21m AOD. However the cooling water pumphouse at 8.08m AOD would be flooded with consequential loss of the systems inside. The increased flood levels due to climate change do not change the nuclear safety arguments as the flooding is infrequent and therefore loss of cooling water systems remains tolerable given that the fire hydrant remains available.

Sites with multiple nuclear power plants and twin units Until the Fukushima disaster, it had usually been assumed that it was an advantage to have several reactors at one site, as they could support each other with shared equipment, personnel or emergency power supply in the event of an emergency affecting one reactor. The negative impacts on a site’s other reactors of a severe accident in one reactor were not appropriately taken into account. In practice, safety-related systems which are connected to multiple units or designed for alternating operation may give rise to adverse interactions. In many cases the shared usage of components and systems such as water reservoirs, pipelines and pumps is intended to compensate for an inadequate capacity of subsystems and/or insufficient redundancies. Multiple units are also often meshed by using cooling water inlets and pumping stations jointly. If a system’s function is requested for one unit its availability for the other unit or units may become insufficient. Switching operations and modifications affecting one unit may also result in unexpected effects on the other unit(s). Moreover, external hazards have the potential to cause simultaneous failures of identical components of several reactors on one site.

EXAMPLES: At Fukushima Daiichi, the site’s external power supply was lost as a consequence of the earthquake. The pumping stations of the cooling systems and most of the emergency diesel generators on site were destroyed by the tsunami. The four oldest reactors at Fukushima suffered the greatest destruction. The oldest unit – Fukushima Daiichi 1 – was the first of three units to suffer a core meltdown, leading to a hydrogen explosion that partly destroyed the reactor building. The reactor cores of units 5 and 6, the newest units at the site and located on higher ground, remained undamaged. Fukushima Daiichi units 3 and 4 used a shared chimney as part of the venting system for severe accidents. Hydrogen gas produced by the overheating of fuel in unit 3 – was released during venting operations and spread over piping to the common chimney into the reactor building of unit 4, leading to a severe hydrogen explosion.

It should be emphasized that the European Stress Test specification did not take specific account of issues facing multi-unit plants, and assessment of the risks due to common-cause failures or consequential failures between units was seldom addressed in the Stress Test reports. The operators of multi-unit power plants often describe only a single reactor as a reference for all units and their reports hardly touch on possible interactions between or simultaneous problems of several units.

Considering the impact of the July 2007 Chuetsu earthquake off the coast of Japan’s Niigata Prefecture on the KashiwazakiKariwa multi-unit power plant, as well as the impacts of the March 2011 earthquake and tsunami on the Fukushima-Daiichi site, the IAEA decided in October 2012 to focus on the problem, admitting that it had hitherto been neglected: The number of sites housing multi-unit nuclear power plants (NPPs) and other co-located nuclear installations is increasing. An external event may generate one or more correlated hazards, or a combination of non-corelated hazards arising from different originating events, that can threaten the safety of NPPs and other nuclear installations. The safety assessment of a site with a single-unit NPP for external hazards is challenging enough, but the task becomes even more complex when the safety evaluation of a multi-unit site is to be carried out with respect to multiple hazards… The currently available guidance material for the safety assessment of NPP sites in relation to external events is not comprehensive. The IAEA has not published safety standards in all the areas of this subject.

Development of infrastructure and population. Nuclear power plants are often built near areas of high population density to ensure proximity between power production and consumption, and because they require well-developed road and power supply infrastructure. Moreover, the extension of existing sites has often been given preference since decisions in favor of new sites became more difficult to secure. Of course, the already high population density surrounding sites may increase with time. In the meantime, increasing knowledge about the possible consequences of accidents and radioactive releases shows the need for new assessments of the risks to the public.

The more people are liable to be affected by emergency civil protection measures in the event of a nuclear accident, the more difficult such measures will become to implement. Information provision, monitoring, decontamination, traffic management and medical care, as well as the process of evacuation, will present severe organizational challenges for the civil protection authorities.

Most European countries have evacuation plans covering a radius of less than 10 km around their nuclear power plants. No harmonization of national regulations has yet been achieved. The experiences of Chernobyl and Fukushima, as well as modern computer simulations, show that external emergency plans for nuclear power plants should be extended. Calculations by the ÖkoInstitut show that an area as large as 10,000 km2 could be affected by evacuation and relocation after a severe nuclear power plant accident involving a large and early release of radioactivity. A radius of more than 50 km around the plant may thus be affected.

The more people are liable to be affected by emergency civil protection measures in the event of a nuclear accident, the more difficult such measures will become to implement. Information provision, monitoring, decontamination, traffic management and medical care, as well as the process of evacuation, will present severe organizational challenges for the civil protection authorities. Most European countries have evacuation plans covering a radius of less than 10 km around their nuclear power plants. No harmonization of national regulations has yet been achieved. The experiences of Chernobyl and Fukushima, as well as modern computer simulations, show that external emergency plans for nuclear power plants should be extended.133 Calculations by the ÖkoInstitut show that an area as large as 10,000 km2 could be affected by evacuation and relocation after a severe nuclear power plant accident involving a large and early release of radioactivity. A radius of more than 50 km around the plant may thus be affected.

Table 1.4 gives examples of older reactors close to the larger cities of Europe. Notably, all the main cities in Switzerland are in the neighborhood of ageing nuclear power plants and might be subject to evacuation in the event of a major accident. It should be emphasized that the region of Basel is the seismically most active region in Western Europe besides Italy and Greece (neither of which has any operational nuclear power plants) and also has six of the oldest active reactors in existence. In the area of Fukushima approximately 150,000 people had to leave their homes; while around Chernobyl 116,000 people from the 30km area, and subsequently another 240,000 people, were permanently relocated.

Older reactor Country Affected cities Doel 1–4 Belgium Antwerp Population in the area of the cities 5,000,000 Tihange 1–3 Belgium Liège, Namur 860,000 Dukovany 1–4 Czech Republic Brno 800,000 Mühleberg Switzerland Bern 500,000 Beznau 1–2 Switzerland Zürich, Basel 2,000,000 Leibstadt Switzerland Zürich, Basel 2,000,000 Gösgen Switzerland Zürich, Basel 2,000,000 Fessenheim 1–2 France Mulhouse, Basel, Freiburg 1,500,000 Gravelines 1–6 France Calais, Dunkirk 300,000 Bugey 2–5 France Lyon 1,300,000 Blayais 1–4 France Bordeaux 720,000 Dungeness B 1–2 United Kingdom London 14,000,000 Borssele Netherlands Ghent 600,000 Table 1.4 – European urban populations potentially affected by a major nuclear incident involving an older reactor

Lessons (to be) learnt from Fukushima – the EU Stress Test

Scope of the EU Stress Test The European Stress Test focused on the ability of nuclear power plants to withstand events beyond the original design basis, sometimes referred to as robustness. To this end, severe events were defined whose consequences had to be investigated by the operators and the national regulators.140 In the light of the Fukushima disaster external hazard played a key role in the EU Stress Test, with earthquake, flooding and extreme weather conditions required to be evaluated. Furthermore, as the earthquake and tsunami that caused the Fukushima disaster resulted in the total loss of important safety functions, an investigation of a postulated loss of electrical power and of the ultimate heat sink for the reactor core and the spent fuel pool, independent of the causing initiating event, was to be conducted.

The pre-planned measures to deal with a severe accident at the Fukushima site were not capable of preventing core meltdown and hydrogen explosions. Accordingly, the severe accident management measures in place in EU nuclear power plants, i.e. measures to secure the cooling of core and spent fuel pool and the integrity of the containment, and to restrict radioactive releases, were also to be investigated.

Shortcomings in the scope of the EU Stress Test

the scope of the EU Stress Test did not include other significant events that could lead to a severe accident, consideration of which is necessary for any comprehensive assessment of the safety of nuclear power plants, such as: • loss-of-coolant accidents; • reactivity-initiated events or anticipated transients without scram; • internal events such as fires or internal flooding; and • anthropogenic events, including terrorist acts such as deliberate aircraft impacts.

The specific topic of the ageing of nuclear power plants was also outside the scope of the EU Stress Test. This is of special importance, as several aspects of ageing as discussed in section 3 will have an impact on either the probability of an initiating event or the possible consequences of such an event. For example, the risk of a small break loss-of-coolant accident will be influenced by the quality of chosen materials, the manufacturing processes and frequency and efficacy of in-service inspections. Ageing mechanisms will enhance the risk of failures of piping. Moreover, issues of design ageing, such as absence or insufficient physical separation of redundancies in older reactors, will increase the risk of common cause failures in events such as internal fires or internal flooding, compared with the risk faced by a more modern reactor. Particularly with respect to malevolent events, the design requirements for older plants were much less demanding than those for more recent plants.

Thus, because of the restricted scope of the safety assessment and its failure to cover ageing as an important topic, the EU Stress Test cannot be seen as a comprehensive assessment of the safety of EU nuclear power plants as originally requested by the European Council.

The procedure clearly did not focus on important shortcomings in the original design basis of European nuclear power plants, nor on significant differences in the design bases of plants either within one country or in different countries. While the operator and national regulator had to discuss the conformance of the plant with its design basis, they were not required to consider the design’s compliance with modern standards such as the WENRA Safety Objectives for New Power Plants or even with safety standards for existing nuclear power plants such as the WENRA Reference Levels.

As a result, the design deficiencies of older plants were not fully covered by the results of the EU Stress Test. For example, for a loss of electrical power, important factors such as the physical separation or protection of the emergency power supply system were not analyzed in detail, even though the Fukushima disaster clearly showed that design flaws such as placing all emergency diesel generators and switchyards in the basement of the building without protection against flooding of the site can have a severe impact on the safety of a plant.

with respect to the robustness of the nuclear power plant, possible cliff-edge effects were to be identified. But at the same time, no procedure was defined to assess the robustness of the plant with respect to those possible cliff-edge effects.

The typical schedule for a comprehensive safety assessment such as those that are performed in many countries on a regular, typically ten-year basis, foresees a longer assessment period. Operators prepare their safety assessment documents over several years, and several years more are required by the authorities and their technical support organizations to evaluate the operator’s reports and reach conclusions regarding necessary safety enhancements. Thus it is evident that, especially with respect to beyond design basis events, which have never before been analyzed in detail, only a very limited quantity of validated or even qualified documents was available for the assessment. An important part of the results produced by the Stress Tests thus had to rely on expert judgement. For older plants, the documentation produced during design and construction was not as comprehensive as is required today. Furthermore, first-hand knowledge of people who designed and constructed the plant is often no longer available, as noted in section 3.3. As a result, an in-depth assessment of older plants relying mostly on existing documentation will of necessity be limited in scope. As the number of site visits conducted in the course of the Stress Test was very limited, discrepancies between documentation and the actual status of individual plants could not be realistically assessed. No site visits were conducted for nearly two-thirds of reactors; for example only 3 out of 16 operational reactors in the UK and 12 out of 58 in France were visited. The oldest British reactors, at Wylfa, Hunterston and Hinkley, received no visits from reviewers.

Although a significant number of possible improvements was identified, not a single plant in the EU faced an unplanned shutdown or was permanently shut down as a direct result of the EU Stress Test. While a broad range of safety issues and good practices was identified in the framework of the Stress Test, there is still no unified or harmonized set of minimum requirements at an EU level. The actual level of improvements implemented is decided on a national basis.

important severe accident response measures (such as hardened filtered vents) that had been developed and promoted well before the Fukushima disaster have still not been implemented in all EU nuclear power plants, and there is still no EU-wide mandatory requirement to implement them. Even in those plants where severe accident measures, like hardened filtered vents have been implemented, they are sometimes not fully protected against external events such as earthquakes. While important safety improvements such as the installation of a diverse and fully independent secondary heat sink and an emergency control building, are identified by the Stress Test as good practices, there is no general consensus in favor of such retrofits. Some countries already have an additional layer of safety systems to ensure fundamental safety functions, including auxiliary systems (such as emergency diesel supply) in physically separated and/or specially protected buildings. Some countries such as France are preparing requirements to install a so-called ‘hardened core’ of equipment. Such a hardened core should safeguard all fundamental safety functions including auxiliary systems, even against external hazards of a much higher impact than has been allowed for by design basis assumptions up until now. A hardened core of this kind would be a very valuable retrofit for all EU nuclear power plants. At the same time, it has to be

that the implementation of such a core will take a number of years, even in France where it is already under discussion for a longer time.

While all the above aspects can be dealt with individually, the complex interactions between all of them have the potential fundamentally to undermine the safety level of ageing nuclear power plants.

The economics of nuclear power plant lifetime extension

The nuclear power plants that came on line in the 1970s, and which make up a significant proportion of the world’s nuclear generating stock, are now coming to the end of their expected operating life, typically 30–40 years. The replacement of these reactors with new nuclear capacity is highly problematic, for example in terms of cost, finance and siting, so utilities are increasingly looking to extend the lifetime of their existing nuclear power plants as the easiest way to maintain their nuclear capacity. If the cost of modifications were to prove relatively low, life-extended plants could be highly profitable to their owners because the capital cost (which makes up the majority of the cost of a unit of nuclear electricity) will already have been paid off, leaving only the operating and maintenance (O&M) costs to be paid.

The report looks at lifetime extensions of 10 years or more, as opposed to shorter extensions which are often granted on a more ad hoc basis. It focuses on pressurized water reactors (PWRs) and boiling water reactors (BWRs), which accounted for 271 and 84 respectively of the 435 reactors in operation worldwide in November 2013, and which encompass the majority of reactors being considered for lifetime extension. In a number of countries, only one or two reactors are coming up for retirement and the authorities’ approach to lifetime extension may be tailored to specific conditions at these reactors. The report therefore focuses on the two countries, the USA and France, which, because they have a significant numbers of reactors nearing their original licensed lifetime, might be expected to have developed a more systematic process for authorizing lifetime extension.

The case for lifetime extension

The advantages to nuclear power plant owners of lifetime extension are as follows: • The cost is expected to be much lower than that of new-build nuclear or other electricity generation capacity. • Maintaining capacity on an existing site is much less likely to cause public opposition than new-build, even on an existing site. • Upgrading an existing plant represents a low economic risk because it is expected to be much less likely to lead to cost escalation and time overruns than new-build. • Unexpected technical problems are much less likely with a long-established design than with a new, relatively untested design. • If a plant’s capacity represents a large proportion of the country’s nuclear capacity, extending its lifetime will help maintain nuclear skills, which may be lost if the reactor(s) involved are closed. • It may allow upgrades to be carried out to improve the plant’s profitability, for example raising the output by installing a more efficient turbine generator. • It delays the start of decommissioning and reduces the annual provisions needed to fund this process. Decommissioning is technologically largely unproven, raises issues of waste disposal and is expected to be an expensive, challenging and controversial process.

However, the process of lifetime extension is dependent on convincing national nuclear safety regulatory authorities that the reactor’s design is safe enough to allow it to be re-licensed for a period of time that represents a significant fraction (up to half) of its original expected lifetime. It is clear that none of the designs that are currently reaching the end of their lifetime could be licensed as new-builds, and even if major safety upgrades are made the plants in question will still fall short of the standards expected of a new plant. However, while the quality of these designs falls short of current requirements, the plants are much more a known quality; any major design flaws or construction errors are likely to have emerged after more than 30 years of operation, and the operating workforces are well-established and ought to be competent.

While lifetime extension is clearly an expedient option in many cases, it does raise serious questions. These include the following: • How appropriate is it to re-license facilities that inevitably fall well short of the design standards required for new plants? • How far can regulators be sure that all significant plant deterioration can be identified, especially in parts of the plant that are effectively inaccessible? • How far can regulators be sure that significant construction quality issues, which would be picked up now because of improved quality control technology or more rigorous procedures, do not exist? 2 Concepts of power plant lifetime While regulatory approval is a necessary condition for continued operation, it is far from being a sufficient condition.

There are at least six different concepts of the lifetime of a power plant, in particular, a nuclear power plant, which are relevant. These include: • design lifetime; • accounting lifetime; • economic lifetime; • political lifetime; • physical lifetime; and • regulatory lifetime.

Nuclear economics. Prior to discussing these concepts, it is useful to outline briefly the main determinants of the economics of nuclear power. A detailed discussion of the subject is beyond the scope of this report, but some basic information is useful. The major element in the cost of a unit of nuclear-generated electricity is the fixed cost, mostly comprising the construction cost. This fixed cost is determined by the construction cost itself and the cost of capital. There is no consensus on the construction cost of a nuclear power plant, and there has been a strong upward trend in real construction costs throughout the history of nuclear power. The cost of capital is highly variable and depends entirely on the circumstances of the plant, specifically the perceived risk of the project to its financiers.

The O&M costs represent the main element of the rest of the cost of a unit of nuclear-generated electricity besides the fixed cost. However, only for the USA -there are reliable data on O&M costs in the public domain. This is available because the US economic regulatory system will only allow properly audited costs to be recovered from consumers. Even this source of data is becoming less extensive as more US plants recover their costs from a non-regulated, competitive market and are not required to publish accurate costs. In other countries, there is no incentive for utilities to publish O&M costs. Utilities regard this information as commercially confidential and also have good reason to present their investments in nuclear power in a good light, so data from other countries have to be treated with skepticism.

Design lifetime. The plant’s design lifetime is set by the specifications of the materials used and equipment installed, and how long these are expected to remain serviceable. The design lifetime is not a precise measure of how long a power plant will last, because this will depend on a number of factors, in particular the O&M regime. For example, if any thermal power plant is shut down and started up more often than expected, this will impose thermal stresses likely to shorten the life of the plant. If the plant is not maintained as well as expected, its life will be shortened. In the case of nuclear power plants, there is still limited experience of how long materials will last when exposed to radioactive bombardment. In practice, plants are retired not on the basis of the design lifetime but according to other factors, and design lifetime is not considered further in this chapter.

Accounting lifetime. Any capital asset is given an accounting lifetime when it enters service: this represents the period over which the construction cost is to be recovered. Once the initial capital cost has been recovered, the plant is said to be ‘amortised’, and the output can be profitably sold at marginal cost plus a profit margin. In the case of a nuclear power plant, for which the operating costs are expected to be a relatively low proportion, perhaps 30 per cent, of the overall cost of a unit of electricity, once the initial costs have been recovered the plant may be seen as a cheap source of electricity. However, this is not invariably the case: for example, in 2013 the retirement of five US nuclear power plants was announced because the costs of operating them and keeping them in service were too high for them to be profitable.

In theory, whether a plant is amortised or not should not influence decisions on retirement – the initial costs have to be repaid whether or not the plant is operating. The operating costs should be the sole determinant of whether or not to retire a plant. However, whether or not plants are amortised may influence political decisions about their future. In Germany, the utilities are demanding compensation for the government’s phase-out policy because closing the plants at about year 30 will prevent the utilities earning large profits from their continued operation.3 In Belgium, the government was demanding the payment of windfall taxes on the profits made by the utilities as a condition for allowing their plants to be life-extended.4 Unsurprisingly, the German utilities who filed for compensation for not being allowed to life-extend their plants, claimed that their foregone profits would have been high so as to ensure that their compensation will be high, while the Belgian utilities claimed that the profits of their life-extended plants would be lower than the Belgian electricity regulator’s estimate so as to minimise the windfall taxes payable. However, like design lifetime, accounting lifetime is an ex ante measure and not generally speaking a determinant of decisions on lifetime extension, and is therefore not considered further in this report.

Economic lifetime. Any piece of industrial plant is generally only kept in service as long as it is profitable. Once a piece of industrial plant such as a power plant is no longer profitable and there is little realistic prospect of it becoming profitable again, it will be retired. This is particularly relevant in the case of technologies in which progress is rapid, or when the costs of the existing technology or its potential replacements changes. For it to be economic to replace a piece of plant, the cost of building and operating its intended replacement must be less than the cost of continuing to operate the existing plant. For example, in the past, old coal-fired power plants were often retired because new coal-fired designs were available that were so much more thermally efficient than their predecessors that the cost savings from lower coal consumption would more than pay for the capital cost of the replacement. Changes in environmental regulations, may also help to justify the retirement and replacement of existing capacity. For example, in the 1990s combined cycle gas turbines had such low overall costs, because of low construction costs, low world gas market prices and high thermal efficiencies, that in some cases they were able economically to replace existing coal-fired capacity, helped by the fact that the cost of retrofitting environmental controls to the coal-fired plants was avoided (the environmental performance of the gas-fired plants being intrinsically superior). It should not be overlooked, however, that any unamortised capital costs of a plant that is retired and replaced will have to be met from the revenues of the replacement plant, in addition to its own capital costs.

Political lifetime. Major pieces of industrial plant may also be subject to considerations of political acceptability: if a process or product is no longer politically acceptable, the plant must be retired. This is clearly illustrated by countries with nuclear ‘phase-out’ policies where plants are retired because they no longer command public acceptance, even if the regulator is prepared to continue to license the plant. In some cases, the political forces are external; this was the case for Eastern European and former Soviet Union countries including Bulgaria, Lithuania, Slovakia and Ukraine, on which the West placed pressure to retire designs of nuclear power plant that it categorized as unsafe.

Physical lifetime. Many components in power plants are readily and quite cheaply replaceable, and plants all of whose major components can readily be replaced can be seen as effectively having an indefinite life-time. In practice, the lifetime of such plants will be determined by economic or regulatory factors. A simple analogy is ‘your grandfather’s axe’, which had had three blades and four handles but was still the same axe. However, where there are components that it would clearly not be economically viable to replace – so-called life-limiting components – the plant’s lifetime will be determined by the lifetime of those components. A simple analogy is a bicycle: failure of the frame means bicycle has to be scrapped. The older a plant gets, the lower its value tends to become once repaired, and the more likely it is that the replacement of a given component will turn out to be prohibitively expensive. For nuclear power plants, the most commonly quoted life-limiting component is the reactor vessel. If the integrity of the vessel can no longer be guaranteed, there is a risk of the core being exposed to the environment and the plant has to be retired.

before the accident at the Three Mile Island power plant in Pennsylvania, USA, it was assumed that the simultaneous failure of two independent safety systems was so unlikely as to be effectively impossible. Three Mile Island proved that this was not the case, so additional safety requirements had to be introduced.

There is variation between countries on the duration of the nuclear power plant licences. In the USA, nuclear plants were given a lifetime of 40 years by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), at the end of which the licence must be renewed or the plant shut. At the other end of the spectrum, in the UK, once a nuclear plant has been licensed for operation, that licence remains in force only until the next major maintenance shutdown, usually about a year ahead, after which the regulator (the Office of Nuclear Regulation (ONR)6) must approve the restart. In France, nuclear power plants are subject to a 10-yearly review by the Autorité de ) must approve the restart. In France, nuclear power plants are subject to a 10-yearly review by the Autorité de year licence does not give the operator carte blanche to run the plant for 40 years, as it can be withdrawn at any time. For example, in 1987, the NRC found evidence of poor operating practice at the two-unit Peach Bottom site in Pennsylvania.7 As a result the two reactors were closed for more than two years until the NRC was satisfied that the issues had been resolved. Severe reactor head degradation was found at the Davis-Besse power plant in Ohio and the plant was kept off-line for two years until repairs had been carried out to the NRC’s satisfaction.

Experience of nuclear plant lifetimes Some of the nuclear power plants that have so far been retired around the world were early designs that had been shown to have design problems. For example, four out of six of the first generation BWRs were retired around 1980 because their steam generators were causing serious problems. Experience of nuclear technology and of regulatory approval of new designs should mean that serious design errors are less likely now. However, such errors are still possible, particularly in the case of more radical new designs. For example, the N4 design developed by Framatome (predecessor of Areva, the French public-owned nuclear power corporation) for four reactors built in the 1990s in France contained a number of significant design errors that delayed commercial operation and necessitated significant design changes.

In practice, nuclear power plants may be retired for a combination of reasons; in the following tables the reason for retirement listed is the major one.

Nuclear power plant retirements to date have been dominated by the USA, Germany, Eastern Europe and the countries of the former Soviet Union. By comparison, there have been relatively few retirements in the rest of the world.

In the USA, the dominant reason for plant retirement has been economic, particularly in the 1990s and again in 2013 – both times when the natural gas price was low, and nuclear power plants could be economically replaced by gas-fired plants. The NRC had actually given approval in principle for two of the five plants whose retirement was announced in 2013 to continue to operate for a total of 60 years. One study identifies 38 US reactors as being under threat of closure on economic grounds, with 12 under particular threat (see Annex 1). This shows how quickly the outlook for an operating nuclear power plant can alter with changes in fossil fuel prices, the need for significant repairs and the need for significant safety upgrades. The larger the extent that nuclear plants are exposed to unpredictable wholesale electricity markets, the more economically vulnerable they become. The five plants whose retirement was announced in 2013 deserve further discussion as, while the fundamental issue was cost, there were important differences between them that illustrate the issues involved in lifetime extension.

San Onofre 2 and 3 Units 2 and 3 of the San Onofre plant in California were completed in 1983 and 1984 respectively. They were built and are owned by Southern California Edison (SCE). The retirement of the San Onofre units was related to the cost of replacing the steam generators. The plants had been closed in January 2012 after the discovery of tube wear in the steam generators, which had been replaced as recently as 2010 (Unit 2) and 2011 (Unit 3) at a cost of $602m. SCE claimed in November 2012 that it was safe to continue to operate the units at 70 per cent capacity, but by May 2013 it had been unable to convince the NRC of its case and the plant was shut down. SCE is now trying to recover the cost of the apparently inadequate replacement steam generators from the supplier, Mitsubishi and from its insurer, and also wants to pass any unrecovered costs on to consumers. The issue facing SCE is how far it will be able to recover both these costs and the replacement power costs from its consumers. California has a regulated energy market, and as of September 2013 there were doubts as to whether the regulator, the California Public Utilities Commission (CPUC), would allow these costs to be recovered.17 By November 2013, it seemed likely that CPUC would rule that already calculated replacement power costs would have to be refunded to consumers.18 The closure of the plant therefore seems to have been related more to concerns about the safety of the steam generators and the consecutive need to have them replaced, uncertainties about recovery of the repair costs and related future costs than to the cost of gas-fired alternatives.

In Germany, the dominant reason for plant retirements has been the political decision to phase out nuclear power, first taken in 2002 (as a result of which two reactors were retired) and then reconfirmed in 2011 after the Fukushima disaster, whereupon a further eight reactors were retired. The remaining nine reactors will be progressively retired over the period from 2015 to 2022.

Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. In Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, the dominant reason for plant retirement has been concerns about the safety of some Soviet technologies – especially the RBMK design used at the Chernobyl site, but also the first generation Soviet PWR, the VVER. A condition for entry into the European Union for Bulgaria, Slovakia and Lithuania was that plants using these suspect designs be retired. Russia’s own regulatory process is not open and the reasons for retirement of plants are not publicly disclosed.

The RBMK design uses graphite as a moderator, and if the integrity of the moderator cannot be assumed, safety issues emerge. During the 1990s Russia essentially rebuilt four reactors of the RBMK design at the Leningradskaya site near St. Petersburg, with shutdowns of about two years. The plants were also upgraded to take account of the lessons from the Chernobyl disaster, and after a further 18 month shutdown to repair the graphite, the first unit at the site was returned to service in November 2013. The other three units are now expected to undergo similar repairs. It has not been reported how long these reactors are expected to continue to operate. The six RBMKs built outside Russia, in Lithuania and at Chernobyl, have all been retired. Including the four at Leningradskaya, eleven RBMKs remain in service in Russia but these will not be considered further because the determinants of their lifetime are very different to those of PWRs and BWRs and because there is no reliable information on the standards the Russian authorities require these plants to meet.

In the rest of the world, there has been a mixture of reasons for retirement. The gas-cooled reactors (GCRs) using carbon dioxide as a coolant and graphite as a moderator (installed in the UK, France, Italy, Spain22 and Japan) were very expensive to operate and all except those in the UK have now been retired. In the UK, all reactors of the first-generation Magnox design have been closed except for one, expected to close in 2015; but all seven plants using the second-generation UK design, the Advanced Gas-cooled Reactor (AGR), remained in service in 2013. For graphite moderated reactors, the main life-limiting component is the graphite moderator framework which thins and distorts with exposure to heat and radiation. The GCRs are not considered further in this report because the determinants of their lifetime are different to those for PWRs and BWRs.

In the Canadian-designed Pressurised Heavy Water Reactors (CANDUs), the fuel is contained in a large number of pressure tubes rather than in a single pressure vessel. Up until 1987, it was assumed that these pressure tubes would leak before breaking so that there would be ample warning of a pressure tube rupture, and tube failure was therefore not seen as a serious safety issue. This assumption was then proved false when it was discovered that rupture could occur unpredictably. Since then, once the integrity of these pressure tubes can no longer be assumed (expected to be after 20–25 years), they must be replaced in a major repair. For three reactors, the cost of this was seen as unjustifiable and they were therefore retired. The special issue of the integrity of the pressure tubes means that the decision-making for CANDUs is somewhat different to that for PWRs and BWRs, and accordingly CANDUs are not considered further in this report.

Following a 1987 referendum Italy took the decision to close its nuclear plants, and although there were attempts by Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi to reverse this decision, it was confirmed by a second referendum in 2011. A phase-out decision taken in 1980 in Sweden under a referendum led to only two out of 12 of the country’s reactors being shut down before the policy was abandoned in 2010. Similarly, a phase-out promise made in 2004 by the Spanish government has led to the closure of only one of the remaining nine units, a very small, old reactor.

The impetus for lifetime extension programmes Until the last decade, nuclear power plants had an expected lifetime of 40 years or less. As the first wave of commercial nuclear power plants did not enter service until the mid-1960s, plant retirements were few and generally driven by either economic factors, design issues or political factors. Table 2.5 shows that for most countries dealing with retirement is still not a major issue. Nearly half (14) of the 31 countries operating nuclear power plants have no reactors aged 35 or older.

Countries with more than 40 per cent of their reactors in service or under construction aged 35 or older, that use PWRs or BWRs and that have three or more reactors aged over 35 (see Table 2.5) include Belgium, Sweden, Switzerland and the USA. The first three of these countries have or have had nuclear phase-out policies, which if carried through would mean that the issue of lifetime extension would have limited relevance.

The USA is by far the most advanced country in terms of its progress towards lifetime extension: the majority of its reactors have been given approval by the NRC to operate for at least 60 years as opposed to the 40-year life for which they were originally licensed. However, this was done before the Fukushima disaster and, as has been demonstrated by the retirements in 2013, the existence of permission to extend a reactor’s lifetime to 60 years is far from a guarantee that it will actually operate for this long.

While France appears to have less need to consider lifetime extension as yet, the scale and speed of the French nuclear power programme from 1977 to 1992 means that the issue is already of importance for planning. Of the 58 reactors in service in 2013, 23 were commissioned in the period 1977–82 (see Table 2.6), representing more than 20GW of capacity. If France was to replace all this capacity with the latest French design, the European Pressurised Water Reactor (EPR), this would require at least 13 new reactors. If we assume that the cost per reactor would be the same as that agreed by the UK government for its Hinkley Point B EPR, €9.5bn24, and the existing reactors were replaced at age 40, the investment needed before 2022 would be in excess of €120bn in present-day terms, a sum that would be difficult for France to finance. To put this figure in perspective, it represents about double the annual turnover of the entire global EDF group.

However, President François Hollande was elected on a promise to reduce the nuclear contribution to France’s electricity from 75 per cent to 50 per cent, and has promised to close the two oldest reactors, at Fessenheim, by the end of 2016. Moreover, the ASN is requiring an expensive range of upgrades to take account of the lessons from the Fukushima disaster, making lifetime extension less attractive. The French case is therefore complex and highly uncertain.

For the purposes of lifetime extension, it is clear that the technologies under consideration are far short of the standards that would be required for a reactor planned today. By definition, all were designed before the Browns Ferry accident of 1975 and can take only limited account of the lessons learnt there, much less the lessons from the Three Mile Island (1979) accident and the Chernobyl (1986) and Fukushima (2011) disasters. The Browns Ferry accident occurred when a fire in a cable tray disabled the control systems for all three reactors on the site and led to the recognition of the need for a much greater degree of independence of the reactors on a multi-unit site. The first reactors designed post-Chernobyl have yet to enter service, while it is clear that the lessons to be learnt from Fukushima are only now beginning to emerge and that it will be decades before they are fully embodied in the available reactor designs.

Many of these design lessons cannot be applied to existing reactors. For example, the Chernobyl disaster led to a requirement in some jurisdictions that ‘core-catchers’ be installed to prevent the core burning down into the environment in the event of a reactor vessel failure. Similarly the 9/11 terrorist attack led to a requirement that reactor containments should be able to stand up to impact from a full size civil aircraft. It is clear that neither of these requirements could be met in existing reactors, and that the BAT standard cannot therefore be met. So the decision to life-extend inevitably means giving what is essentially a new life of perhaps 20 years to a facility that falls far short of current best practice. Regulators must therefore judge how far short of current standards it is acceptable for facilities to fall.

Conclusions.  Very few nuclear reactors have been retired because they have reached the end of their licensed lifetime. Much likelier life-determining factors are: the economics of the plant; the existence of national phase-out policies; serious and unexpected equipment failures; and, for older designs in particular, existence of design issues that makes their continued operation unacceptable in terms of current standards. There seems to be a consensus among regulators that most existing reactors can be safely operated in principle for 60 years, and there are even investigations in the USA into extending lives to 80 years.

However, in the 15 years since lifetime extension began to be adopted, the perception of the risk attached to assuming a significantly longer life has increased. In the USA, the process of obtaining the first lifetime extensions went smoothly, without major plant modifications being required. However, as more problematic plants came up for consideration and safety-related incidents (initially the 9/11 attack) began to play a role in official thinking, the process became more difficult and expensive. It also became clearer, especially after the Fukushima disaster, that in-principle approval for a reactor to operate for 60 years was far from being a guarantee that it actually would complete a 60-year operational life.

The collapse of natural gas prices in the USA also emphasized that there are economic risks to lifetime extension, with two of the four plants retired in the USA in 2013 being closed purely on the grounds that they were expected to become loss-makers.

A longer lifetime gave utilities the opportunity to justify upgrades aimed at improving the economics of a plant, such as power upgrades. However, as the risks and costs of lifetime extension became clearer, the case for this additional discretionary investment was weakened.

Regulators face the difficult task of determining how safe is safe enough. It is clear that the designs of plants now reaching the point where lifetime extension will be considered fall far short of the requirements for a new plant, and that retrofitting to bring them up to today’s new-build standards would be technically and economically infeasible. As a result the required standard for the upgraded technology of a life-extended plant tends to be merely that the risk should be as low as reasonably achievable (ALARA), with the ‘best available technology’ (BAT) standard being unattainable.

There appears to be a significant difference between the requirements of the US regulator NRC, and those of the French regulator ASN, particularly post-Fukushima. The ASN is now requiring an extensive range of upgrades, for example improved seismic resistance and flood protection of back-up power and control rooms. The NRC does not appear to have modified its requirements significantly in the light of Fukushima, and the cost of related modifications appears to be much lower than in France, despite the fact that some US reactors are of comparable type and vintage to Fukushima’s, whereas the French reactors are of a very different design.

Nuclear Liability Of Ageing Nuclear Reactors

The relationship between reactor lifetime extension and nuclear liability is a key issue, which is the particular focus of this chapter. It analyses the possible impact of lifetime extension on nuclear liability and examines to what extent a nuclear operator would be liable for the costs of an incident affecting a life-extended reactor. It addresses the following questions: • Does the current legal framework on nuclear liability address nuclear ageing and lifetime extension of reactors? • Would it be a good idea to have a specific provision addressing nuclear ageing and lifetime extension of reactors? • What is the liability of suppliers of upgrades for life-extended reactors?

According to European Commission figures, the March 2011 Fukushima disaster caused €130bn of damage.

The question now arises whether a nuclear incident in Europe would cause a similar amount of damage. A report by the French Institut de Radioprotection et de Sûreté Nucléaire (IRSN) has indicated that the damage caused by a serious nuclear incident in France would cost between €120bn and €300bn.

The costs of the Fukushima disaster as well as the recent French study demonstrate once again that the amounts provided for under the nuclear liability conventions are absolutely too low. Even assuming that the 2004 Protocols to the Paris and Brussels Supplementary Convention was in force, this would mean that potentially only half of one per cent of the damage could be compensated for (€1.5bn available against damage of €300bn).

A first consequence of the liability subsidy is that nuclear operators may enjoy a preferential situation in the energy market compared with other producers that do not receive such a subsidy. Since operators of nuclear plants do not have to internalize the full social cost of their activity, the price of nuclear energy will be artificially lowered compared with energy from other sources, leading to a distortion of competition and reducing the incentive to build other types of power plant.

A consequence of inadequate victim compensation, is that it would be very hard to ensure equal treatment of victims. There is a significant risk that victims who have filed a claim first will be awarded compensation first, while, victims who are later in filing a claim (for example because effects on health become apparent only sometime after the incident) face the risk of receiving less compensation or no compensation at all, especially when the compensation already awarded exceeds the limited liability amounts. This possibility raises important issues in terms

Insurance of nuclear risk

Reactor ageing and lifetime extension may of course have important consequences for the demand for nuclear insurance and financial security and for the price of the cover provided. To the extent that the probability of a nuclear accident increases with ageing, there are consequences for the premiums charged; to the extent that chance (larger chance of failure) and the magnitude of the potential damage (because of a decreasing functionality of protection barriers) may increases, there may be consequences for the necessary scope of cover. This prospect threatens to exacerbate the tendency whereby debate on reform of nuclear liability (for example towards unlimited operators’ liability) has always been obstructed by the argument that higher levels of liability than currently provided for by the conventions, and certainly unlimited liability, would be uninsurable. As we will argue below, this argument contains serious fallacies. First, policymakers have been too much dependent on one-sided information provided by the nuclear industry as to what amounts would be insurable. More recent estimates, for example by nuclear reinsurers, hold that substantially larger amounts could be covered30; moreover, it is, as the examples of some EU Member States show, not necessary to link the level of nuclear liability to the available level of insurance coverage on the market. Liability could in principle be unlimited (as in Germany), but the required financial cover could be limited to the amount that could be provided by the market. Policymakers need to become much more critical and rather than relying on one-sided information provided by the nuclear lobby, conduct an objective analysis of cover available on the financial and insurance markets, taking into account information from relevant stakeholders such as large reinsurers.

Conclusions Countries that opt for reactor lifetime extension should do so only in the context of substantially improved arrangements for compensation of victims of a nuclear incident – a higher level liability will not only be beneficial for the victims of a nuclear incident but will also have an important preventive effect. There seems to be little doubt about the advantages of some of the principles of the international nuclear liability regimes, especially as far as strict liability and compulsory insurance are concerned. There has, however, been much criticism of legal channeling, limited liability and state funding. Strict liability favours victims because they do not need to prove negligence or a fault on the part of an operator in order to be compensated. Compulsory insurance guarantees that a certain level of compensation will be available even if, for example, an operator goes bankrupt after a nuclear incident.

The other principles of the conventions were created in favor of the nuclear industry: the limitation of liability is the most striking example of this. The amount of limited liability was set not as a function of the potential cost of the damage caused by an incident, but as a function of the capacity of operators to buy financial security for their third-party liability. Limited liability is an effective subsidy to the nuclear industry and should be abolished. Nuclear operators must be subject to unlimited liability just like any other industrial corporations.

Concentration of liability (legal channeling) also clearly favors the wider nuclear industry because suppliers cannot be held liable for damage caused by goods or services they supplied. Closely linked to concentration of liability is the concentration of jurisdiction. The aim of this provision is to guarantee that no judge in a country other than that where the incident occurred will accept jurisdiction and apply legislation denying limited and concentrated liability. Overall, the balance of the conventions is largely to the advantage of the nuclear industry, which is unsurprising given that their principles are based on studies conducted on behalf of the US Atomic Forum the mentioned Preliminary and Harvard studies).

Given the conclusion that a nuclear operator should not be able to benefit from any limitation of liability, there is little advantage in advocating that the liability levels of power plants whose reactors have been granted lifetime extensions should be higher than those of other nuclear power plants. To allow such a difference would be implicitly to favor limited liability for ‘non-extended’ reactors. There is no reason why non-extended reactors should continue to receive such a subsidy.

The question then arises whether given its larger risk, a life-extended nuclear reactor should perhaps be subject to a higher level of compulsory liability insurance. Such a proposal is unconvincing. If European operators were pooled in an US-type system of retrospective premiums, the operators would mutually monitor one another. We can assume that they would not allow a bad risk into their system. If a life-extended reactor represented a higher risk, this would inevitably be reflected in the premium demanded of the operator.

Another severe criticism of the current nuclear compensation system offered by the conventions is that it would potentially compensate only about one per cent of the damage caused by a major nuclear incident. This situation needs to be changed not only in the framework of reactor lifetime extension, but also for all current and newly built nuclear power plants.

Given the clear advantages of the US nuclear liability and insurance system, other countries should envisage the creation of a similar model. It is true that the US system is not perfect either, since for example it also limits operators’ liability. Moreover, the retrospective premium creates a potential insolvency risk, while it is to be feared that the US Government would intervene if damage were to exceed the second tier of coverage. However, the Price-Anderson Act does internalize the costs of a nuclear accident to a much greater extent than the system defined by the nuclear liability conventions.

Politics, public participation and nuclear ageing

This chapter explores the means by which the public can influence decisions on the lifetime extension of nuclear reactors. As already described in earlier chapters, the decision to extend the lifetime of an ageing nuclear reactor is made on the basis of interactions between a range of factors. Nuclear safety is one of these, and at least in terms of nuclear public relations it is given priority. Reality shows, however, that economic or political arguments can play an overriding role.

As Chapter 1 explains, in terms of nuclear safety we are entering a new era of risk. Due to the short-lived nuclear construction boom starting in the 1970s, the number of reactors operating beyond their originally foreseen design lifetime of 30 or 40 years is growing rapidly. And after Fukushima, public concerns around nuclear power are growing as well. These anxieties have already brought a de facto end to the nuclear renaissance previously talked up by the industry, with reactor construction worldwide slowing considerably. However, the industry is also weary of any increase in public concern about old reactors, hiding the reality behind acronyms such as PLEX (plant life-time extension) or the more recently introduced term LTO (long-term operation). Few people know that these terms denote plans to increase the lifetime of what are already outdated nuclear designs by 50 or even 100 per cent. If they knew, many might feel that this was an unacceptable gamble on technology.

Ownership status of the operator. In a number of countries, such as Ukraine, the Czech Republic and Hungary, the nuclear operator is a state-owned company and dividends from the operation of nuclear power plants go to the state budget. This can compromise the government’s objectivity concerning lifetime extension of older reactors, because their continued operation will help to meet budget commitments. Because the respective governments also have a seat on the board of their state-owned utilities, the national nuclear regulator has to withstand coordinated pressure from both sides.

Conversely, privatization can also lead to complications in reactor lifetime decisions. We have already mentioned the example of Borssele in the Netherlands, where after privatization of the state-owned utility, the lifetime restriction to 40 years (the reactor’s design lifetime) was overturned and the reactor’s lifetime prolonged by 20 years under threat of large compensation claims. The Dutch nuclear regulator, de Kerntechnische Dienst, which is part of the Ministry of Economic Affairs, Agriculture and Innovation, is currently under pressure of this political promise for an extended lifetime in its assessment to allow prolonged operation after a PSR.

Political clout of the operator When Angela Merkel became Chancellor of Germany for the second time in 2009, she had to fulfil her election promise to the four nuclear operators, in return for supporting her new party, that she would reassess the nuclear phase-out law adopted in 2002. This reassessment resulted in September 2010 in an average extension of reactor lifetimes of 8 years for older reactors and 14 years for newer reactors. However, this decision was reversed a few months later after the Fukushima disaster.

Other factors. There are in addition other factors, known from previous nuclear decisions, that may influence a decision to grant a lifetime extension to an ageing nuclear reactor. These include energy security arguments (especially where there is little awareness of potential alternatives), legal complexity, lack of access to information (for example where the operator has an information monopoly on crucial data), and undue influence on the operator’s part on the national media (for example as a major advertiser).

The regulator under pressure Among the stakeholders in the decision process around lifetime extension, a country’s nuclear regulator holds a key position. Not only can it order the closure of a nuclear reactor that it deems substandard, it can also demand proposals for upgrades, prescribe upgrades or prescribe changes in management and safety culture. In addition to nuclear safety, its decisions will have implications for the economics of the power plant and its operator, as well as for its organizational culture. Given the powerful position most nuclear operators hold in national life – many of them have a significant share of the national electricity market, in some cases amounting to more than half – the regulator’s decisions are also highly political. Accordingly, proven independence is vital to enable the nuclear regulator to maintain a non-negotiable emphasis on nuclear safety.

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945 U.S. Superfund sites vulnerable to climate change

Sources: GAO analysis of Environmental Protectoin Agency, Federal Emergency Management Agency, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, and U.S. Forest Service data; GAO-20-73

Preface. The energy crisis is likely to strike soon since global peak oil production was reached in November 2018 (EIA 2020). Let’s use energy to clean up these Superfund sites and nuclear waste, rather than wasting energy on wind turbines and solar panels. Time is running out. Over 945 Superfund sites (of 1,315) may be affected by climate change due to floods, wildfires, storm surge, or sea level rise in the future.

In the late 90s, during President Bill Clinton’s second term, the EPA averaged 87 completed cleanups per year; over the first six years of the George W. Bush administration, the number dipped to 40; Obama’s first year in office saw 20 completed clean ups and in 2014 the number dived to a piddly eight. By the tail-end of the Obama years there were still 1,300-plus sites on the Superfund National Priorities List—the worst of the worst—and some 53 million people living within three miles of one. Under Trump, officials deleted seven sites from the Superfund list in 2017, 22 in 2018 and 27 in 2019—the highest single-year total since 2001.Stagnated projects like Butte, Montana’s noxious Berkeley Pit have been reinvigorated and schedules have been accelerated, like at Indiana’s USS Lead site, a former lead ore refinery, and the West Lake Landfill in Missouri. (Ferry 2020).

EPA places sites into the following six broad categories based on the type of activity at the site that led to the release of hazardous material:

  1. Manufacturing sites include wood preservation and treatment, metal finishing and coating, electronic equipment, and other types of manufacturing facilities.
  2. Mining sites include mining operations for metals or other substances.
  3. “Multiple” sites include sites with operations that fall into more than one of EPA’s categories.
  4. “Other” sites include sites that often have contaminated sediments or groundwater plumes with no identifiable source.
  5. Recycling sites include recycling operations for batteries, chemicals, and oil recovery.
  6. Waste management sites include landfills and other types of waste disposal facilities.

Superfund in the news:

2020 Biden will inherit hundreds of toxic waste Superfund sites, with climate threats looming. The EPA’s program for cleaning up the nation’s hazardous waste dumps has a backlog of sites that lack funding — the largest in 15 years.

Alice Friedemann  www.energyskeptic.com Women in ecology  author of 2021 Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy best price here; 2015 When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, & “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”.  Podcasts: Crazy Town, Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity

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GAO. 2019. SUPERFUND. EPA should take additional actions to manage risks from climate change. United States Government Accountability Office.

Climate change may increase the frequency and intensity of certain natural disasters, which could damage Superfund sites—the nation’s most contaminated hazardous waste sites.

Federal data suggests about 60% of Superfund sites overseen by EPA are in areas that may be impacted by wildfires and different types of flooding—natural hazards that may be exacerbated by climate change.

We found that EPA has taken some actions to manage risks at these sites. However, we recommend it provide direction on integrating climate information into site-level decision making to ensure long-term protection of human health and the environment.

*** Notes from the report:

As of September 2019, there were 1,336 active sites on the list, and 421 sites that EPA had determined need no further cleanup action (deleted sites). About 90 percent of these active and deleted NPL sites are nonfederal sites, where EPA generally carries out or oversees the cleanup conducted by one or more potentially responsible parties (PRP). The other NPL sites—approximately 10 percent—are located at federal facilities, and the federal agencies that administer those facilities are responsible for their cleanup.

in a 2007 report, the National Research Council noted that buried contaminated sediments at Superfund sites may be transported during storms or other high-flow events, becoming a source of future exposure and risk.

SEA LEVEL RISE: We identified 110 nonfederal NPL sites—7 percent—located in areas that would be inundated by a sea level rise of 3 feet, based on our analysis of EPA and NOAA data as of March 2019 and September 2018, respectively. Our analysis shows that if sea level in these areas rose by 1 foot, 97 sites would be inundated. If sea level in these areas rose by 8 feet, 158 sites would be inundated. We also identified 84 nonfederal NPL sites that are located in areas that may already be inundated at high tide

In 2017, Hurricane Harvey dumped an unprecedented amount of rainfall over the greater Houston area, damaging several Superfund sites that contain hazardous substances. At one site on the San Jacinto River in Texas, floodwater eroded part of the structure containing such substances, including dioxins, which are highly toxic and can cause cancer and liver and nerve damage

And much more at https://www.gao.gov/assets/710/702158.pdf

References

EIA (2020) International Energy Statistics. Petroleum and other liquids. Data Options. U.S. Energy Information Administration. Select crude oil including lease condensate to see data past 2017.

Ferry D (2020) The One Incredibly Green Thing Donald Trump Has Done. Politico.

 

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Trucks running on CNG or LNG

Preface. My books “When Trucks stop running” and “Life After Fossil Fuels” explain why trucks can’t run on electricity — batteries simply don’t scale up, they are too heavy leaving little if any room for cargo. A catenary system has many issues, is not commercial anywhere and time is running out, and is too expensive to put on the necessary thousands of miles of federal and state highways. Catenary also requires a second propulsion method for when the truck is not on the overhead wires (picking up and delivering cargo, passing slower trucks, getting around road work and obstacles), which doubles their cost. And besides, as both books show, the electric grid can’t ever be 100% renewable for many reasons, and so the electric grid will someday come down for good, especially when natural gas is in short supply.

The U.S. has very little transportation using Compressed or Liquefied Natural Gas (CNG, LNG). While natural gas lasts, it can be compressed (CNG) for local fleets that fill up overnight, and LNG fleets could go longer distances if LNG distribution systems were built. CNG filling stations cost a lot though, $1 million, and LNG stations $2 million.

China and other nations have already built millions of natural gas vehicles. CNG and LNG trucks will be an essential backup for when oil shortages begin within the next few years (though natural gas shortages will happen too).  Have Amazon and UPS read my books? Amazon has ordered a mix of 700 class 6 and class 8 CNG trucks, and presumably is building CNG stations. UPS plans to buy 6,000 CNG trucks over the next 3 years (Sanicola 2021).

Alice Friedemann   www.energyskeptic.com  author of “Life After Fossil Fuels: A Reality Check on Alternative Energy”, 2021, Springer; “When Trucks Stop Running: Energy and the Future of Transportation”, 2015, Springer, Barriers to Making Algal Biofuels, and “Crunch! Whole Grain Artisan Chips and Crackers”. Podcasts: Collapse Chronicles, Derrick Jensen, Practical Prepping, KunstlerCast 253, KunstlerCast278, Peak Prosperity , XX2 report

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Below is an overview of obstacles to using Compressed natural gas (CNG) or Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) in transportation:

NPC chapter 14 obstacles to truck CNG LNG

NPC chapter 14 obstacles to truck CNG LNG 2

 

 

 

 

 

 

energy density volume MJ per liter

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 Volumetric energy density of chemical fuels in MJ/liter

An objection that railroads have to CNG and LNG are their low energy densities (shown above) compared to diesel fuel, and also natural gas’s volatility and low energy density make handling it difficult. Whatever the technology, gas conditioning incurs high handling costs and has limited flexibility. Unlike oil, for instance, which is fungible, natural gas relies on a heavy infrastructure pressurized or storage caverns or cryogenic carrier).

Brief Review Of LNG As A Transportation Fuel

LNG has been used as a transportation fuel since the 1970’s, although in limited volumes for heavy-duty and fleet applications. In 2001, LNG vehicles accounted for only about 7.6 million gallons (about 2%) of the 366 million gallons of alternative fuels consumed in the United States and a fraction of the 30 billion gallons of diesel consumed by freight trucks annually.

There are an estimated 7,000 vehicles with LNG fuel tanks operating in the U.S. today; public transit systems operate hundreds of LNG-fueled buses in Dallas, Phoenix, El Paso, Austin, Los Angeles and Orange County. LNG is also established and growing quickly as a transport fuel for short-haul, heavy-duty fleets. For example in June 2010, the Ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach announced the replacement of 800+ diesel drayage trucks with LNG trucks and, in April 2011, ordered 200 LNG vehicles for water services operations.

Mining and refuse collection vehicles also represent major existing applications. LNG has also been used to fuel the LNG vessels engaged in international trade and in 20 other marine vessel applications (as of 2010) like ferries, offshore supply vessels and patrol vessels, outside of the U.S., predominantly in Norway. A future increase use of LNG as marine fuel on inland waterways and near-sea shipping is expected.

Large vehicles with frame rail mounted tanks can hold up to 300 gallons of LNG. Most natural gas engines can use either LNG or CNG as a fuel source. LNG is typically used in medium/heavy duty applications where the higher fuel density compared to CNG maximizes driving range while minimizing weight and space required for fuel storage.

Imports of LNG or local LNG production for transportation fuel are currently performed throughout the U.S. These producers then contract the transportation of LNG fuel to approximately 65 refueling sites across the country to fleets with purpose-built cryogenic trailers. There are an estimated 170 LNG transportation trailer trucks operating in North America and each truck has the capacity to deliver 9,000-13,000 gallons per load, limited by maximum payload.

Currently LNG vehicle use is heavily concentrated in California with 71% of US refueling facilities located in the state. It is estimated that at least 200,000 gallons/day of LNG were trucked into California in 2006. National consumption in transportation has continued to increase with the addition of new LNG production sites such as Clean Energy’s plant in Boron, CA which produces 160,000 gallons of LNG per day.

Refueling sites are almost all owned and used by transit fleet vehicles.

CNG lower mileage, heavy and expensive tanks

Mileage will not be nearly as good, not only because the energy density of CNG and LNG is much less than diesel, but the tanks to store CNG are very heavy and expensive:

Classification and Comparisons of Light-Duty CNG Cylinder Options

Classification and Comparisons of Light-Duty CNG Cylinder Options

The primary natural gas Heavy-Duty market hurdles that need to be overcome include:

  • High vehicle costs due to limited volumes of factory finished vehicles and engines, and low volume of demand for natural gas systems.
  • Limited refueling infrastructure currently in-place.
  • A broader range of engine options is required to meet the wide variety of HD vehicle applications.

Natural gas retail refueling infrastructure is in an early stage development and will require major expansion and investment to meet the growing demands for natural gas transportation fuel as the industry commercializes. As of March 2012, there were 988 CNG stations compared to ~160,000 retail gasoline stations, and 47 LNG stations serving HD vehicles. The transition to a fully scaled and mature retail infrastructure system to serve the Light and heavy-duty markets will take time and investment.

The technology opportunities for infrastructure include: Improvements in modular CNG dispensing systems to improve the cost effectiveness of retail station upgrades. Cost and performance of CNG compressor systems. Small-scale LNG technology to support localized HD fleets.

There are approximately 500 trucks distributing LNG through specific cryogenic tank trailers. Major LNG tanker firms move the product for two markets: peak shaving facilities in the Northeast and the Heavy-duty transportation market in the Southwest. The economics of LNG distribution have a disadvantage over diesel as typical trailers carry 10,000 gallons of LNG or 6,700 diesel equivalent gallons (DEG) compared to 9,000 gallons of diesel.

CNG stations are designed to accept incoming fuel from the distribution system, and then compress that incoming gas to the dispensing pressures of approximately 3,600 pounds per square inch (psi). On-site equipment typically includes dryers to remove moisture from the natural gas, multistage compressors to boost natural gas from distribution/transmission pressures to 4,500 to 5,000 psi, high-pressure storage cylinders to act as pressure buffers for pressure filling vehicles, and dispensers to transfer fuel to vehicles. CNG is pressure transferred from storage to the lower pressure of the vehicle, which is typically 3,600 psi at full fill. Incremental land requirements for CNG stations are minimal when compared to gasoline stations since large volumes of fuel are not required to be stored due to the interconnection with the distribution system.

There are less than 10,000 truck stops across the nation providing diesel fuel to the heavy-duty truck fleet. These truck stops sell approximately 32 billion gallons of diesel for on-road heavy-duty trucks.

The majority of the engines in the medium and heavy categories tend to be certified using the Diesel engine provisions as they are based on diesel engine platforms. One of the key distinguishing features of the alternative pathways is the useful life.

  • For gasoline Otto engines, this is 10 years or 110,000 miles, whichever occurs first, across all categories.
  • For Diesel engines, the useful life for medium heavy-duty diesel engines is 10 years or 185,000 miles, whichever occurs first, and for heavy heavy-duty diesel engines, useful life rises to 10 years, 435,000 miles, or 22,000 hours, whichever occurs first.

For Class 8b combination trucks running high annual mileage, U.C. Davis estimates fuel can be up to 40% of the total cost.  In an industry with small operating margins, managing the cost of fuel is a key strategic activity, and hence the drive to improve fuel economy or minimize the purchased cost of fuel.

Some of the critical technical pathways for natural gas systems in HD vehicles include: Combustion strategy, Torque and power, Fuel economy and fuel strategies Complexity of changes to base diesel engine, After treatment, Fuel storage (CNG and LNG), and  System incremental cost.

Compared to the diesel baseline engine, the natural gas variants typically have a reduced thermal efficiency due to throttling and low compression ratio resulting in approximately 7 to 10% lower fuel economy in current applications.

Adapting diesel engines to operate with natural gas using spark ignition technologies similar to gasoline engines has been the prevalent approach to date. The adaptation involves lowering compression ratio, modifying cylinder heads to incorporate spark plugs, and the addition of a throttle to modulate airflow, often accompanied by a reduced size of turbocharger because of the lower air demands relative to diesel.

Typical Operating Cost Breakdown of Class 8b Truck. American Trucking Association, “Is Natural Gas a Viable Alternative to Diesel for the Trucking Industry?

Because of the low energy density of natural gas compared to diesel, CNG has largely been restricted to vehicle applications that either require only modest operating range or that can accommodate significant numbers of cylinders such as transit buses and refuse collection.

Cost of Renewable Natural Gas (RNG)

Cost of Renewable Natural Gas (RNG)

References

NPC (2012) Chapter 14 Natural Gas & Topic Paper #21 An Initial Qualitative Discussion on Safety Considerations for LNG Use in Transportation. National Petroleum Council.

Sanicola L (2021) Exclusive: Amazon orders hundreds of trucks that run on natural gas. Reuters.

U.S. Department of Energy, Alternative Fuels and Advanced Vehicles Data Center (website), “Alternative Fueling Station Total Counts by State and Fuel Type,” 2012,  http://www.afdc.energy.gov/afdc/ fuels/stations_counts.html

 

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